Council for National Security

The Council’s statement included a timetable for the restoration of civilian government and elections. “A provisional constitution will be in place within two weeks, and eventually a civilian government will be formed,” it said. “The mechanisms for democratic reform will soon be reinstated. A legislative body, responsible for legislation and the drafting of the new constitution, will be established. This process, which will lead to general elections, should be completed within one year.[21] See Thailand 2006 interim civilian government

Following the general election the junta would be dissolved and replaced by a Council of National Security[22] "It's necessary to keep the council so that there is no loophole for the executive branch", General Sonthi Boonyaratglin told AFP[23]

The junta initiated the removal from the civil service of people appointed by the Thaksin government as well as Thaksin's former Class 10 classmates at the Armed Forces Academies Preparatory School. Military officers to be transferred to inactive posts included assistant army chief Gen Pornchai Kranlert, First Army Corps commander Lt-Gen Jirasit Kesakomol, First Army Division chief Maj-Gen Prin Suwandhat, Commander of the First Army Area Lt General Anupong Paochinda, Maj General Prin Suwanathat, Lt General Jirasit Kesakomol, Maj General Ruangsak Thongdee, Maj General Sanit Phrommas, and Maj General Manas Paorik. General Lertrat Rattavanich, seen as close to the Thaksin government, was promoted to a ceremonial post of Defence Inspector General.[12]

Labor Ministry Permanent Secretary Somchai Wongsawat, brother-in-law of Thaksin Shinawatra, was arrested and is being detained on the second floor of the Army Headquarters building.[24]

Also transferred were 18 senior police officers which the junta claimed could pose a threat to national security if they were to remain in their current posts. These included Special Branch Police chief Pol Lt-Gen Thaworn Chanyim, Immigration Police chief Pol Lt-Gen Suwat Thamrongsrisakul, Region 4 chief Pol Lt-Gen Sathaporn Duangkaew, Central Investigation Bureau chief Pol Lt-Gen Montri Chamroon, Crime Suppression Division chief Pol Maj-Gen Winai Thongsong, 191 Police chief Pol Maj-Gen Sumeth Ruangsawat, Metropolitan Police Division 5 chief Pol Maj-Gen Kosin Hinthao, Metropolitan Police Division 7 chief Pol Maj-Gen Boonsong Panichattra, and Special Branch Police Division 3 chief Pol Maj-Gen Atthakrit Thareechat. Pol Maj-Gen Atthakrit Thareechat is currently providing security for Thaksin in London.[13]

Surasit Sangkhapong, director of the Government Lottery Office and an aide of Thaksin resigned to allow Auditor-General Jaruvan Maintaka to conduct an investigation into an allegation of irregularity.[25]

Governors of provinces seen as Thai Rak Thai political strongholds transferred to smaller provinces or appointed to the inactive posts in the Interior Ministry. This included the governors of Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, Khon Kaen, Buri Ram, Phatthalung, Satun, Surin, Kamphaeng Phet, Sukhothai, and Samut Prakan. Interior Minister Aree Wongarya denied that the moves were politically motivated.[26] However, the reshuffle was widely seen as an attempt to demote those with links to the deposed government. Interior Ministry permanent secretary Phongphayome Wasaphooti also noted that the transfers were done in order to "reduce the influences attached to their Thai Rak Thai-initiated CEO governorships. The transfers are aimed at enabling the [Surayud] government to function more easily."[27]

Many senior government officials were transferred by the junta "for the sake of achieving reconciliation", meaning that they were alleged to have had links to the deposed regime. 10 senior officials at the National Park, Wildlife and Plant Conservation Department were transferred.[28]

The junta ordered 58 prominent civilians to serve as its advisers. However, most of the appointees denied any knowledge of the appointments, with some saying they couldn't serve. "I have said that the coup is wrong, how can I serve as its advisory board?" asked Chaiwat Satha-anand of the Faculty of Political Science of Chulalongkorn University.[29] Pratheep Ungsongtham Hata, who was appointed to the reconciliation panel, also boycotted the CDR's advisory board, noting that as a democracy advocate, she could not work with the CDR, which took by unconstitutional means. Pibhob Dhongchai, a leader of the defunct anti-Thaksin People's Alliance for Democracy, said he could not participate in the reconciliation panel because he was a member of the National Economic and Social Advisory Council, and already had a channel to advise the government.[30]

Pasuk Pongpaichit, an anti-Thaksin economist who had also been appointed, denied that she could not serve as an advisor, using as her excuse an impending extended trip to Japan.[31] When asked by the press why the junta had not informed the appointees of their appointments, the CDR spokesman Lt-Gen Palangoon Klaharn said: "It is not necessary. Some matters are urgent. It is an honour to help the country. I believe that those who have been named will not reject the appointment because we haven't damaged their reputation."[32]

Advisors were appointed in 4 key areas:

