Adamawa Emirate

The earliest reference of Fulbe around the area of the Adamawa region was in the Kanem-Bornu empire when they came as envoys of the emperor of Mali during the 13th-century. A century later, more Fulbe migrated to Hausaland especially to Kano during the reign of Yakubu. These Fulani settlers brought many books on Islamic thought and Law from Mali. Some others continued further east to Bornu and settled there. There was a steady flow of Fulbe immigrants to this region and by the 16th-century there were considerable number of them in Hausaland, Bornu, Bagirmi and among the Jukun in Kwararafa.[5][2]

A Fulani from the Sokoto Caliphate

The Fulbe became known for their learning and understanding of Islam. The Bornu king, Mai Dunama ibn Hajj Ali (1476-1503), gave official recognition to their contribution to the Muslim community in Bornu. He conferred upon an Ardo (Fulani chief) and removed the requirement for him and all the Fulbe he led to pay taxes. All the subsequent Mais (or kings) of Bornu honoured this arrangement throughout the 16th and 17th centuries. It was not unusual to find the Bornu kings going to war on other groups to protect the Fulbe from raids during this period. This Fulbe, in turn, continued teaching and joining the army to fight for Bornu. At the turn of the 18th-century however, perhaps due to their political ambition, Fulani people lost the support of the Bornu aristocracy. Mai Hamdan ibn Dunama failed to honour the tax agreement and the Fulbe were openly harassed in the kingdom. Due to this and other factors like famine and the general decline of the Kanem-Bornu empire, many Fulbe decided to find new homes elsewhere which led to many to migrate to Hausaland and the Adamawa region.[2]^: 20–49

The early Fulbe settlers in the Adamawa region were not driven by religious zeal or intention to conquer or dominate. Because these early Fulbe were not warlike, the migrations into this region, like earlier in the other regions, were peaceful. As a French colonial administrator, M. Masson puts it:

Since the fifteenth century, they had introduced themselves into the country in the most harmless manner, soliciting permission from the natives of the soil to graze and water their flock. Attracted by the rich pastures, several of the heads of the families settled in these territories as customers of the local populations.[2]^: 39

They generally avoided conflicts and built relationships with the local populations sometimes through inter-marriages. Trade also helped improve these relationships as the local communities provided supplies like honey, fish and grain and in turn the Fulani provided milk, meat, butter and hide. It was tasked on the Ardo to facilitate building of relationships with the local populations. Herder-farmer conflicts inevitably occurred, but these cases were typically resolved on an individual level between the farmers and herders involved. The Ardo would usually cooperate with local authorities to handle such cases, if necessary.[2]^: 20–49

In some communities, particularly the Bata, the Fulbe settlers were required to adhere to jus primae noctis.[6] In order to live in peace in these areas, some Fulani groups agreed to this arrangement. Many of the families however, evaded the custom by paying a bull or two to the chief as a substitute. In most cases, when certain conditions or practices were enforced on the Fulbe, they left the area to find a more suitable place (like in Bornu) but in this case, in the Benue regions, the conditions were too favourable for permanent settlements.

The rich Fulani families did not worry having to pay to avoid the jus primae noctis but the problem came from how the payments were collected. The chief would send his collectors to the father of the girl or the head of the family when he thinks he would not get enough from the Ardo. He would then proceed to select the required number of cattle usually picking out the best cattle. At around 1803, this practice caused a conflict. One Ardo Njobbo of the Ba'an (a Fulani clan), refused to make the payment or surrender his daughter to a local prince. The prince then proceeded to pick out a cattle from the Ardo's herd. Njobbo then ordered his men to kill the prince which led to a violent conflict between local Fulbe and Bata groups. This fight is said to have led to the death of Modibbo Adama's father, Modibbo Hassana.[2][6]

The jihad in the region later called Adamawa was an offshoot of Uthman dan Fodio's jihad in Hausaland. Uthman's jihad started in February 1804 with the hijra from Degel to Gudu and later declaration of jihad against Yunfa, Sarkin Gobir. Despite the jihad battles ongoing in the north and west of Adamawa by Buba Yero and Uthman's other flag-bearers particularly in Uba, Bazza and Kanem-Bornu, the Fulbe of Adamawa were not interested until five years later in 1809.

