Agustín de Iturbide

Agustín Cosme Damián de Iturbide y Arámburu was born in what was then called Valladolid, now Morelia, the provincial capital of Michoacán, on 27 September 1783.[5][6] He was baptized with the names of Saints Cosmas and Damian at the cathedral.[7] The fifth child born to his parents, he was the only male to survive and eventually became head of the family.[8] Iturbide's parents were part of the privileged landed class of Valladolid, owning agricultural land[5][6] including the haciendas of Apeo and Guaracha as well as lands in nearby Quirio.[7]

Iturbide's father, Joaquín de Iturbide, came from a family of the Basque gentry who were confirmed in nobility by King Juan II of Aragon. One of his ancestors, Martín de Iturbide, was designated as Royal Merino in the High Valley of Baztan in the 1430s, and thereafter many in the family held political or administrative positions in the Basque Country from the 15th century. As a younger son, Joaquín was not in line to inherit the family lands, so he migrated to New Spain to make his fortune there.[8] While the aristocratic and Spanish lineage of Agustín's father was not in doubt, his mother's ancestry was less clear.

His mother was of pure Spanish blood born in Mexico, and therefore, a criolla.[7][8] Some sources state she came from a high-ranking family in Michoacán.[5][6][9] In the Spanish colonial era, racial caste was important to advancement, including military rank, and having some indigenous ancestry was often a disadvantage.[10] Iturbide insisted throughout his life that he was criollo (native born of Spanish descent).[11][12]

Agustín studied at the Catholic seminary called Colegio de San Nicolás in Valladolid, enrolled in the program for secular officials, though he was not a distinguished student.[2][5][8] After that, he worked as an overseer at one of his family's haciendas for a short time, discovering he was a very good horseman.[2][5]

Iturbide entered the royal army in 1805,[12] commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Valladolid regiment of the provincial infantry.[5][6][13] In 1806, he was promoted to full lieutenant.[8]

In 1805, when he was twenty-two, Iturbide married Doña Ana María Josefa Ramona de Huarte y Muñiz, member of the House of Tagle of the family of the Marquises of Altamira.[5][8] She came from Valladolid, from prosperous family of businessmen and landowners.[14] She was the daughter of wealthy and powerful noble Isidro de Huarte, governor of the district, and the granddaughter of the Marquis of Altamira. With her dowry of 100,000 pesos, the couple bought the Hacienda of San José de Apeo in the small town of Maravatío,[8] not far from property owned by Father Miguel Hidalgo, who became leader of the insurgency for independence in 1810.[15] Iturbide had a longstanding friendship and had business dealings with the wealthy Mexico City beauty María Ignacia Rodríguez, known as La Güera Rodríguez ("Rodríguez the Fair"), who supported the insurgency for independence.[16]

In the early 19th century, there was political unrest in New Spain. One of Iturbide's first military campaigns was to help put down a mutiny, headed by Gabriel J. de Yermo.[17]

He quickly grew in popularity amongst the royalists, whilst becoming a feared foe for the Insurgents. A peerless horseman and a valiant dragoon who acquired a reputation for achieving victory against numerical odds, his prowess in the field gained him the nom de guerre of "El Dragón de Hierro" or "The Iron Dragon", in reference to his skill and position in the army. He was given an important charge in the army. However, he was accused by locals of using his authority for financial gain although he was recognized as valiant in combat.[12] Those accusations could not be proved but cost him his post. He turned down the offer to reclaim his post since he felt that his honor had been damaged. He may have been involved in the initial conspiracy to declare independence in 1809 that was headed by José Mariano Michelena in Valladolid.[17][18] It is known by his and Hidalgo's documents that he was a distant relative of Miguel Hidalgo, the initial leader of the Insurgent Army. Hidalgo wrote to Iturbide, offering him a higher rank in his army. Iturbide writes in his memoirs that he considered the offer, but that ultimately turned it down because he considered Hidalgo's uprising ill-executed and his methods barbaric.

Flag of the Mexican Empire Regency (1821–1822).

