Gaston III, Count of Foix

In 1343, Gaston III of Foix-Béarn inherited a fragmented territory between Béarn and Foix.

Son of Gaston II of Foix-Béarn and Eleanor of Comminges, the future Gaston III was heir to the Foix-Béarn dynasty. This house appears under Gaston VII, Viscount of Béarn, who chooses in 1252 to marry his second daughter and designated heiress, Margaret of Béarn, with Roger-Bernard III, Count of Foix.[1] With the death of Gaston VII in 1290, the new dynasty was at the head of a fragmented territory along the chain of the Pyrenees. To the west, the countries of Béarn, Marsan, Gabardan and Captieux are part of the Duchy of Aquitaine, whose ruling dukes are also the kings of England.[2] This western territory is particularly varied, between high mountain valleys in the south and marshy moors in the north. It is nevertheless relatively coherent,[3] since it is continuous and marked by regular economic exchanges.[lower-alpha 1] The other part of the domain is further east, in territory directly under the King of France. The County of Foix is the major part of this territory, in which the Donezan is integrated, while in the south the counts of Foix are co-princes of Andorra jointly with the Bishops of Urgell. This eastern territory is accompanied, since Gaston II,[lower-alpha 2] by the Viscounty of Lautrec and the lowlands of Albigeois.[4] Small and in an isolated central position, the Nébouzan nevertheless constitutes a strategic region on the axis leading from Orthez to Foix.[4]

Gaston III of Foix-Béarn was probably born at the Château de Moncade in Orthez.

Gaston III (pronounced [gastu] en langue d'oc) was born on 30 April 1331,[lower-alpha 3] most likely at Orthez in the Château Moncade.[lower-alpha 4] The Viscounty of Béarn in the west and the County of Foix in the east represent the two strong points of his heritage, but maintaining cohesion between these two distant territories is a major challenge, as is managing the conflict with the House of Armagnac about the County of Bigorre,[lower-alpha 5] all this in the context of the beginning of the Hundred Years' War. With a territory falling partly under the kings of England, and partly under the kings of France, the Foix-Béarn dynasty found themselves in a delicate situation when this conflict broke out. Gaston II lines up immediately on the French side,[7] but many Béarn knights were then in the opposing camp, and the Béarnaise nobility could not be cut off from the ports of Bordeaux and Bayonne. About the childhood of Gaston III were few traces,[lower-alpha 6] apart from the count's description, who later describes himself as an "ungrateful child, an adolescent tormented by the desire for the flesh and not very good at weapons".[9] It is necessary to wait for the death of his father, on 26 September 1343[8] during a crusade in Andalusia, to see Gaston III take center stage. He was then 12 years old but had to wait until he was 14 to begin his reign; during this time, his mother Eleanor ensuring the regency.[10]

Fébus refuses to pay homage to King Philip VI of France for Béarn on 25 September 1347. Notes du procès de Robert d'Artois (circa 1336), BnF, Fr.18437, f° 2.

In December 1343, Eleanor takes his son Gaston III on a tour of homage of all the family territories. The tour begins in Béarn, where the young count remained until April 1344;[11] in total, Gaston III completes 126 stages.[12] There he meets lords, humble peasants and bourgeois of the localities, promising at every opportunity to respect the freedoms and customs, embodied by the Fors of Béarn.[12] Gaston III's tour lasted more than a year, until January 1345.[11] After reaching his legal majority on 30 April 1345, Gaston III takes over the government from his mother. The beginning of his reign is marked, from June 1345,[13] by the resumption of clashes between English and French, after a truce of five years.[lower-alpha 7] The precarious balance of the house of Foix-Béarn, between France and England, therefore became the first issue in the reign of Gaston III, who initially showed the desire to continue his father's policy, that is to say to serve the king of France. In deeds, however, the young count is particularly restrained in his support.[lower-alpha 8] On 26 August 1346, the French troops were crushed at Crécy, Gaston III took advantage of this event to review his policy in this conflict. He did not respond to the summons of King Philip VI of France on 3 June 1347, when he united his vassals in Amiens.[15] On 25 September 1347,[16] a representative of Philip VI goes to Orthez in order to deliver a message to Gaston III,[lower-alpha 9] the latter then confirms his allegiance to the king for his territories under the county of Foix, but Gaston III imposes the neutrality of Béarn in the Franco-English conflict, a land that he "holds from God and from no man in the world".[17] Aged 16,[lower-alpha 10] the count thus played a decisive role in the birth of the sovereignty of Béarn.[15]

