Democratic Movement of Serbia

Vuk Drašković, President of the Serbian Renewal Movement and leader of the DEPOS coalition

Following the formation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia on 27 April 1992, the Serbian and Montenegrin members of the Federal Council of the Yugoslav parliament brought forward a new electoral law and called for new elections on 31 May without previously consulting with opposition parties. Because of this, as well as the opposition being allowed neither equal access to the media during the campaign nor adequate financial help from the state, the opposition decided to boycott the May 1992 parliamentary election in both Serbia and Montenegro.[18]

The DEPOS coalition held its first meeting on 23 May 1992. It defined its main goal as the establishment of a democratic order in Serbia, and called for canceling the elections scheduled for 31 May and a round table between the government and opposition parties with the goal of preparing free and fair elections for a constituent assembly which would decide on its preferred form of rule. The coalition advocated for a democratic Serbian state aligned with the international community with the goal of securing Serbia's place among "the union of free and civilized nations of the world".[19]

The DEPOS initially included the SPO, SLS, New Democracy and the Peasants Party of Serbia (SSS). While DS leader Dragoljub Mićunović refused to join the DEPOS due to important differences in ideology and identity, a faction under Vojislav Koštunica styling themselves the "Democrats for DEPOS" emerged. The faction hailed broadly from the right or anti-communist wing of the DS who had remained in the party following the departure of the SLS under Kosta Čavoški. A prominent member the group rallied around was the writer Borislav Pekić, who espoused a more democratic nationalist program for the DS. Despite his death in May 1992, his circle separated from the DS on 26 July and transformed into the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) which would join the DEPOS. Its youth wing was named the Alliance of Democratic Youth of Serbia after the interwar Democratic Party's youth organization which Pekić had been a member of. Inside the DEPOS, the DSS was especially backed by some of the DEPOS intellectuals less keen on backing Drašković, like Matija Bećković.[2]

From 28 June to 5 July 1992, the DEPOS coalition organized the Vidovdan Assembly. Meetings were held every day in front of the Federal Assembly building in Belgrade. Citizens were addressed by Drašković, Bećković, Vladeta Janković and Nikola Milošević in front of DEPOS and Vojislav Koštunica in front of the Democrats for DEPOS faction, as well as prominent public figures such as Patriarch Pavle, Crown Prince Alexander, the actor Miloš Žutić and Dragan Đilas, the leader of a concurrent student protest.[20] The assembly called for President Milošević to step down, as well as the formation of a "government of national salvation". It was attended by around 200 to 500 thousand people according to foreign observers, with the Studio B citing the number of 700 thousand.[21][2] The government refused to step down, but agreed to a round table where the electoral system would be discussed, with the government supporting a first-past-the-post system and the opposition a proportional one.[22]

The DEPOS was formally founded as a political organization on 28 August 1992 in Belgrade. In addition to the SPO, DSS, SLS, ND and SSS, the DEPOS was also joined by a group of independent public figures including the painter Mića Popović, the architect Ivan Antić, as well as writers Danko Popović, Slobodan Selenić and Ljubomir Simović.[1]

In July 1992, Milošević invited Serbian American businessman Milan Panić to take over the position of Federal Prime Minister, trying to project a more moderate image for the government both at home and abroad. However, a rift formed between the two almost immediately, and in early August the federal government stated its support for the opposition's proposal for early elections. The elections were ultimately held under a proportional system.[22][23]

In late October 1992, the National Assembly acquiesced to the opposition's demands and decided to hold elections at all levels. On 27 October, the constitutional electoral law was modified and a new law on local government was passed, allowing the opposition to capitalize on its activities during the previous two years.[24] Federal President Dobrica Ćosić emerged as an ally in Panić's split with Milošević, and on 3 November, Drašković invited him to unite the opposition for the election. Panić gathered the opposition for round table talks on several occasions, where they agreed to form the short-lived Democratic Coalition (DEKO). The DEKO would include the DEPOS, the DS, the Civic Alliance of Serbia (GSS) and Čedomir Mirković's Social Democratic Party. However, it split two days later, and a decision was made to participate in the election in two separate lists, with the DS and the DEPOS each putting forth separate candidates.[4] In addition to the DS, the SSS also ran independently.[25] The DEPOS decided to participate in the election after internal deliberation, a move largely opposed by the DSS and SLS who favored a boycott, and supported by the SPO and ND. The coalition agreed to support Vuk Drašković as presidential candidate on 17 November.[4]

In late November, Ćosić decided against formally endorsing any opposition party, despite the DS trying to win his support due to his disapproval of monarchist imagery promoted by the DEPOS. Panić's ministers from the SPS started resigning, and he replaced several with DS members and Social Democrats. This caused several voices from the DEPOS to speak out against him accusing him of harboring leftist biases, mainly the SLS and the leader of SPO's parliamentary group Slobodan Rakitić.[4]