Iturbide met with O’Donojú and Field Marshall Francisco Novella to negotiate the final terms of capitulation at the landed estate of his longtime friend, Doña María Ignacia Rodríguez de Velasco (La Güera Rodríguez).[26] The hastily negotiated a treaty, called the Treaty of Córdoba.[20] was to the Plan de Iguala, the document tried to guarantee an independent monarchy for New Spain under the Bourbon dynasty. The successor state would invite Ferdinand VII to rule as emperor or, in default, his brother Don Carlos. If both refused, a suitable monarch would be sought among the various European royal houses. In the meantime, a regency would replace the viceroy. All existing laws, including the 1812 Constitution, would remain in force until a new constitution for Mexico was written.[14] A key element was added at O'Donojú's suggestion: if Spain refused its right to appoint a regent for the Mexican Empire, the Mexican congress would have freedom to elect whomever it deemed worthy as emperor. That crucial clause was not in Iturbide's Plan de Iguala, a point against the argument that Iturbide entertained the notion of becoming the ruler when he started his campaign for Mexico's independence.

Iturbide's triumphal entrance to Mexico City

To show the military might of the alliance, Iturbide co-ordinated with associated royalist and insurgent commanders in the provinces, opting for a replay of the strategy of closing in on Mexico City from the periphery, which Morelos had attempted in 1811–14. However, Iturbide had the advantage of having most of the former royalist army on his side.[2][14] Iturbide marched into Mexico City on 27 September 1821, his own birthday, with the Army of the Three Guarantees.[25] The army was received by a jubilant populace who had erected arches of triumph and decorated houses and themselves with the tricolor (red, white, and green) of the army.[5] Cries of "¡Viva Iturbide I!" were heard first on that day. The next day, Mexico was declared an independent empire.

What remained of the royalist army retreated to Veracruz and was cornered in the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa,[23] and O'Donoju, who had been assured an important position in the government of the new empire, died shortly afterwards, dishonored by his Spaniard compatriots.

Proclamation of Iturbide the 19 May 1822.

Iturbide was named President of the Provisional Governing Junta, which selected the five-person regency that would temporarily govern the newly independent Mexico.[2] The junta had 36 members who would have legislative power until the convocation of a congress. Iturbide controlled both the membership of the junta and the matters that it considered.[3] The junta would be responsible for negotiating the offer of the throne of Mexico to a suitable royal.[6][23] Members of the former insurgent movement were left out of the government.

This new government was overwhelmingly loyal to Iturbide.[9] Opposition groups included the old insurgents as well as a number of progressives and those loyal to Ferdinand VII. Many liberals and progressives also belonged to Masonic lodges of the Scottish rite, leading these branches of the opposition to be called escoceses (Scots). The plan of Iguala was a compromise of the differing factions, but after independence, it became clear that some of the promises it had made would prove very difficult, if not impossible, to accomplish. This state of affairs started to lead to turmoil, even among those in power.

Iturbide moved back to Mexico City and settled himself in a large palatial home that now bears the name Palace of Iturbide. The mansion was lent to him by the family that owned it but was not living in it.[27]

Iturbide began to live extravagantly. He demanded preference for his army and also personally chose ministers.[23] In the meantime, Ferdinand VII rejected the offer of the Mexican throne and forbade any of his family from accepting the position, and the Spanish Cortes rejected the Treaty of Córdoba, granting Mexico its independence.[11]

Coronation of Iturbide in 1822 at the foot of the high altar of the Cathedral of Mexico City.

A half-length portrait of Mexican Emperor Agustín I and Empress Ana María Huarte de Iturbide, both pictures attributed to Josephus Arias Huerta, 1822.

First Mexican Empire 8 reales portrait of Agustín de Iturbide, (Mexico City mint).

House of Iturbide
Iturbide arms Coat of Arms
1821–1865
José Joaquín Agustín Ana María Huarte Agustin Jerónimo Sabina Juana Josefa Ángel Salvador
1865–present
Maximilian I Franz Karl of Austria Sophie of Bavaria Carlota Agustín Salvador María Josepha Sophia Maximilian von Götzen-Iturbide

Shortly after signing the Treaty of Córdoba, the Spanish government reneged.[23] Ferdinand VII had regained the upper hand against the liberals in Spain and increased his influence outside the country. He even had credible plans for the reconquest of the old colony. For those reasons, no European noble would accept the offer of a Mexican crown. In Mexico itself, there was no Mexican noble family that the populace would accept as royalty.[25]

In the meantime, the governing junta that Iturbide headed convened a constituent congress to set up the new government. The new government had indirect representation, based on the Cadiz model, but the Plan of Iguala and the Treaty of Córdoba were clear that the order of things would be kept as it had been before the Cadiz Constitution. Thus, Iturbide and the junta declared that they would not be bound by the Cadiz Constitution but kept the Congress that was convened.[14] That led to division, which came to a head in February 1822. In its inauguration, Congress swore that it would never abide for all of the powers of the state to fall into the hands of a single person or entity. It, however, proceeded to assign sovereignty to itself, rather than to the people, and proclaimed that it held all three powers of the State. It also considered lowering military pay and decreasing the size of the army. Those moves threatened to reduce Iturbide's influence in current and future governments.[3][14]

Half-length portrait as Emperor of Mexico

That led to political destabilization, which was resolved temporarily when Iturbide was elected Emperor of the Mexican nation.[14] However, it is not clear whether he took the crown at the insistence of the people or simply took advantage of the political situation.