A Fulani warrior (1912)

Horsemen in Yola (1955)

News about the jihad eventually reached Adamawa through the activities of Buba Yero of Gombe. Some Muslim Ardo'en held a meeting in Gurin to reach a decision on how to approach the situation. Unlike Uthman in Gobir, the Adamawa jihad was not found on self-defence. The Muslims of the Adamawa region were not prohibited from practicing Islam. They did not engage in any major conflicts with the local populations. The region was highly diverse ethnically, linguistically, and religiously. Even the Adamawa Fulani Muslims were not highly knowledgeable about the religion, and even today, the Mbororo are not Muslims. Out of the four instances in which Uthman stated that jihad could be carried out against a people to establish a new government, only two applied to the Muslims of Adamawa:

(xii) And that to make war upon the heathen king who will not say 'There is no God but Allah' is obligatory by assent, and that to take the government from him is obligatory by assent; (xiii) And that to make war upon the heathen king who does not say 'There is no God but Allah' on account of the custom of his town (bi-sabab 'urfi'l-baladi), and who makes no profession of Islam, is (also obligatory by assent; and that to take the government from him is obligatory by assent;[2]^: 73–85

They reached an agreement to send a delegation to Uthman in Sokoto to get advice on their situation and get legitimacy if he decides they were eligible to launch the jihad. They appointed Modibbo Adama, a learned teacher who was familiar with Sokoto, as the leader of the delegation.The delegation reached the Shehu after months of travel and presented him with their message. After reviewing the situation, Uthman instructed them to launch the jihad in Fombina ('southlands of Sokoto and Bornu'). Furthermore, he chose Adama as the leader, appointing him Lamido Fombina.[2]^: 157 The reason for Uthman's decision to pick Adama, according to a manuscript dated March 1809 in Yola, was:

...since you tell me that some of the fulani leaders did not come with you, but they sent you to come and receive the flag of the jihad from me and take it back to them. I instruct you to tell them that it is you to whom I have given this jihad flag, and tell them that who ever obeys you obeys me, and whoever swears fealty to you, it is exactly as if he had sworn fealty to me.[2]^: 73–85

Another version states:

When you return tell them this is what Shaihu gave you. Say also that I accept their greetings. Bid them place their hands in yours; whoever gives his hand to you, joins hands with me. Tell them I greet them. Make flags for them like this that I have given you, give them the flags, with the orders I have laid upon you. You are the envoy; whatsoever they desire let them tell it you, then do you come and tell me.[2]^: 73–85

Modibbo Adama bin Hassana was the son of an Ardo named Modibbo Hassana. Early in his life he left his relatives and clan in Adamawa to attain knowledge. His pursuit led him to Bornu where he studied under a renowned Mallam (Islamic teacher) called Kiari. He was there for many years learning and teaching Islam. After his study in Bornu, Adama returned to his people in Adamawa who were now settled in Gurin, a new settlement they established a few years back. During his time in Bornu, it is theorised that Adama heard about the jihad in Sokoto and most likely came back to inform his people back in Adamawa. Adama stayed in Gurin for some time, teaching the Fulbe Muslims in the community, until the meeting regarding the jihad took place.[2]^: 84–96

A Hausa man from Yola (1902)