Despite this, Panić eventually became the presidential candidate supported by DEPOS during the 1992 presidential election. He presented his signatures last minute on 30 November, and faced legal obstacles from the Electoral Commission in early December.[26] After these were resolved by the Supreme Court, Drašković revoked his candidature on 10 December to endorse Panić.[4] His campaign focused on removing UN sanctions, ending the Bosnian War and reintegrating Serbia into the global community. Panić asked the Western bloc for a temporary suspension of the sanctions in the run-up to the election as a statement of support for the opposition. Their refusal was seen by some DEPOS members as implicit support for Milošević, particularly Matija Bećković. The DEPOS moderated their image in comparison to the SPO campaign for the 1990 election, focusing on reconciliation.[27] They criticized the SPS for not cutting ties with their communist roots, which they claimed created structural and economic problems, and stifled democracy.[26]

The December 1992 elections ended in a crushing defeat for the opposition. The DEPOS was forced into third place after the up until then marginal Serbian Radical Party (SRS). However, they achieved significant victories in the local elections in some of Belgrade's central municipalities such as Stari Grad, Vračar, Savski Venac, Zvezdara and Voždovac.[5] Unable to form a coalition government with the SRS to oust Milošević due to personal animosity between Drašković and SRS president Vojislav Šešelj, the DEPOS ultimately remained in the opposition while the SRS gave minority support to a new SPS government.[28]

On 28 January 1993, changes were instituted regarding the functioning of the Chamber of Republics whereby the upper house of the Federal Assembly would become dominated by the SPS and SRS. The move was initiated by the Radicals. As a response, DEPOS MP's staged a walkout, also supported by the DS. On 2 February, DSS leader Vojislav Koštunica declared that the DEPOS would boycott the parliament. The DS would join in the boycott.[6]

The DEPOS' decision to boycott the parliament led to disagreement within the coalition on a viable extra-parliamentary strategy. The DSS advocated for the formation of a "movement of civic resistance" modeled on the Polish Solidarity movement. The SPO failed to repeat their victory in attracting a mass of protesters on the anniversary of the 9 March protest. The DEPOS leaders met with Patriarch Pavle on 25 March. At the meeting, the Patriarch appealed to the leaders of the parties and Matija Bećković to resume parliamentary work.[7]

Without consulting the coalition, the SPO decided to resume parliamentary work on 15 April. New Democracy also returned to parliament at this time. This move was heavily criticized by the rest of DEPOS, including the DSS, SLS and the grouping of independent intellectuals. By late April, the coalition between the SPO and DSS had functionally fallen apart.[7]

Former allies Koštunica and Drašković further split during April and May on the issue of the Vance-Owen Peace Plan for ending the ongoing Bosnian War.[8] The SPO had joined the ruling SPS, as well as the opposition DS and GSS, in support of the peace plan. This was the culmination of Drašković's slow adoption of anti-war positions starting in late 1991. The DSS and SLS, along with the ruling SRS, would condemn the plan in support of the Bosnian Serbs, who rejected it at the Bijeljina Assembly on 25 April.[9]

The issue of the Vance-Owen Plan led to a split within the SPO.[8] A faction, led by Vice President and leader of the DEPOS parliamentary group in the Federal Assembly Slobodan Rakitić, came out in opposition to the plan and accused the SPO of betraying its hard-line nationalist roots. After Vuk Drašković's wife Danica Drašković made a controversial remark in an interview on 11 April against the expulsion of Bosniaks from Vuk's ancestral Gacko, Rakitić's group criticized her influence on Vuk to which they attributed his drift to more moderate positions. Outvoted at a meeting of the SPO Main Committee on 30 April where these issues were discussed, Rakitić resigned from the position of Vice President of the party and left the SPO, but remained the leader of the DEPOS' parliamentary group.[9]

The factions reconciled in June 1993 prompted by Drašković's arrest on 1 June. Other opposition parties such as the DS and DSS supported Drašković's release, and a particularly strong role was played by the GSS, led by former Reformist Party leader Vesna Pešić, and the SLS. On 27 June, the DEPOS held a rally to commemorate the anniversary of its founding. The crowd was addressed by academician Predrag Palavestra. The following day, speaking from prison, Drašković made Rakitić the acting leader of the SPO and initiated a hunger strike. He was pardoned by President Milošević on 9 July, under pressure from both the opposition and foreign leaders such as Konstantinos Mitsotakis, John Major and François Mitterrand.[10]

In the fall of 1993, tensions were rising in the ruling SPS-SRS coalition, which had its roots in Milošević's acceptance of the Vance-Owen Peace Plan for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The two parties went into open conflict in July 1993 during the adoption of the new budget, which the SRS would condition on changes in military leadership. The conflict culminated in September when the SRS initiated a motion of no confidence against the government of Nikola Šainović.[13][11]