• Economics. Headed by Bank of Thailand Governor Pridiyathorn Devakula, this group had 19 members, including Ammar Siamwalla and Chalongphob Susangkarn (Thailand Development Research Institute), Kosit Pampiemras (Bangkok Bank), Khunying Jada Wattanasiritham (Siam Commercial Bank), Piyasvasti Amranand (Kasikorn Asset Management), Pasuk Phongpaichit (Chulalongkorn University), Ajva Taulananda (Charoen Pokphand), Veerathai Santipraphop, and Sivaporn Darandaranda.
• Ethics, good governance, corruption prevention. Headed by the National Institute of Development Administration's Churee Wichitwathakan, this group had 13 members, including Dejudom Krairit, Sungsidh Piriyarangsan and Suraphol Nitikraipot.
• Reconciliation and justice. Headed by Community Organizations Development Institute Chairpman Phaibool Wattanasiritham, this group had 26 members, including Gothom Arya, Chaiwat Sathaanand, Theeraphat Serirangsan, Pipob Thongchai, Pratheep Ungsongtham Hata, Srisak Valiphodom, Urichai Wangkaew and Sophon Supaphong.
• Foreign affairs. Headed by former Permanent Secretary of the Foreign Ministry Vitaya Vejjajiva and made up of former diplomats including Tej Bunnag, Krit Karnchana-kunchorn, Nitya Pibulsonggram and Phisarn Manawaphat.[33]

The junta assigned several agencies to investigate the deposed government.

• An Assets Examination Committee, established to investigate corruption allegations involving projects approved by the deposed government, including the CTX bomb-scanner controversy. Jaruvan Maintaka, Auditor-General, threatened to resign from the Committee if it did not investigate all cases of alleged irregularity, including the personal wealth of former Cabinet ministers as well as "policy corruption", where policies were approved to allegedly benefit personal interests. Specifically, she wanted the Committee to investigate the sale of Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings. The AEC later received an hour-long weekly spot to produce a reality show describing its work.[34]
• The National Counter Corruption Commission (NCCC), which was ordered to rush its investigation into corruption allegations involving politicians. The Commission members were appointed by the CDR and consisted of several vocal critics of Thaksin Shinawatra.[35]
• The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), which would continue to investigate the sale of Shin Corporation.[36][37][38]

After less than a week, the Assets Examination Committee was dissolved and several of its members were incorporated into a new 12-member committee with greater powers to freeze the assets of members of the Thaksin government accused of corruption. The new committee had a much wider scope that the original Committee, and was able to respond to the demands of Jaruvan Maintaka. The committee was empowered to investigate any projects or acts by members of the Thaksin government and others who were suspected of irregularities, including tax evasion. The chairman of the old committee, Sawat Chotephanich, was demoted in the new committee; he later resigned, reportedly in protest.[39] The remaining members of the new committee included several figures who had been publicly critical of the Thaksin government, including Kaewsan Atibhoti, Jaruvan Maintaka, Nam Yimyaem, and Sak Korsaengreung. Nam Yimyaem was later appointed chair of the committee.

A separate decree (No. 31) gave the NCCC the authority to freeze the assets of politicians who failed to report their financial status by a deadline or intentionally reported false information. Another decree (No. 27) increased the penalty for political party executives whose parties had been ordered dissolved, from simply banning them from forming or becoming executives of a new party, to stripping them of their electoral rights for five years.[40]

The junta released a draft interim charter on 27 September 2006, to much criticism.[41] Structurally, the draft interim charter is similar to the 1991 Constitution, the 1976 Constitution, and the 1959 Charter, in that it sets up an extremely powerful executive branch which would appoint the entire legislature. The CDR, which would be transformed into a Council for National Security (CNS), would appoint the head of the executive branch, the entire legislature, and the drafters of a permanent constitution. Criticism focused on the fact that:

• The junta would appoint the Prime Minister and would sit in Cabinet meetings
• The junta would appoint the entire legislature
• The junta would appoint a 2,000 person National Assembly, which would appoint 200 candidates for a Constitution Assembly, which would appoint 100 members of a Constitution Assembly, which would select 25 members. The junta would directly appoint another 10 people to join the 25 in to writing a permanent constitution.[42]

Sonthi Boonyaratglin announced that the Southern Border Provinces Administrative Centre (SBPAC) and the Civilian-Police-Military Task Force (CPM) 43 would be revived. Sonthi said the Army-led multi-agency Southern Border Provinces Peace Building Command would be dissolved and its troops would come under the CPM 43, which would operate in parallel with the SBPAC. The SBPAC and CPM 43 had been dissolved in mid-2001 by former Premier Thaksin Shinawatra. Prior to that, CPM 43 was under the directive of the SBPAC. Sonthi also made himself head of the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC). Previously, the ISOC had been headed by the Prime Minister.[43]

The junta also extended for another three months the Thaksin government's emergency decree to combat the south Thailand insurgency. The emergency decree empowers state authorities to search and arrest suspected insurgents without warrants.[44]

Sonthi and other senior junta leaders flew to Chiang Mai on an Air Force C-130 on 3 November 2006 to visit a prominent fortune-teller and perform a religious ceremony to ward off bad luck over their staging of the Sept 19 coup.[45]

Junta leaders appointed themselves to the Boards of Directors of several state enterprises.[46]

• Chalit Phukphasuk was appointed to the boards of Airports of Thailand (AoT) and the Thai Airways International
• Saprang Kalyanamitr was appointed to the AoT and TOT boards.[47]
• Sathiraphan Keyanont was appointed to the Chair of the Port Authority of Thailand board

The junta censored the media and the internet, enforced martial law, and established a 14,000-strong military unit to control public protests. An interview with the late Nuamthong Phaiwan broadcast by television channel iTV came to an abrupt end after the Director of Army-owned Channel 5 called the station to warn them against the broadcast.[48] Additional troops were dispatched to keep order at the station.