Some call Iturbide's decision a coup[3][23] and state that the public support for him was orchestrated by him and his followers.[3][8][14] Others insist that the people's offer of the throne was sincere, as there was no other candidate and the people were grateful to him for the liberation of Mexico. The latter accounts stress that Iturbide initially rejected the offer, in favor of persuading Ferdinand VII to change his mind about ruling Mexico, but then reluctantly accepted.[8] When the liberating army entered Mexico on 27 September 1821, the army sought to proclaim Iturbide as Emperor, which he himself stopped. A month later, on 28 October, he was publicly proclaimed Emperor by the people but again refused any such attempt.

Joel Roberts Poinsett, U.S. Special Envoy to Mexico

The US government appointed Joel Roberts Poinsett as a special envoy to independent Mexico when Iturbide was declared emperor since James Monroe was concerned about how popular and long-lasting the regime might be. Poinsett indicated the empire was not likely to be enduring, but the US still recognized Mexico as an independent country. Poinsett's Notes on Mexico are an important source as a foreign view of Iturbide's regime.[28] Poinsett also took advantage of the opportunity to proposition Iturbide's government on the issue of the US wish of acquiring Mexico's northern territories but was soundly refused.

Famed Mexican author José Joaquín Fernández de Lizardi, El Pensador ("the Mexican Thinker"), the author of El Periquillo Sarniento, wrote about the subject at the time: "If your excellency be not the Emperor, then our Independence be damned. We do not wish to be free if your excellency will not be at the lead of his countrymen."[29] Timothy E. Anna points out that in the months between the achievement of Independence and his crowning as Emperor, Iturbide already practically ruled the nation, as he was president of the Regency, and the junta had granted him command over all land and sea forces. He was appointed protector of commerce, navigation, local order and ports and was given the right to expedite passports and navigation licenses even after the Emperor had been instated (and according to the Emperor's wishes). Iturbide had what he could have possibly wanted before becoming Emperor, Anna notes, and so it is not probable that Iturbide conspired to appoint himself Emperor. Iturbide himself notes in his memoirs written in exile: "I had the condescension–or, call it weakness—of allowing myself to be seated in a throne I had created for others."

Historians point out that Iturbide had quite possibly all the power, influence, and support he needed before redacting the Plan of Iguala, to crown himself Emperor, and he still wrote the Plan with the clear intention of creating a throne meant for a European noble.

Lithography of the Oath of Iturbide Constitutional Emperor of Mexico (1822).

Most historical accounts mention the crowd that gathered outside what is now the Palace of Iturbide in Mexico City shouting "Viva Iturbide!" and insist for him to take the throne of Mexico in May 1822. The crowd included Iturbide's old regiment from Celaya. Some detractors of Iturbide insist that this demonstration was staged by Iturbide himself or his loyalists. From a balcony of the palace, Iturbide repeatedly denied his desire for the throne. One interesting twist to the story is reported by Mexico City daily La Jornada, which states that Iturbide held the first popular referendum in Mexico. According to the article, Iturbide sent out a questionnaire to military and civilian leaders as to whether the people preferred a republic or a monarchy. The answer came back in favor of a monarchy.[30] Iturbide asked the demonstrators that night to give him the night to think it over, and to respect the wishes of the government. The Congress convened the next day to discuss the matter of Iturbide's election as Emperor. Iturbide's supporters filled the balconies overlooking the chamber. The Congress confirmed him and his title of Agustín I, Constitutional Emperor of Mexico, by a vast majority.[2][3] After Iturbide's abdication, members would state that it had elected Iturbide out of fear for their lives, as the common folk were present during the vote and loudly proclaimed Iturbide, and no member voted against his crowning as Emperor. However, three days after Iturbide had been elected Emperor, Congress held a private session in which only it was present. It ratified the decision, created titles for the royal family, and declared Iturbide's title to be lifelong and hereditary.