After spending a month in Greece, Vuk Drašković addressed a rally in Valjevo on 7 October where he announced that the SPO and New Democracy would not vote for the SRS' vote of no confidence, instead suggesting a transitional government and new elections. Unlike the SPO, the DSS and DS announced their support of the motion of no confidence, which they saw as an opportunity. The SPO and New Democracy's decision to abstain was widely seen as supportive of the SPS government at the time, particularly after Drašković's assault charges from June were finally dropped on 6 October. However, after an incident of police violence on 12 October, the two parties requested an apology and resignation of Interior Minister Zoran Sokolović. Sokolović apologized, but refused to resign, leading to the DEPOS coming out in support of the SRS' vote of no confidence on 15 October. Facing defeat, Milošević dissolved the parliament on 20 October and called for new elections on 19 December.[11][13]

After signaling his unwillingness to join a renewed DEPOS coalition throughout the fall, DSS President Vojislav Koštunica finally publicly stated that the DSS would participate in the election without coalition partners on 28 October. Their decision came with the support of Matija Bećković, as well as the SLS who withdrew from the DEPOS and decided to boycott the election. A high-ranking member of the SLS, Milan Božić, decided to remain with the DEPOS at this time and later became Drašković's key advisor.[11] The decision of the DSS to participate independently came primarily as a result of the SPO drifting from its nationalist credentials.[14]

The DEPOS was joined on 15 November by the Civic Alliance of Serbia (GSS) led by Vesna Pešić. The GSS and SPO had cooperated throughout 1993 in opposing the war and in their advocacy for international peace proposals, as the SPO had evolved into a civic-national position. The entry of the GSS into DEPOS was the culmination of this trend, and the SPO would campaign against their former allies, the DSS, for their policy of solidarity with Republika Srpska. In the 1993 election, the DEPOS would ultimately consist of the SPO, New Democracy and the GSS.[11]

The Democratic Movement of Serbia, weakened by the withdrawal of the DSS from the coalition, achieved a slightly worse result compared to the previous elections. DEPOS slipped from almost 800,000 votes to 715,000, winning 45 seats, five less than in 1992. This probably came as a result of the independent performance of the DSS.[14] However, with the 1993 election, the DEPOS managed to consolidate its base of support, and became the second largest parliamentary grouping.[12][13] The coalition scored victories in the central Belgrade municipalities of Stari Grad and Vračar.[14]

In the immediate aftermath of the election, the DSS proposed a grand coalition of opposition parties, including the DSS, DS, DEPOS, SRS and the Hungarian minority DZVM. This proposal proved impractical and President Milošević started talks about forming a unity government with one of the individual opposition parties in late January 1994.[12]

The election led to further deepening splits within the DEPOS. Slobodan Rakitić's faction, including himself and ten other MP's in the Federal Assembly, announced their decision to leave the SPO and continue as a separate group on 12 January. They cited the SPO's departure from democratic nationalist positions and evolution into civic positions, exemplified in its support of the Vance-Owen plan, as their main grievance. The SPO requested that they return their seats to the party, but the group argued that they were entitled to their seats, having been elected under the DEPOS name instead of the SPO. Their position was supported by the SPS and SRS for tactical reasons, and Rakitić's group would continue to operate in the federal parliament under the DEPOS name until January 1995, when they formed the Assembly National Party, harkening back to the Vidovdan Assembly of 1992. A split occurred within the GSS as well, with Ljubiša Rajić, one of the editors of the magazine Republika, quitting his post after accusing the party of departing from its social democratic credentials into more liberal positions.[12]

The coalition was dissolved in February 1994 after New Democracy entered into a coalition government with the Socialist Party of Serbia. Despite holding talks with the SPO and DS in late January, Milošević managed to secure a majority with the ND on 23 February. The ND agreed to two ministers and two deputy prime ministers, vowing to influence the government's policy from the inside.[12][14] Founding member and Vice President of the GSS, Ratomir Tanić, defected to the ND in September 1994.[12]

Despite the setback and dissolution of the coalition, the SPO and GSS continued to cooperate, allying with the DS in early 1996. The three parties would ultimately form the Together coalition in September 1996.[29][16]

Election year	#	Candidate	1st round votes	%	2nd round votes	%
1992	2nd	Milan Panić	1,516,693	32.11	—	—

^note: Independent candidate, support

• Krstić, Uglješa, ed. (1994). DEPOS, od koalicije do stranke (in Serbian). Belgrade: Vajat.
• Jovanović, Milan (2008). Mihailović, Srećko (ed.). "Predsednički izbori u Srbiji od 1990. do 2008. godine" (PDF). Oko Izbora 16 (in Serbian). Belgrade: CeSID: 73–139.
• Goati, Vladimir (2000). Partije Srbije i Crne Gore u političkim borbama od 1990 do 2000 (in Serbian). Bar: Conteco.
• Thomas, Robert (July 2000). Serbia Under Milošević: Politics in the 1990s. London: C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. ISBN 1-85065-341-0. Retrieved 8 April 2023.
• Goati, Vladimir (2001). Izbori u SRJ od 1990. do 1998.: volja građana ili izborna manipulacija (PDF) (in Serbian). Belgrade: CeSID. Retrieved 8 August 2023.