The reactions to Uthman's decision to pick Adama as the leader shocked the Fulbe of Adamawa especially the Ardo'en who felt that he was not worthy of such an appointment.[6] Adama had very humble beginnings. His father was an ordinary Mallam. Adama lacked wealth and prestige. He was no warrior owing to his lean and tall stature. His only qualification was his knowledge of Islam and ability to explain concepts clearly. He was a fairly popular teacher in his community with even receiving a license to teach (Ijazas) from his Mallam, Kiari of Kukawa. Adama was also described as "an honest man, God fearing and unambitious for possessions".[2]^: 85 These qualities likely influenced the Ardo'en to choose him as the leader of the delegation that was sent to Sokoto. They probably thought that a man with such humble origins would not be chosen to lead the jihad. However, to Uthman, these qualities made him the ideal leader for such a cause. These qualities also made Adama trustworthy in Uthman's eyes, which was an important quality to him as he expected reports from Adama regarding the jihad and affairs of his new emirate.[2]^: 84–96

On Adama's arrival to Gurin, he was eagerly welcomed with many people waiting to receive Uthman's message and directive. As he relayed the message and informed them on his appointment as 'Lamido of Fombina', his audience started reacting differently with even one Ardo Gamawa loudly proclaiming "This is too much. A wife called Adama, a son called Adamu; And is my chief to be Adamu too? But you have forestalled us". Despite the initial mixed reactions to this news, most of the Fulbe Muslims, and later other Muslims, of Adamawa eventually rallied behind Modibbo Adama, who preferred to be referred to as Modibbo Adama rather than Lamido Adama.[2]^: 84–96

The cavalry of the Muslims were highly effective against their adversaries. There is no record of horses being used in the Adamawa region by non-Fulanis before the jihad. Unlike in Mandara and Bornu where they could be found in large numbers, horses were very scarce in Adamawa and were sometimes used for sports and ceremonies. Donkeys, on the other hand, were widely used as beasts of burden. They were cheaper and plentiful which led to their popularity. It was through their experience riding Donkeys that Fulbe from less affluent families could ride horses so effectively. Horses, weapons and armour were provided from Hausaland to the jihadists in Adamawa. They also provided military training and support. Despite their few numbers, the Adamawa Muslims were able to be successful in their jihad mostly because of the decentralised organistaion of the non-Muslims in the region. Non-Muslim ethnic groups were dispersed and lacked the unity the Muslims jihadists had. The organised non-Muslim ethnic groups like the Mandara proved to be tough adversaries for the jihadists with their war with Mandara proving to be the most difficult.

Modibbo Adama's first priority was to strengthen this unity. He appealed to the Fulbe Ardo'en to drop differences and inter-clan conflicts and to unite as Muslims. Adama preached to non-Muslim leaders and their people to convert to Islam and join the new Muslim confederation where there would not be discrimination based on race or ethnic background. Many non-Muslims converted to Islam and joined the jihad cause because of Adama's pleading. The Batta of Zummo, Malabu and Holna in particular, embraced Islam and joined the Muslim force at Gurin. By 1810-1811, a considerable number of recent converts and refugees from Bornu, many of whom were Fulbe and Shuwa Arabs, were part of the jihad Army in Adamawa. Uthman dan Fodio ordered Adama not to engage in war with the Batta and Verre:

I enjoin you not to conquer the pagans of the Batta end Verre or enslave their children. Because even if they oppress you, you are forbidden to retaliate in force and recover by force what they seized from you. But if God grants you victory over then you must let them live their own lives and not disperse them completely, and if they ask for peace you should agree.[2]^: 84–96[7]

Many Fulbe lived among the Batta people. The Batta had large numbers and were well organised socially and politically. They were seen as a formidable force. They were experienced and fierce fighters who were also effective in archery with their utilisation of poison arrows. The Batta were separated into many groups and clans but the Fulbe muslims feared that they would unite under one force to fight them. This can lead to a long war introducing constant instability in the emirate.