The junta's fifth announcement authorized the Ministry of Information and Technology to block websites critical of the coup and web boards discussing the coup. Anonymous proxy servers through which Thai internet users could access a blocked webpage were also blocked, as were websites from BBC 1, BBC 2, CNN, Yahoo News, the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, The Age, Amazon.com, Amazon.co.uk, and Yale University Press containing articles about King Bhumibol Adulyadej.[49]

The junta maintained martial law after the coup, even though junta vice-chairman Chalit Phukbhasuk claimed that there were no intelligence reports of unusual activities by supporters of deposed Premier Thaksin.[50]

The junta was accused of intimidating Thai Rak Thai politicians and pressuring them to cease political activities. They also threatened that the party would be dissolved. The junta claimed that they were simply seeking cooperation from politicians.[51]

In late December 2006, Surayud's Cabinet approved 556 million baht for the formation of a 14,000-strong special operations force with a mandate to control anti-junta protests. The fund allocation came from a request by the CNS. The rapid deployment force began operations on 1 December 2006. Surayud refused to explain why his Cabinet approved funding of the force after it had already started, which was contrary to PM's Office directives. Government spokesman Yongyuth Mayalarp promised that the force would be dissolved on 30 September 2007, along with the CNS. The funds would be diverted from the Defense Ministry and Police Office, but if those two agencies lacked funding, they would be diverted from the government's reserve fund for emergency situations. Yongyuth revealed that no Cabinet members questioned the use of the fund. General Saprang Kallayanamit, assistant Secretary-General of the CNS, was appointed Commander of the force.[52][53]

In January, CNS secretary-general General Winai Phattiyakul, explicitly ordered media executives to prevent their employees from mentioning Thaksin and the Thai Rak Thai party. "If they don't listen, you can kick them out of your station or, if you can't use your judgment, I will use mine to help you run your station", he said to 100 media executives.[54]

The junta appointed a Constitution Drafting Committee and sponsored a leading anti-Thaksin critic, Prasong Soonsiri, to lead the Committee.[55]

On 27 December 2006, it was revealed that the Cabinet had approved over half a billion baht worth of funding for a 14,000-man secret anti-protest special operations force, of which General Saprang was Commander. The so-called CNS Special Operations Center, funded with 556 million baht diverted from the Defense Ministry, Police Office, and government emergency reserve fund, had been secretly established by the CNS on 1 December 2006 in order to crack down on anti-junta protestors.[52][53]

In May 2007, it was revealed that the First Army Commander Prayuth Chan-ocha had been placed in charge of a secret army unit with a 319.1 million baht budget for mobilizing mass support for the junta. Lt. Gen. Prayuth claimed that he had acted in line with army policy, and that his activities were to serve communities, and not to seek political gain.[56]

Two members of the CNS claiming to be junta secretary-general Winai Phattiyakul's close aids were arrested for trying to solicit 40 million baht for in return seat on the Cabinet. Winai denied knowing the two men.[57]

CNS leader Sonthi approved a 12 million baht top-secret budget for a public relations campaign to discredit Thaksin Shinawatra. The request for the money was submitted on 24 Jan 2007. Chianchuang Kalayanamitr, younger brother of CNS Deputy Secretary-General Saprang Kalayanamitr, was hired as head of the publicity team.[58] Politicians hired as part of the CNS campaign included Chat Pattana party leader Korn Dabbaransi, Democrats Korn Chatikavanij, Alongkorn Palabutr and Korbsak Sabavasu, Prapat Panya-chatraksa, a key Thai Rak Thai member who defected to the Chat Thai party, plus ex-senator Kraisak Choonhavan. Academics hired by the CNS included Wuttipong Piebjriya-wat, Sophon Supapong, Narong Phet-prasert, and Somkiat Osotspa. However, Sophon denied he had anything to do with the campaign.[59]

The CNS produced a 75 episode television documentary to promote its causes. The documentaries, titled "Phrungnee Tong Dee Kwa" (Tomorrow Must Be Better), were reported to cost at least 20 million baht to produce and broadcast. General Anupong Phaochinda, assistant CNS secretary-general, defended the CNS from allegations of irregularities surrounding the documentaries.[60]

Prior to the Constitutional Tribunal's 20 May 2007 ruling on the dissolution of the Thai Rak Thai and Democrat Parties, the CNS sent tens of millions of SMS messages to mobile phone users throughout Thailand discouraging them from attending protests.[61]