Iturbide's coronation was held at the Mexico City Cathedral on 21 July 1822, and his wife, Ana María, was crowned empress, in an elaborate ceremony.[3] It was attended by the bishops of Puebla, Guadalajara, Durango, and Oaxaca.[9] According to the author Pérez Memen, Archbishop of Mexico Pedro José de Fonte y Hernández Miravete objected and did not attend. Iturbide was crowned by Rafael Mangino y Mendivil, the head of the Congress, in itself a statement by Congress: the state, not the church or any other power, would be sovereign. The Congress decreed the crown to be hereditary with the title of "Prince of the Union." As emperor, Iturbide had sovereignty over lands bordered by Panama in the south and the Oregon Country in the north, including the current countries of Central America and the US states of California, Texas, Arizona, Utah, Nevada, Colorado, and New Mexico. Central America only briefly was part of the Mexican Empire of Iturbide (from 1821 to 1823),[31] because by 1823 the local patriots, both liberal and conservative, made a move for total and absolute independence from Mexico and Spain.

Agustín Jerónimo de Iturbide (firstborn son of Emperor of Mexico), a veteran of the battle of Ayacucho in Colombia, worked at the Mexican legation in London, UK, and later volunteered with the Papal Army.

On his way to exile, Iturbide and his family were escorted by former insurgent leader Nicolás Bravo, who treated Iturbide harshly. Though the republican movement had triumphed, the people still held Iturbide in high regard and greatly admired him. On his way out of the city, his carriage was surrounded by the people, the horses dismissed and the people sought to drag the carriage themselves out of the city. That treatment was customary in the entrances or exits of great figures in or out of a city. The soldiers escorting Iturbide prevented that from happening and would henceforth lead the former emperor on hidden roads, as the government feared a popular rising in favor of Iturbide.

On 11 May 1823, the ex-emperor boarded the British ship Rawlins en route to Livorno, Italy (then part of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany),[5] accompanied by his wife, children, and some servants. There, he rented a small country house and began to write his memoirs, known under the name of Manifiesto de Liorna. Iturbide and his family struggled financially during this time despite claims by historians and some members of the Congress that deposed him that Iturbide had indulged in illegal enrichment throughout his military career and rule. In exile, Iturbide was approached by a Catholic coalition of nations that sought to enlist his help in a campaign to reconquer México for Spain. Iturbide declined. Spain pressured Tuscany to expel Iturbide, and the Iturbide family moved to England.[8]

There, he published his autobiography, Statement of Some of the Principal Events in the Public Life of Agustín de Iturbide. When he was exiled, Iturbide was accorded a government pension, but it was never received by Iturbide. Congress also declared him a traitor and "outside of the law" to be killed if he ever returned to Mexico. Iturbide was unaware of the penalty. After his death, many an author decried the decree calling for Iturbide's death, as it was against all known precepts of the law at the time: it was unheard of that a law could be issued solely against a specific citizen, instead of issuing a general law that would be applied to particular cases.

Reports of a probable further Spanish attempt to retake Mexico reached Iturbide in England.[11][12] He wrote in his memoirs that he was very worried about the future of Mexico. He continued to receive reports from Mexico and advice from supporters that if he returned he would be hailed as a liberator and a potential leader against the Spanish invasion.[11] Iturbide sent word to congress in Mexico City on 13 February 1824 offering his services in the event of Spanish attack. Congress never replied.[23]

Conservative political factions in Mexico finally convinced Iturbide to return.[6][12]

Mexico City Metropolitan Cathedral

Coffin containing Agustín de Iturbide's remains in Mexico City Metropolitan Cathedral

Iturbide returned to Mexico on 14 July 1824,[3] accompanied by his wife, two children, and a chaplain (Joseph A. Lopez).[23] He landed at the port of Soto la Marina on the coast of Nuevo Santander (the modern-day state of Tamaulipas). He was initially greeted enthusiastically, but was soon arrested by General Felipe de la Garza, the local military commander. Felipe de la Garza had been the head of a short-lived revolt during Iturbide's reign. Iturbide chose to pardon the general and reinstate him in his old post. Perhaps it was because of this debt that de la Garza wavered in his resolve to detain Iturbide. On the way to his trial, de la Garza gave Iturbide command over the military escort that accompanied them and requested that Iturbide present himself to the nearby village of Padilla.[7][9] Iturbide gave his word of honor and surrendered to authorities.

