Ormulum

Unusually for work of the period, the Ormulum is neither anonymous nor untitled. Orm names himself at the end of the dedication:

At the start of the preface, the author identifies himself again, using a different spelling of his name, and gives the work a title:

The name "Orm" derives from Old Norse, meaning worm, serpent or dragon. With the suffix of "myn" for "man" (hence "Ormin"), it was a common name throughout the Danelaw area of England. The metre probably dictated the choice between each of the two forms of the name. The title of the poem, "Ormulum", is modeled after the Latin word speculum ("mirror"),[2] so popular in the title of medieval Latin non-fiction works that the term speculum literature is used for the genre.

The Danish name is not unexpected; the language of the Ormulum, an East Midlands dialect, is stringently of the Danelaw.[3] It includes numerous Old Norse phrases (particularly doublets, where an English and Old Norse term are co-joined), but there are very few Old French influences on Orm's language.[4] Another—likely previous—East Midlands work, the Peterborough Chronicle, shows a great deal of French influence. The linguistic contrast between it and the work of Orm demonstrates both the sluggishness of the Norman influence in the formerly Danish areas of England and the assimilation of Old Norse features into early Middle English.[5]

The interior of the church of Bourne Abbey, where the Ormulum may have been composed: the two nave arcades, although now whitewashed, remain from the church Orm would have known.

According to the work's dedication, Orm wrote it at the behest of Brother Walter, who was his brother both affterr þe flæshess kinde (biologically, "after the flesh's kind") and as a fellow canon of an Augustinian order.[6] With this information, and the evidence of the dialect of the text, it is possible to propose a place of origin with reasonable certainty. While some scholars, among them Henry Bradley, have regarded the likely origin as Elsham Priory in north Lincolnshire,[7] as of the mid-1990s it became widely accepted that Orm wrote in the Bourne Abbey in Bourne, Lincolnshire.[8] Two additional pieces of evidence support this conjecture: firstly, Arrouaisian canons established the abbey in 1138, and secondly, the work includes dedicatory prayers to Peter and Paul, the patrons of Bourne Abbey.[9] The Arrouaisian rule was largely that of Augustine, so that its houses often are loosely referred to as Augustinian.[10]

Scholars cannot pinpoint the exact date of composition. Orm wrote his book over a period of decades and the manuscript shows signs of multiple corrections through time.[11] Since it is an autograph, with two of the three hands in the text generally believed by scholars to be Orm's own, the date of the manuscript and the date of composition would have been the same. On the evidence of the third hand (that of a collaborator who entered the pericopes at the head of each homily) it is thought that the manuscript was finished c. 1180, but Orm may have begun the work as early as 1150.[12] The text has few topical references to specific events that could be used to identify the period of composition more precisely.

Only one copy of the Ormulum exists, as Bodleian Library MS Junius 1.[13] In its current state, the manuscript is incomplete: the book's table of contents claims that there were 242 homilies, but only 32 remain.[14] It seems likely that the work was never finished on the scale planned when the table of contents was written, but much of the discrepancy was probably caused by the loss of gatherings from the manuscript. There is no doubt that such losses have occurred even in modern times, as the Dutch antiquarian Jan van Vliet, one of its seventeenth-century owners, copied out passages that are not in the present text.[15] The amount of redaction in the text, plus the loss of possible gatherings, led J. A. W. Bennett to comment that "only about one fifth survives, and that in the ugliest of manuscripts".[16]

The parchment used in the manuscript is of the lowest quality, and the text is written untidily, with an eye to economical use of space; it is laid out in continuous lines like prose, with words and lines close together, and with various additions and corrections, new exegesis, and allegorical readings, crammed into the corners of the margins (as can be seen in the reproduction above). Robert Burchfield argues that these indications "suggest that it was a 'workshop' draft which the author intended to have recopied by a professional scribe".[17]

It seems curious that a text so obviously written with the expectation that it would be widely copied should exist in only one manuscript and that, apparently, a draft. Treharne has taken this as suggesting that it is not only modern readers who have found the work tedious.[18] Orm, however, says in the preface that he wishes Walter to remove any wording that he finds clumsy or incorrect.[19]

The provenance of the manuscript before the seventeenth century is unclear. From a signature on the flyleaf we know that it was in van Vliet's collection in 1659. It was auctioned in 1666, after his death, and probably was purchased by Franciscus Junius, from whose library it came to the Bodleian as part of the Junius donation.[20]^[A]

The Ormulum consists of 18,956 lines of metrical verse, explaining Christian teaching on each of the texts used in the mass throughout the church calendar.[21] As such, it is the first new homily cycle in English since the works of Ælfric of Eynsham (c. 990). The motivation was to provide an accessible English text for the benefit of the less educated, which might include some clergy who found it difficult to understand the Latin of the Vulgate, and the parishioners who in most cases would not understand spoken Latin at all.[22]

Each homily begins with a paraphrase of a Gospel reading (important when the laity did not understand Latin), followed by exegesis.[23] The theological content is derivative; Orm closely follows Bede's exegesis of Luke, the Enarrationes in Matthoei, and the Glossa Ordinaria of the Bible. Thus, he reads each verse primarily allegorically rather than literally.[24] Rather than identify individual sources, Orm refers frequently to "ðe boc" and to the "holy book".[25] Bennett has speculated that the Acts of the Apostles, Glossa Ordinaria, and Bede were bound together in a large Vulgate Bible in the abbey so that Orm truly was getting all of his material from a source that was, to him, a single book.[26]

