Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues

The House included approximately a dozen women in the 1950s. Even with women in office, women's views and interests were rarely addressed. In 1964, chairman of the Rules Committee, Howard Smith, introduced a sexual discrimination amendment to Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, in an attempt to make it too controversial to pass. His efforts failed in large part due to female legislators, when the Act passed anyways. However, the climate of insensitivity to women's rights and issues remained.[1]

From the suffragist movement to the 1960s, the two political parties were split over women's issues. The Republican Party advocated for equal rights for women, while Democrats tended to lean toward protective legislation that would shield women from social and economic competition.[9] During the 1960s, the parties began to converge on their views of women's issues, and there was a general consensus that women should have legal equality.[9]

By the end of the 1960s, both major parties appeared to be supportive of women's rights. The early 1970s are considered to be fairly bipartisan. However, there was a split toward the end of the 1970s, with Democrats being more likely to support women's issues than Republicans.[1] During the early 1970s, many female representatives tried to organize a women's group within Congress. These efforts were unsuccessful, as many other congresswomen did not want to join the group, whether for structural or ideological reasons. By 1977, the women obstructing the formation of a group had left Congress and an organizational mock up for a congressional group dedicated to women's issues in the legislative branch was created.[1] It was entitled the Congresswomen's Caucus.[10]

Two developments created through the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1970 significantly affected women's policy advocacy in Congress. Partisan leaders' influence grew and began to over power committee chairmen. Prior to the 1970s, committee chairs were chosen based on seniority and there were no term limits. By taking the power away from these chairs, it allowed for women to get rid of bills that had been protected by committee chairmen who were anti women's interests. The previous seniority system and very few women in Congress made it hard for women to be put into position of power that would actually influence policy creation. However, this may have eventually resulted in more harm than good for those seeking policies addressing women's interests. As the power shifted toward party leadership, the climate in Congress became one of partisanship, which made it more difficult for congresswomen to support their initiatives. The Legislative Reorganization Act also made committee hearings more open to the public. The records being publicly exposed made it difficult for women to seek support from members who may want their support to remain private.[1]

Voting studies of the 1980 and 1984 elections showed that women vote differently than men.[8] This divide between party alignment among the genders continued to the years of the Reagan administration, due to their perceived anti-women views of President Reagan and his supporters in Congress.[8]

Due to the new Reagan administration, a more conservative national climate, and new House rules regarding financial support for caucuses, the CCWI went through a reorganization. Membership was opened to male representatives with an interest in advancing women's interests. The Caucus changed its name to the Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues, or what it is currently known as. Only female members served on the executive committee, which drafted legislative policy and elected officers for the Caucus. The Economic Equity Act became a key piece of legislation supported by the Caucus during this time.[10]

The 1992 election nearly doubled the number of women in the House of Representatives. Twenty four women were elected into positions, and twenty two of them joined the CCWI. A female representative was appointed to every House Committee for the first time.[10]

CCWI leadership established task forces, including those addressing women's health, violence against women, and economic and educational equity. The 103rd Congress was highly successful for the CCWI. They nearly doubled the measures they helped enact. Sixty-six Caucus-sponsored laws were enacted during the 103rd Congress, including groundbreaking policies addressing violence against women, women's health, working women, education, and families.[10] Representative Olympia Snowe is quoted as saying, "For families with new babies or elderly parents who need care, for women who are afraid to walk down to their cars at night, for all who fear that breast cancer will deprive them of a mother, sister or daughter, this Congress has made a difference."[11] The Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues published a "Summary of Legislative Action", which identified a number of legislative initiatives important for women and the family.[12] Of the 74 legislative initiatives named in the summary, only 43, or 58%, came before the House floor.[12]

The 1994 House of Representatives midterm elections concluded forty years of Democratic power.[11] This resulted in a Republican majority determined to implement a conservative agenda.[11] In order to enact the Contract with America, Newt Gingrich and GOP leaders restructured the House and party rules, centralizing power in their hands and stripping Democrats of any resources that could be used to delay the majority's initiatives.[11] These reforms limited caucus' resources, including the elimination of an institutional budget, staff, and an official role in the lawmaking process.[13] Informal House groups were a vulnerable target during the 104th Congress.[11] The CCWI was then forced to go on the defensive to maintain legislation, instead of continuing to advocate for policies that would advance the rights of women.[11] Also in 1994, Olympia Snowe and Patricia Schroeder, both who had chaired the CCWI for over ten years, gave up their positions. The Caucus members revised the bylaws and established two-year terms for chairs, as well as new vice-chair positions.[10]

Republican leadership in the House wished to rid all legislative service organizations, or specialized caucuses, of funding, offices, and staff. As a result, the CCWI restructured into a Congressional Membership Organization. The Caucus changed back to include only female members of Congress. Former staff of the Congress created a non-profit 501(c)(3) called Women's Policy, Inc. in order to continue to provide research and information on women's issues for members of Congress.[10]

The 107th Congress was the first time that all women in the House joined the Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues.[14] Each female representative is considered a member of the CCWI unless she opts out.[10]

Although once an advocate for equal legal rights for women (from suffragism to the 1960s), the Republican Party began a role reversal in the early 1970s by backing away from legal equality and not accepting the Supreme Court's stance on abortion rights. These issues didn't create a gender gap at the time, but did create a perception that Democrats were reaching out to women as constituents and Republicans were not.[9]

In 2012, Republican Representative Todd Akin suggested a woman's body would prevent pregnancy from a "legitimate rape", and Richard E. Mourdock lost his Senate race in Indiana after saying it was "God's Will" when pregnancy resulted from rape.[17] Comments like this, and other conservative policy agendas, like defunding Planned Parenthood, make it appear as though the Republican party works against women's issues. John Weaver, a senior Republican strategist, is quoted as saying, "We have a significant problem with female voters."[17] Democrats are seen as making the entire Republican party as insensitive to women.[17] However, Republicans' focus on social issues, such as proposals to defund Planned Parenthood and fighting against the Obama administration’s ruling that insurance companies must cover contraceptives, are what result in the creation of these perceptions.[17]

Women like Senator Susan Collins, a Republican from Maine, believes the perception of the Republican Party as a whole against women is a "myth manufactured by Democrats in Washington."[17] She views the Republican Party as one of individual freedom and personal responsibility, and therefore the government shouldn't even be involved in issues such as abortion.[17] Therefore, it is evident that not all Republicans are against women's issues, despite any perception that may be propagated in the media. However, there is a disparity between female voters for Republicans and Democrats: President Obama beat Mitt Romney in the 2012 presidential race by eleven points among women.[17]