The events of 1347 illustrates the line of conduct followed by Gaston III throughout his political exercise: always leaving a way out for his adversary to avoid overly violent reactions.[19] Philip VI, in a very delicate situation after Crécy, does not take offense at this declaration of independence and continues his rapprochement with Gaston III, for fear of seeing him switch definitively to the English camp.[20] On 26 December 1348 at Pamiers, Gaston III pays homage to the king of France for his lands located in the seneschals of Agen, Toulouse and Carcassonne, no one then mentions Béarn, implicitly confirming his sovereignty.[21] A truce occurs in the conflict because of the devastation caused by the Black Death, which gives Gaston III the opportunity to enter into the kinship of the crowned heads by a marriage:[21] on 4 August 1349, he married Agnes of Navarre at the Temple Church in Paris,[19] with the acquiescence of the French king.[22]

Fébus was made a knight of the Teutonic Order at Malbork Castle in 1358.

Fébus subdued the Jacquerie of Meaux when he returned from crusade in 1358, he launched his war cry Febus aban for the first time. Miniature by Loyset Liédet, taken from the Chronicles of Jean Froissart, BnF, Fr.2643, f°226 v°.

One year after the marriage of Gaston III, Philip VI died on 22 August 1350[23] and his son John II takes over the throne of France; the new sovereign is described as impulsive and indecisive.[24] The French-English hostilities resumed as soon as April 1351,[25] and again bringing instability at the north of the Pyrenees. In October 1352, the capitouls of Toulouse ask Gaston III to protect Toulouse against the English troops posted at the gates of Lafrançaise.[26] Gaston III accepts and signs a type of agreement that will mark his political and military action; he thus places himself as a true war entrepreneur.[lower-alpha 11] During his many absences, Béarn was governed by his half-brother Arnaud-Guilhem. The latter must face a revolt of the peasantry of Orthez in October 1353,[28] an opportunity for Gaston III to assert his authority within his domains. While Arnaud-Guilhem restores order, Gaston III punishes the culprits with a heavy financial fine, thus respecting the spirit of the Fors of Béarn and showing firmness and flexibility in the management of this crisis.[29]

Following the orders of his father King Edward III of England (who wanted him to conduct his policy on the continent),[24] the Black Prince landed in Bordeaux in 1355.[30] He then leads a terrible chevauchée (mounted raid) through Armagnac and the region of Toulouse.[31] The complacent attitude of Gaston III towards the Black Prince,[lower-alpha 12] little appreciated by John II, was followed in 1356 by intrigues against the King of France in which Gaston III took part in the company of King Charles II of Navarre. This episode and Gaston III's refusal to pay homage to John II for Béarn, lead to his imprisonment[lower-alpha 13] for several months at Petit Châtelet.[33] Faced with the imminence of a new chevauchée by the Black Prince from Bordeaux to Calais, and unable to see him leave for the English camp, Gaston III was released without having had to pay tribute for Béarn.[33]