The local legislature held a trial and sentenced Iturbide to death. When a local priest administered last rites, Iturbide said, "Mexicans! In the very act of my death, I recommend to you the love to the fatherland, and the observance to our religion, for it shall lead you to glory. I die having come here to help you, and I die merrily, for I die amongst you. I die with honor, not as a traitor; I do not leave this stain on my children and my legacy. I am not a traitor, no."[9] He was executed by firing squad on 19 July 1824.[6]

The aftermath of his execution was met with indignation by royalists. The sentiment of those horrified by this regicide was compiled by novelist Enrique de Olavarría y Ferrari in "El cadalso de Padilla: "Done is the dark crime, for which we will doubtlessly be called Parricides." His body was buried and abandoned at the parish church of Padilla[9] until 1833. In that year, President Santa Anna, deciding to rehabilitate the memory of Iturbide, ordered that his remains be transferred to the capital with honors. However, it was not until 1838, during the presidency of Anastasio Bustamante, that the order was confirmed and carried out. His ashes were received in Mexico City with much pomp and ceremony, and the same Congress that had been against him for so many years gave him honor as a hero of the War of Independence, if not the short imperial reign after.[17]

On 27 October 1839, his remains were placed in an urn in the Chapel of San Felipe de Jesús in the Mexico City Metropolitan Cathedral, where they remain. On the stand is an inscription in Spanish that translates to "Agustín de Iturbide. Author of the independence of Mexico. Compatriot, cry for him; passerby, admire him. This monument guards the ashes of a hero. His soul rests in the bosom of God."[7]

Iturbide's reign as emperor lasted less than a year, but as leader of the coalition that brought about Mexican independence and then as its first ruler in the post-independence era, he remains an important figure not only in Mexico, but also in Europe. For a number of Mexican autonomists, a constitutionally sanctioned monarchy seemed a logical solution to the problem of creating a new state as it seemed to be a compromise between those who pushed for a representative form of government and those who wished to keep Mexico's monarchist traditions. In this view, a republican, federalist government was virtually unheard of; for 300 years New Spain had lived in a monarchy, so a continuation of some form would have aided national stability. Historian Eric Van Young states that Iturbide's seizure of the crown "seems less cynical and idiosyncratic when it comes along at the end of the independence struggle."[20] Van Young's assessment is that "he demonstrated moments of political brilliance clouded over in the long term by bad judgment and that in the end he was an opportunist."[20] The rest of the 19th century would be marked by oscillation between the two political extremes, with each side gaining the upper hand at one point or another. The old Mexican nobility remained close at hand, ready for a return. Members of the Iturbide family intrigued against the Mexican government in Madrid, New York City, Paris, and Rome as late as the 1890s.[33]

Liberal or republican ideas would continue to be embraced by people outside the Mexico City elite. These came out of Bourbon Reforms in Europe that were based on the Enlightenment. Attacks on the Catholic Church by liberals in Spain and elsewhere in Europe were in Mexico during the Liberal Reform period in the mid-nineteenth century. Ideals of the Constitution of Cadiz would find expression in the 1824 Constitution of Mexico. This constitution would influence political thought on both sides of the Mexican political spectrum, with even Iturbide bending to it when he created the first congress of an independent Mexico. After Iturbide, there was wide general consensus, even among the landed elite, that some form of representative government was needed. The question was how much power would be in legislative hands and how much in an executive.[25]

Iturbide's empire was replaced with the First Mexican Republic. General Guadalupe Victoria was elected the first president, but in subsequent years, General Vicente Guerrero became the first in a long line of Presidents to gain the Presidency through a military revolt after losing an election. Guerrero was betrayed and assassinated, and Santa Anna would rise to avenge him, beginning an era of Mexican history that Santa Anna dominated. This regime would oscillate and finally be overcome by the Plan of Ayutla. The new Government would struggle between anti-clerical, reformist views and conservative views during the Reform War. During the French Intervention the country would face Civil War amongst conservative, Catholic, Europe-adherent monarchists led by the ironically liberal Maximilian I of Mexico, and liberal, masonic, anti-clerical, reformist and United States-adherent liberals led by the American-backed Benito Juárez. Having prevailed, Juárez died after 15 years of forcefully remaining as president. Porfirio Díaz in the late 19th century would install a one-man rule which imposed upon México its first true period of relative peace, in exchange for freedom, and Díaz remaining for the next 30 years in power. He would be overthrown by the Mexican Revolution.[14]

