Fano (militia)

Fano (Amharic: ፋኖ, lit.'The Youth')[1] is an ethno-nationalist Amhara youth militia that first emerged in the 2010s and during the 2016-2018 state of emergency as a protest movement against the former Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) government.[2] Although Fano is hailed for being instrumental in bringing about the fall of the EPRDF through both non-violent and violent struggles, their current status and organizational structure are unclear. The territorial integrity of the ethnic Amhara "homeland" has been a key issue for Fano. Protests led by Fano in 2017-2018 were often centered around the issue of Western Tigray and the ethnic Amhara who lived there. As the purported "protectors" of Amhara society, the Fano have engaged in violent conflicts throughout the state in the name of neutralizing perceived threats to the Amhara people and, by extension, Amhara nationalism. Fano has become aligned with –and, in many instances, absorbed — the Amhara Regional Special Forces. Fano militias are primarily involved in armed clashes with the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), and the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF). They have also clashed with the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) at the border of Ethiopia and Sudan.[3]

Fano
ፋኖ
Dates of operation2010–present
Active regions Ethiopia
IdeologyEthiopian nationalism Amhara nationalism
Allies Eritrea
Opponents Ethiopia
TPLF
OLA
Battles and wars

When interviewed, Fano members declare themselves as "protectors of Ethiopia" – demonstrating the rhetoric that "Amhara nationalism is Ethiopianism" – a clear contrast to Qeerroo movements in Oromia that simply advocate for the Oromo ethnic group. One stated objective of Fano leadership as of March 2020 was for Benishangul-Gumuz Region's Metekel Zone, the northern districts of Welkait and Raya in Tigray, as well as the southern district of Dera to be placed under the control of the Amhara Region.[4] During the Tigray War, Fano supported federal and Amhara regional forces against rebels aligned to the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF).[5][1][6]

History

Fano and its Oromo equivalent, Qeerroo, rose to prominence in the 2010s as they mobilized against the repression under the TPLF-dominated government, which had dominated Ethiopian politics from 1991-2018 through a one-party system.[7] The alliance between Amhara region officials and Qeerroo played a crucial role in bringing about the political and administrative changes associated with the premiership of Abiy Ahmed, during which the TPLF lost control of federal political power and the Prosperity Party emerged.[8][9][10][11]

Perception

Fano is perceived by different media and human rights groups as either a protest group or a militia.[2] The Organization for World Peace described Fano in October 2020 as an "Amhara vigilante youth group" that saw itself as providing law and order that government was unable to provide.[12] Fano has attained popularity among Amhara people for their mobilization against the TPLF invasion of Amhara Region as well as their efforts to advance Amhara interests and protect Amhara civilians in other regions.[13] Amhara militias are often described by opposition groups with the term neftenya, which is generally seen as derogatory.[14]:17,52

Structure and leadership

As of 23 April 2020, the leader of Fano was Mesafint Tesfa, according to the news agency Borkena.[15] Borkena has described Fano as a "loosely organized youth organization."[8]

Post-2018 armed conflicts and accusations of massacres

10–11 January 2019

During the days leading to 10 January 2019, local militia and administrative officials supported by "an Amhara youth vigilante group" that Amnesty International started building trenches and preparing to attack Qemant people in Metemma. From 15:00 on 10 January 2019 to 13:00 on 11 January 58 Qemant people were killed in the massacre in Metemma using guns, grenades, stones and by burning houses. Amnesty stated that a unit of the Amhara police special force wore insignia. The Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) in Metemma initially refused to intervene on the grounds that they didn't have orders to do so. The massacre terminated when the ENDF intervened on the afternoon of 11 January.[1]

On 29 September 2019, Fano killed and burnt four members of a family in Azezo in revenge for the killing of an Amhara youth. A cycle of vengeance attacks continued for several days. Fano went "home to home attacking Qemant residents".[1]

March 2020

On 19 March 2020, clashes including gunfire took place between youths and regional security forces, supported by federal security forces, in Gondar and Dabat in the Amhara Region. The youths were Fano according to Andafta Media. Prosperity Party authorities in Amhara said that the youths were not related to Fano but pursuing their own interests in the name of Fano.[8]