The Verre had fewer numbers than the Batta. They were not as organised and generally avoided wars. They have been forced to flee from their original settlements by Batta and Jukun forces. They resettled in the Verre hills in 18th century. The Verre welcomed Fulani pastoralists, particularly from the Ba'en clan, after they were also forced to flee by the Batta. These two groups regularly came together to defend against raids from the Batta. It was in the interest of the Fulbe to maintain this relationship during the jihad. The Verre also had a large supply of iron and were valuable smiths who skillfully made arrow heads, knives, hoes, and spears.[8]

The Mandara kingdom, along with the Bornu empire, was one of the most significant and well-organized states in the region. It held considerable power and influence, with its capital at Dulo, and controlled extensive territories. The Mandara kingdom had a history of conflicts with Bornu, and these clashes played a crucial role in shaping their relationship. Notably, Mandara was the sole Muslim state located south of Bornu, and it embraced Islam in the early 18th century, during the reign of Mai Bukar al-Hajj. Adama's jihad against Mandara held immense importance in the overall jihad efforts, and this conflict later became a central feature in Adama's campaigns north of the Benue River.

In the latter part of 1810, Adama assembled a sizable army and embarked on a campaign towards Mandara due to ongoing reports of Mandara's hostility towards the Fulani. Travelling through the Tiel River valley, Adama's forces arrived at Guidder. With the assistance of the local Fulbe population, Adama launched an attack against Guidder's chief, Mulli Mali, after he refused to submit and was subsequently killed. Guidder was conquered by Adama's forces. They continued their northward advance, converting numerous villages along the way. However, some villages that resisted surrender sought refuge in difficult-to-reach areas, inaccessible to cavalry. Adama established his camp at Petté, a few miles south of Dulo, the capital of Mandara. From there, he sent a letter to the Mai of Mandara, Bukar Djiama, asserting that Shehu Usman appointed him as Lamido and that Mandara fell under his jurisdiction, requiring the Mai to pay homage. In response, Bukar acknowledged Adama's authority over the Fulani and sent him presents, including a female slave. However, he adamantly refused to compromise his own sovereignty over Mandara.

The Battle of Mosfei drawn by Denham (1823)

Afterwards, Adama swiftly moved his forces to Pata, an open field that provided an advantageous setting for his cavalry. The Mandara army attempted to attack Adama's force but was unsuccessful and forced to retreat. Adama pursued them to Dulo, the capital of Mandara, which fell with little resistance. However, Mai Bukar retreated further east to Mora, a location with better defenses against cavalry. Dulo suffered extensive devastation at the hands of Adama's army. Adama then faced challenges in establishing a stable government in the city as most of its able-bodied inhabitants had either perished in battle or fled with Bukar. It became clear that Adama would need to remain in Mandara for an extended period to establish any form of governance. Complicating matters, the behavior of his men made this task difficult as their focus shifted solely to acquiring war spoils, neglecting the defense of the town. Subsequently, the Mandara warriors returned to Dulo, swiftly recaptured it, and pursued the Fulbe forces well beyond the borders of the kingdom.

The deteriorating relationship between Mandara and the Fulani worsened when Mai Bukar initiated raids on Fulani camps within his territory, capturing many Fulani Muslims as slaves. Concurrently, the Fulani settlements in Maroua, Mindif, Guider, and Bogo were solidifying their control over the Diamare region and the Mundang people. Prior to Adama's jihad, Bukar frequently utilized these settlements for slave raids. The increasing influence of the Fulani in the area significantly impacted Bukar's economic and political power. In response to the slave raids, the Fulani constructed defensive outposts fortified with massive barricades, effectively defending against both Mandara and Bornu raiders. Consequently, an alliance formed between Bornu and Mandara against the Fulbe.