Flag of the First Mexican Empire, 1821–23

Early in the independence period of Mexico's history, the day used to mark Independence was based on one's political stance. Conservatives favored 27 September for celebration, when Iturbide entered Mexico City at the head of the conquering army, but Liberals preferred 16 September to celebrate Hidalgo's call for rebellion against Spain.[33] In modern Mexico, the liberal tendency has dominated, such that much writing about Iturbide is often hostile, seeing him as a fallen hero, who betrayed the nation by grasping for personal power after independence. Since the 1949 publication of a historical novel, La Güera Rodríguez[34] about Iturbide's aristocratic friend, Doña María Ignacia Rodríguez de Velasco, Iturbide was cast in the novel as her paramour, having an illicit affair with her. Although the portrayal of her was as a libertine, the notion was based on uncorroborated rumors and innuendo, with nothing ever proven, and then exaggerated in fiction. As her post-humous reputation as a "heroine of Mexican independence" has risen beginning in the late twentieth century, Iturbide's has continued to be something much less than that of Mexico's Liberator.[35] A two-volume work on Mexican independence contrasts Hidalgo and Iturbide, with the subtitle "the glory and the oblivion".[36]

Iturbide's strategy of defining a plan and using the military to back it began a tradition in Mexican politics that would dominate the country' history. He can be considered Mexico's first "caudillo," or charismatic military leader, using a combination of widespread popularity and threat of violence toward opposition to rule and would be followed by army generals Antonio López de Santa Anna and Porfirio Díaz, who came to dominate their respective eras.[3] During the 1910 centenary celebrations of independence, the remains of Iturbide were not placed at the "El Ángel" with other leaders of independence, but stayed in the National Cathedral. Following the Mexican Revolution 1910–20, victorious revolutionary general and newly elected president of Mexico Álvaro Obregón mounted a massive centenary celebration for Mexican independence, even larger than the one that Porfirio Díaz had staged in 1910 to commemorate Hidalgo's revolt, considered the outbreak of the War of Independence. It was the first time since the mid-19th century that the date was commemorated.[37] Given that Obregón himself was a military strong man, his 1921 commemoration of Mexican independence and Iturbide was an opportunity for him to assert his own state-building vision by appropriating a piece of Mexico's history. By overseeing the ceremonies, Obregón could shape and consolidate his own position in power, which was then relatively weak.[38] The Mexican Army benefited from the celebrations with new uniforms and equipment, and there was even a re-enactment of Iturbide's triumphal entry into Mexico City.[39]

Mexico owes the country's name "Mexico" to Iturbide, as opposed to "United Mexican States." While the latter is considered the official name, the inhabitants of the country refer to it by the name of Mexico. Another legacy that Iturbide left to Mexico was its modern flag, still used today. The three colors of red, white, and green originally represented the three guarantees of the Plan of Iguala: Freedom, Religion, and Union. In the place of the Spanish emblem for Mexico, he resurrected the old Tenochtitlan symbol for Mexico City, an eagle perched on a nopal cactus holding a snake in its beak. With it, he hoped to link Mexico with the Aztec one.[4][7] Iturbide is noted in the Himno Nacional Mexicano, the national anthem for the country. One stanza translates as follows: "If to battle against the foreign host, the warrior trumpet invokes us, Mexicans, the Sacred flag of Iturbide bravely follow. Let the conquered banners serve as a carpet to the brave steeds, may the laurels of triumph bring shade to the brow of the brave Captain."

• Knight Grand Cross of the National Order of Our Lady of Guadalupe[40]

• 
  Coat of Arms of Agustín de Iturbide as Emperor of Mexico
• 
  Throne of Agustín de Iturbide in the Museo Nacional de las Intervenciones
• 
  Iturbide in a 19th-century painting
• 
  Copy of a portrait of Agustín I, Constitutional Emperor of Mexico, made for the Iturbide Gallery (current Ambassador's Hall) at the National Palace.
• 
  Declaration to the World (Manifiesto de Liorna) by Agustín de Iturbide or rather Notes for History, a manuscript tinged with his blood and found between his sash and shirt after his execution.
• 
  Transfer of the remains of Iturbide to the Metropolitan Cathedral of Mexico City. Lithography from Ignacio compliment of 1849, published in the book "Description of the funeral solemnity funeral with which the remains of the hero of Iguala were honored."
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  President Álvaro Obregón, who staged elaborate centennial commemorations of Iturbide in 1921.

• Declaration to the world
• History of democracy in Mexico
• List of heads of state of Mexico

• Imperial House of Mexico
• Manifiesto o Memoria, handwritten document by Agustín de Iturbide, hosted by the Portal to Texas History.