On 28 March 2020, Fano Chairperson at the time, Solomon Atanaw, stated that the attacks were started by the regional and federal security forces, including the use of heavy artillery. Atanaw said that death threats against Fano members had been made by telephone to Fano survivors of the clashes. Gondar city officials stated that Fano had killed and kidnapped people, confiscated property, freed prisoners, and stolen weapons from police stations, and called on the group to disarm and surrender immediately. Atanaw said that Fano would not disarm until demands about the return of land were met. Atanaw said that Fano had contributed to peace by preventing an anti-government attack by Qemant extremists.[4]

April 2020

On 23 April 2020, local state media reported that Fano leader Mesafint Tesfu had reached an agreement with government authorities after the government worried that the residence might spread to the areas of the Amhara region.[15]

November 2020

Fano backed the ENDF and Amhara regional forces in the Tigray War, which began on 4 November 2020 when TPLF-aligned forces attacked the ENDF Northern Command headquarters in what TPLF spokesman Getachew Reda called a "preemptive operation".[16][17]

TPLF were implicated in the Mai Kadra massacre by Tigrayan refugees.[18] Residents of Mai Kadra disagreed, according to investigations by Amnesty International, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) and the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO), instead attributing the massacre to Tigrayan youths mainly from the Samri kebele in Mai Kadra, supported by Tigray Special Forces and militia.[19][20][21][22] According to the EHRC-OHCHR Tigray investigation, these Tigrayan groups killed hundreds of Amhara civilians in Mai Kadra on 9-10 November 2020, then in the subsequent days at least 5 Tigrayans in that town were killed by Fano members in retaliation.[23]

Fano fighters in Lalibela after re-capturing the town from the TDF.

During the Tigray War in November 2020, a 54-year old refugee interviewed by The Guardian, Gush Tela from Humera, stated that he was beaten by federal security forces "until he was covered in blood and could not walk", and then transferred him to a Fano group, who eventually allowed him to leave. Tela stated that the Fano were ordered to destroy Humera and "'finish' Tigrayans". Tela said that he witnessed a man "beheaded with machetes" whilst “gesturing a knife to his neck.” Other refugees showed wounds that they attributed to knife and machete attacks by Fano.[6]

May 2022

On 19 May 2022, clashes broke out between regional and federal government forces and Fano in the town of Mota when government forces attempted to disarm and arrest Fano members.[5][13] Later that day, as locals gathered in protest against the arrests, federal and regional forces fired into the crowd, killing an unspecified number of individuals.[13] On 23 May 2022, local state media reported that over 4,500 people were arrested in the Amhara Region. Amhara regional authorities aligned with the Prosperity Party said that they were not targeting Fano but individuals who had committed illegal acts in the name of Fano. Many residents of the region disagreed.[13][17] In a statement released by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) in response to the crackdown, EHRC director Daniel Bekele called on federal and regional security forces to ". . . refrain from arresting suspects before criminal investigations [are held], arresting journalists for their work, and detaining people without a court order."[24]

2023: Clash with ENDF

On 1 August 2023, Fano clashed with ENDF in the context of War on Amhara, fighting occurred in Debre Tabor and Kobo in the first day. On 2 August, Fano seized Lalibela. On state television EBC, ENDF spokesperson Colonel Getnet warned that the military would take measure if Fano continued "disturbing the country’s peace". As a response to the escalation of security issues in Amhara Region, the government declared state of emergency on 4 August, imposing ban to public gathering and make arrests without warrants as well as imposing curfew.[25][26]