Dixon Denham defending against the Fulani pursuers during the retreat of the Bornu-Mandara army

In 1823, a treaty of alliance was signed between Bornu and Mandara. Additionally, Mai Bukar offered his daughter in marriage to the Mai of Bornu, Ibrahim Ahmed. Together, they successfully launched a joint expedition into Musgum, located southwest of Mandara. By the end of 1823, tensions between Mandara and the Fulani reached their peak. The Bornu court received a delegation of well-armed Arabs, presenting an opportunity for another expedition. Bukar proposed targeting two Fulani strongholds: Mosfei and Zuay near Modzgo. The attack was launched after careful planning by Bukar. However, the Fulani forces had entrenched themselves behind high palisade barriers and unleashed a barrage of poisoned arrows on the allied Bornu and Mandara forces. The Fulani defense proved too formidable, forcing the allied forces to retreat. This battle was witnessed by the explorer Dixon Denham, and his firsthand account can be found in Clapperton's journal, Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa.[9]^{: 180–194}

Following the battle at Mosfei, the Fulani and Mandara entered a period of ongoing conflicts. To strengthen his position, Mai Bukar was compelled to fortify Mora and establish it as his administrative capital. Meanwhile, Dulo became the royal capital, serving as a symbolic center of power akin to Windsor or Versailles, where the Mai resided for parts of the year. Even today, when the Mais of Mandara ascend to the throne, they visit Dulo to don the leopard skin and other symbols associated with Gayae, the legendary founder of the kingdom. During this time, the Fulani gained control over the eastern part of Mandara. Settlements such as Mubi, Moda, Madagali, Michika, Guidder, and others firmly came under Adama's domain, with each having its own lamido.[2]^: 97–111

The British deployed 22 European officers and NCOs and 365 mercenaries, 275-mm guns and 4 Maxim guns, led by Colonel T.N.L. Morland for the occupation of Yola on 2 September 1901. They travelled using steamboats on the lake Njuwa and were anchored near a baobob tree locally called Bokki Hampeto. Colonel Morland sent a Shuwa Arab resident of Yola to send a letter to the Lamido containing their terms. The messenger came back three minutes later with the message that Lamido Zubayru refused to receive the letter. Upon receiving this message, Morland moved his troops closer to the town and then sent his messenger once again to the Lamido with threat that if his letter is refused again he would take steps to compel him to open it. Before the return of his messager, people riding on horses came out of the town to block the British. The messenger returned once again failing to deliver the letter to Lamido Zubairu as he was sent back and was told by the Lamido to warn Morland to retreat. More horsemen streamed out of the town to confront Morland and his forces. Morland calculated that it would be to their advantage to allow the people of Yola to attack first in the open. He felt it was much better than fighting in the narrow streets of Yola. He waited for the first attack from 10am to 1pm "after much shouting and exhorting from their mallams". Despite the battle starting, Morland ordered his men to "reserve our fire till the leaders were within 200 yards" before he have the order for the maxim guns to be fired. After this attack, Morland's forces went on the offensive. They advanced through the town till they reached the Lamido's palace and friday mosque which were heavily defended. Morland himself was wounded by an arrow. After this battle, the casualties Morland's forces suffered were 2 men killed and 37 wounded while the Yola forces suffered 50 men killed and 150 wounded.

The morning after, the British forces blew up the palace's visitors chambers and other "important looking buildings" in the town of Yola. Morland also heard rumors that Lamido Zubayru, who escaped with his life, fled to Gurin, forty miles east of Yola. Acting Commisoner Wallace with Colonel Morland, by steamboat, quickly travelled to Gurin in pursuit of the Lamido. With them were 8 European officers and NCOs, 150 mercenaries and 2 maxim guns. After jouneying on the river Benue, river Faro and river Heso for 26 hours, they arrived in Gurin only to be told that Emir was never there. They turned back towards Yola without any encounter. They later got information that Zubaryu was in Ribadu, fourteen miles behind them. Wallace turned back to Yola to appoint a new "Lamido" while Morland and his forces marched towards Ribadu only to find out Lamido Zubayru was had also not been there. Morland spent the night in Ribadu. On the morning of September 7, Colonel Morland shelled the town of Ribadu before returning to Yola. Boboa Ahmadu was later installed as Lamido Adamawa by the British colonial administrators.[1]^: 47–49