Although the sermons have been deemed "of little literary or theological value"[27] and though Orm has been said to possess "only one rhetorical device", that of repetition,[28] the Ormulum never was intended as a book in the modern sense, but rather as a companion to the liturgy. Priests would read, and congregations hear, only a day's entry at a time. The tedium that many experience when attempting to read the Ormulum today would not exist for persons hearing only a single homily each day. Furthermore, although Orm's poetry is, perhaps, subliterary, the homilies were meant for easy recitation or chanting, not for aesthetic appreciation; everything from the overly strict metre to the orthography might function only to aid oratory.[29]

Although earlier metrical homilies, such as those of Ælfric and Wulfstan, were based on the rules of Old English poetry, they took sufficient liberties with metre to be readable as prose. Orm does not follow their example. Rather, he adopts a "jog-trot fifteener" for his rhythm, based on the Latin iambic septenarius, and writes continuously, neither dividing his work into stanzas nor rhyming his lines, again following Latin poetry.[30] Orm was humble about his oeuvre: he admits in the preface that he frequently has padded the lines to fill out the metre, "to help those who read it", and urges his brother Walter to edit the poetry to make it more meet.[31]

A brief sample may help to illustrate the style of the work. This passage explains the background to the Nativity:

Rather than conspicuous literary merit, the chief scholarly value of the Ormulum derives from Orm's idiosyncratic orthographical system.[32] He states that since he dislikes the way that people are mispronouncing English, he will spell words exactly as they are pronounced, and describes a system whereby vowel length and value are indicated unambiguously.[33]

Orm's chief innovation was to employ doubled consonants to show that the preceding vowel is short and single consonants when the vowel is long.[34] For syllables that ended in vowels, he used accent marks to indicate length. In addition to this, he used three distinct letter forms for the letter g depending on how they sounded. He used insular <ᵹ> for the palatal approximant [j], a flat-topped <ꟑ> for the velar stop [ɡ], and a Carolingian <g> for the palato-alveolar affricate [d͡ʒ],[35] although in printed editions the last two letters may be left undistinguished.[36] His devotion to precise spelling was meticulous. For example, he originally used eo and e inconsistently for words such as beon and kneow, which had been spelled with eo in Old English. At line 13,000 he changed his mind and went back to change all the eo spellings in the book, replacing them with e alone (ben and knew), to reflect the pronunciation.[37]

The combination of this system with the rigid metre, and the stress patterns this meter implies, provides enough information to reconstruct his pronunciation with some precision; making the reasonable assumption that Orm's pronunciation was in no way unusual, this permits scholars of the history of English to develop an exceptionally precise snapshot of exactly how Middle English was pronounced in the Midlands in the second half of the twelfth century.[38]

Orm's book has a number of innovations that make it valuable. As Bennett points out, Orm's adaptation of a classical metre with fixed stress patterns anticipates future English poets, who would do much the same when encountering foreign language prosodies.[39] The Ormulum is also the only specimen of the homiletic tradition in England between Ælfric and the fourteenth century, as well as the last example of the Old English verse homily. It also demonstrates what would become Received Standard English two centuries before Geoffrey Chaucer.[40] Further, Orm was concerned with the laity. He sought to make the Gospel comprehensible to the congregation, and he did this perhaps forty years before the Fourth Council of the Lateran of 1215 "spurred the clergy as a whole into action".[41] At the same time, Orm's idiosyncrasies and attempted orthographic reform make his work vital for understanding Middle English. The Ormulum is, with the Ancrene Wisse and the Ayenbite of Inwyt, one of the three crucial texts that have enabled philologists to document the transition from Old English to Middle English.[42]

• Allegory in the Middle Ages
• Biblical criticism
• Biblical studies
• List of biblical commentaries

A. ^{^} Quotations are from Holt (1878). The dedication and preface are both numbered separately from the main body of the poem.

• Bennett, J. A. W. (1986). Gray, Douglas (ed.). Middle English Literature. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN 0-19-812214-4.
• Bennett, J. A. W.; Smithers, G. V., eds. (1982). Early Middle English Verse and Prose (2nd ed.). Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN 0-19-871101-8.
• Burchfield, Robert W. (1987). "Ormulum". In Strayer, Joseph R. (ed.). Dictionary of the Middle Ages. Vol. 9. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. p. 280. ISBN 0-684-18275-0.
• Holt, Robert, ed. (1878). The Ormulum: with the notes and glossary of Dr R. M. White. Two vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Internet Archive: Volume 1; Volume 2.
• Matthew, H. C. G.; Harrison, Brian, eds. (2004). The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Vol. 41. Oxford: Clarendon Press. p. 936. ISBN 0-19-861391-1.
• Napier, Arthur S. (1894). "Notes on the orthography of the Ormulum". History of the holy Rood-tree : a twelfth century version of the cross-legend with notes on the orthography of the Ormulum and a middle English Compassio Mariae. London: Publisht for the Early English Text Society by Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & co., limited.
• Parkes, M. B. (1983). "On the Presumed Date and Possible Origin of the Manuscript of the Orrmulum". In Stanley, E. G.; Gray, Douglas (eds.). Five Hundred Years of Words and Sounds: A Festschrift for Eric Dobson. Cambridge: D. S. Brewer. pp. 115–27. ISBN 0-85991-140-3.
• Treharne, Elaine, ed. (2000). Old and Middle English: An Anthology. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN 0-631-20465-2.

• "The Ormulum Project (3.0)". Stockholm University website. Stockholm University.
• "The Ormulum Project (2.0)". Stockholm University website. Stockholm University. Archived from the original on 2 April 2015. [click on links in left margin]
• MS Junius 1 images available on Digital Bodleian
• MS Junius 1 in the Bodleian Libraries catalogue of Medieval Manuscripts