See also

References

  1. "Beyond law enforcement – Human rights violations by Ethiopian security forces in Amhara and Oromia" (PDF). Amnesty International. 24 July 2020. Archived (PDF) from the original on 30 October 2020. Retrieved 2 December 2020.
  2. Lefort, René (25 February 2020). "Preaching unity but flying solo, Abiy's ambition may stall Ethiopia's transition". Ethiopian Insight. Archived from the original on 2 December 2020. Retrieved 2 December 2020.
  3. "Ethiopia Peace Observatory - Actor Profiles". ACLEDdata.
  4. "Fano Will Not Lay Down Arms If Demands Are Not Met: Chairman". Ezega News. 28 March 2020. Archived from the original on 2 December 2020. Retrieved 2 December 2020.
  5. "Journalists, general, militiamen arrested in Ethiopia's Amhara". Reuters. 20 May 2022.
  6. Akinwotu, Emmanuel (2 December 2020). "'I saw people dying on the road': Tigray's traumatised war refugees". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 2 December 2020. Retrieved 2 December 2020.
  7. "Rise and fall of Ethiopia's TPLF – from rebels to rulers and back". The Guardian. 25 November 2020. Retrieved 27 May 2022.
  8. "Gondar region security incident left at least three injured". Borkena. 20 March 2020. Archived from the original on 2 December 2020. Retrieved 2 December 2020.
  9. Gardner, Tom (13 March 2018). "'Freedom!': the mysterious movement that brought Ethiopia to a standstill". The Guardian. Retrieved 25 May 2022.
  10. "Exclusive: As the formation of Prosperity Party gains momentum here is its program". Addis Standard. 28 November 2019. Retrieved 27 May 2022.
  11. Rodrigues Sanches, Edalina (2022). Popular Protest, Political Opportunities, and Change in Africa. Taylor & Francis. pp. 14, 181–193. ISBN 9781000569100.
  12. Guedouard, Charles Alcasar (27 October 2020). "Ethnic Divisions Impact Ethiopia's Attempted Political Transition". The Organization for World Peace. Archived from the original on 2 December 2020. Retrieved 2 December 2020.
  13. "Ethiopia Peace Observatory Weekly: 14-20 May 2022 [EN/AM] - Ethiopia | ReliefWeb". reliefweb.int. Retrieved 26 May 2022.
  14. Skjerdal, Terje; Moges, Mulatu Alemayehu (26 November 2020). "The ethnification of the Ethiopian media" (PDF). Fojo Media Institute, International Media Support. Archived (PDF) from the original on 24 December 2020. Retrieved 24 December 2020.
  15. "Fano leader reportedly gave in through mediation". Borkena Ethiopian News. 23 April 2020. Retrieved 26 May 2022.
  16. Reda, Getachew. "The World Must Condemn Human Rights Abuses in Tigray as It Does in Ukraine". Foreign Policy. Retrieved 25 May 2022.
  17. "Ethiopia arrests 4,000 in Amhara region crackdown, local state media report". Reuters. 23 May 2022. Retrieved 25 May 2022.
  18. Steers, Julia (24 December 2020). "'He's Planning to Exterminate Us All': Ethiopians Speak of Ethnic Massacres". Vice. Archived from the original on 25 December 2020. Retrieved 25 December 2020.
  19. Abuelgasim, Fay; el-Mofty, Nariman; Anna, Cara (12 December 2020). "Shadowy Ethiopian massacre could be tip of the iceberg". Associated Press. Archived from the original on 12 December 2020. Retrieved 12 December 2020. It's possible that civilians from both ethnicities were targeted in Mai-Kadra, Amnesty now says.
  20. "Rapid Investigation into Grave Human Rights Violation Maikadra - Preliminary Findings". Ethiopian Human Rights Commission. 24 November 2020.
  21. "EHRCO Preliminary Investigation Report on Major Human Rights Violations in and around Maikadra" (PDF). Ethiopian Human Rights Council. 25 December 2020. Archived (PDF) from the original on 25 December 2020. Retrieved 20 January 2021.
  22. Reuters Staff (24 November 2020). "Ethiopia commission says Tigray youth group killed 600 civilians in Nov 9 attack". Reuters. Retrieved 19 January 2021. {{cite news}}: |author= has generic name (help)
  23. "Tigray conflict: Report calls for accountability for violations and abuses by all parties". Ethiopian Human Rights Commission - EHRC. 3 November 2021. Retrieved 25 May 2022.
  24. St, Addis; ard (23 May 2022). "Analysis: Mass arrests, unknown number of casualties reported in Amhara state as law enforcement operations by gov't lead to confrontation with local armed group". Addis Standard. Retrieved 26 May 2022.
  25. "Flights cancelled after clashes in Ethiopia's Amhara region". The East African. 3 August 2023. Retrieved 4 August 2023.
  26. "Multiple injuries as Ethiopian military, militia clash in Amhara: Sources". www.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 4 August 2023.
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.