Brit HaKanaim

Porat Yosef Yeshiva in the old city of Jerusalem as it stood before 1948

On the evening of May 14, 1948, "the sovereignty of the State of Israel was solemnly proclaimed during a ceremony at the Tel Aviv museum - a true crowning achievement of the Zionist movement half a century after its founding congress".[1] Within hours of the public reading of the Declaration of Independence by the Prime Minister of the Provisional Government David Ben Gurion, "the new Jewish state was recognized by the United States and the Soviet Union".[1] This event generated a real “shock experienced by the orthodox communities".[2] The new state, which professed to be secular, "had promoted a set of principles and ideologies that did not come from the original Jewish sources of Israel. The members of the ultra-Orthodox communities believed that only a Messiah descendant of King David could be the founder of the Jewish sovereign state and the Third Temple, and therefore they regarded the nascent state as the desecration of a long Jewish tradition".[2] The advent of the State of Israel, in fact, brought the main exponents to the top of power of the Zionist movement - primarily Ben Gurion who in 1946 was appointed leader of the World Zionist Organization.[3] Zionism was historically constituted as "a national movement led by Jews that rebelled to the Orthodox leadership and followed by the modernization of Jewish life that began in the 18th century”.[4] “European” Jews who aspired to receive a comprehensive and up-to-date education and to exercise modern and worldly professions gradually came out of their closed communities to integrate into surrounding societies. These emancipated and modernized communities in Europe helped shape new forms and expressions of Jewish identity. "The increasingly evident rupture between those Jews and their traditional societies allowed for the creation of different interpretations of the Jewish commandments and new sources of authority".[4] On the other hand, although Zionism recognized the Jewish religion as a fundamental part giving the national identity of Israel, it found himself in the position of "having to challenge not only religious institutions by presenting his national destiny, but also separate to get away from what religiosity symbolized".[4] The national relaunch required a break with the past and an attempt to replace Judaism, a religion identified with a distant past, with "a modern identity based on culture, ethnicity, a historical sense of belonging to the Jewish people and an approach proactive towards the future".[4] On the relationship between religious orthodoxy and Zionism and his political conjugation, the words of Theodor Herzl, who in his programmatic book A Jewish State wrote:

Should We Become a Theocracy? No. Faith unites us, knowledge gives us the freedom. So we will prevent theocratic tendencies from manifesting in the first place place, by our priesthood. We will keep our priests inside of the confines of their temples in the same way that we will keep our army within the borders of their barricades

— Theodor Herzl, A Jewish State, p. 57

These disagreements led to a series of clashes between the religious leaders of the orthodox communities, whose intent was to make Israel a Halakhic state, and the political elites, who wanted to lead Israel on a path of secularization and modernization.

Rabbi Mordechai Eliyahu on 13 July 2012

According to the ideological assumptions of the organisation's members, formed from the religious education imparted to them in the yeshiva, there were three main reasons for the friction and confrontation with the initiatives of the Israeli government: the national education system, the Shabbat day, and the recruitment of women into the IDF ("Israel Defence Forces"). Among the Orthodox communities, the Israeli government's policy of insisting that the children of Jewish immigrants, mostly religious or traditionalist, who arrived after the advent of the State of Israel should study in the secular national education system soon became unpopular. This caused great anger among the religious and ultra-Orthodox public.

The members of Brit HaKanaim perceived this "as the initial phase of a cultural war intended to put an end to the Orthodox world and therefore felt an obligation to fight it".[7] Rabbi Mordechai Eliyahu himself recalled how his concerns and subsequent intention to establish Brit HaKanaim stemmed from the issue of education:

When I was at the Porat Yosef Yeshiva, I learned for the first time what was happening regarding the educational situation of immigrant children in the camps for newcomers...I could not tolerate this catastrophe...I could not tolerate this catastrophe...I thought that we could use the underground movement to establish a Torah-based way of life in the nation....

— Ehud Sprinzak, Brother Against Brother, p. 65

In addition to the 'educational conflict', there was also the issue of the Sabbath to increase tensions between secular and religious. In addition to the attacks relating to the Sabbath controversy and the further violent demonstrations by the Orthodox communities to stop all public activities on the Sabbath, there were just as many secular counter-demonstrations. For example, "anonymous secular-minded people attacked the then Minister of Transport, David-Zvi Pinkas (1895-1952), in response to the Sabbath rules that were laid down by him (due to an oil shortage, the government stipulated that for two days a week there would be no traffic, and one of these days was the Sabbath)".[2]

The last point under consideration is the issue of recruiting women into the regular Israeli army. In the days before the foundation of the State of Israel, an agreement had been reached an agreement between Ben-Gurion and the public religious leaders according to which any young girl, whose religious observance had been confirmed, would be exempted from the military service.[2] However, once the IDF was established, the country's political leaders worked tirelessly to undo the agreement. On 14 May 1951 in the Knesset held a debate on an amendment to the sensitive issue of recruiting of women in the IDF. Faced with this, Mordechai Eliyahu stated:

I realised that we had to respond... that talking would not help; we had to do more drastic things. The goal was for it to be known in the Knesset that there circles that oppose the law.

— Pedahzur, Ami; Perliger, Arie, Jewish Terrorism in Israel, p. 34

This was one of the first obvious cases in which a religious elite, educated according to the principles and teachings imparted at the Porat Yosef Yeshiva, decided to set up a terrorist organisation on an ideological-religious basis. The aim of the latter was to openly challenge a political class that threatened to reduce religion and its cornerstones to a crutch of the new national identity.

These rabbis did not conceive religion and politics as two separate and distinct tracks, but as necessarily intertwined, since there could be no people of Israel without the observance of the sacred texts and precepts contained therein. The one true State of Israel, according to the members of Brit HaKanaim, already had its own law: the Halakha they studied. Any alternative was, therefore, both an attack on Jewish tradition and on the Jewish people themselves. Terrorism was, in their eyes, the only real possibility, in the face of the Israeli government's aversion, for "the establishment of an orthodox regime, based on the principle of God's justice, a dictatorial regime without democracy",[10] imposing "that all citizens live according to the Torah by influencing the existing system of government".[10]

• Kingdom of Israel, another radical underground group operating at the same time
• Orthodox Judaism
• State of Israel
• Shabbat
• Israel Defence Forces

• Sprinzak, Ehud (1999). Brother Against Brother: Violence and Extremism in Israeli Politics from Altalena to the Rabin Assassination. Florence, Massachusetts: Free Press. ISBN 978-0684853444.
• Brenner, Michael (2003). Zionism: A Brief History (1st ed.). Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers. ISBN 978-1558763012.
• Pedahzur, Ami; Perliger, Arie (2011). Jewish Terrorism in Israel. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-154475.
• Ben-Porat, Guy (2013). Between State and Synagogue: The Secularization of Contemporary Israel. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1107003446.
• Herzl, Theodor (2015). A Jewish State: Proposal of a Modern Solution for the Jewish Question. Scotts Valley, California: Createspace Independent Pub. ISBN 978-1508629603.
• Black, Ian (2017). Enemies and Neighbors: Arabs and Jews in Palestine and Israel, 1917-2017. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press. ISBN 978-0802127037.

• "National Library of Israel". Archived from the original on 16 June 2022.
• "Jewish Virtual Library". Archived from the original on 16 June 2022.
• "Knesset Official Website". Archived from the original on 16 June 2022.