After Crécy in 1346, the French troops experienced a new debacle during the Battle of Poitiers on 19 September 1356.[32] John II is taken prisoner and a truce is signed between the French and the English. This more stable period allows Gaston III to engage in a crusade in Prussia. Alongside the State of the Teutonic Order, he embarked in Bruges, made stops in Norway and Sweden,[34] to arrive in Königsberg on 9 February 1358.[35] The crusaders carry out several assaults in the tradition of the Teutonic Order, before being made knights in Malbork Castle.[35] It was during this crusade[36] that Gaston III acquired his nickname Fébus, his battle cry Febus aban[lower-alpha 14] and his motto Toquey si gauses.[lower-alpha 15] Gaston III quickly had the opportunity to put these new communication tools into practice. When the Crusaders returned on horseback in the spring of 1358 they came to the aid of the Dauphine of France Joanna of Bourbon and her infant daughter during the siege of Meaux. The Jacquerie is subdued by blood[37] and Gaston III would have launched his war cry Febus aban for the first time.[38]

Back in his country, the now Fébus is made aware of the negotiations between the French and the English with a view to signing a peace treaty. In a position of strength, since the capture of John II, the English demanded a huge ransom as well as the transfer of a good part of the Kingdom of France.[39] The Dauphin Charles, refuses this option and tries to restore his authority in Île-de-France, as well as in the South thanks to a mission entrusted to his brother John, Duke of Berry.[39] By allying himself with John I, Count of Armagnac, the Duke of Berry awakens the old rivalry between the Houses of Foix-Béarn and Armagnac.[40] Fébus immediately launched hostilities with a series of attacks in March 1359.[40] He nevertheless acts with great caution, writing to the Dauphin to assure him of his loyalty.[39] The signing of the Treaty of Brétigny on 8 May 1360 offers Fébus the opportunity to get rid of John of Berry,[lower-alpha 16] as well as to obtain a huge compensation[lower-alpha 17] for the loss of Bigorre within the framework of this peace treaty.

The signing of an agreement with the House of Armagnac for the Bigorre question in no way ended the rivalry between the two families. These benefit from the slowness of the English camp (which is organizing its new territory)[lower-alpha 18] to settle their quarrel.[42] The two families brought together their allies: the House of Albret took the Armagnac side, while the Viscount of Couserans or even the Count of Astarac sided with Fébus.[43] It is in Launac on 5 December 1362[44] that the decisive battle took place.[45] Despite a clear numerical disadvantage, Fébus crushes the troops of Armagnac, he takes prisoner a good part of the southern nobility, including the Count of Armagnac. In exchange for the release of the defeated ones, Fébus receives an immense ransom of approximately 500,000 florins, laying the foundations of his financial hegemony over the whole Southern France.[46] This money was stored in the Château Moncade, where Fébus also created a gallery of portraits and military trophies to commemorate the event.[47]

The Black Prince. Miniature from the Livre de l'ordre de la jarretière de Bruges, circa 1445, BL, Stowe 594.

During the crisis with the Armagnacs, Fébus' son and heir finally arrives. Born in September 1362,[48] the child takes the name of Gaston in the tradition of the Béarn viscounts. But three months later, in December 1362, Fébus repudiates his wife Agnes unceremoniously.[lower-alpha 19] She takes refuge at the court of her brother, King Charles II of Navarre; for his action, Fébus justified himself claiming (correctly) that her dowry has not been fully paid. Arrived in Bordeaux on 29 June 1363 in order to administer the new Principality of Aquitaine, the Black Prince first wanted to take possession of the territories ceded by the Treaty of Brétigny.[50] The question of Béarn sovereignty soon became the main issue for Fébus. He uses a usual strategy for him: to save time, not to provoke his opponent, but to remain firm on the background.[51] Fébus plays this dodge card for the first time in March 1363[52] to an English emissary;[lower-alpha 20] he avoided the Black Prince's tribute tour throughout 1363, but finally went to Agen on 14 January 1364 to meet the prince there.

In front of the Black Prince, Fébus pays homage for all his lands "inside the Principality of Aquitaine".[53] Chandos, a servant of King Edward III, then asked Fébus if he had just paid homage for the land of Béarn, to which Fébus replied that his homage only concerned Marsan and Gabardan, because "it did not hold (the Béarn) from anyone".[54] In accordance with his habits, Fébus leaves his adversary a way out, specifying that he would pay homage for Béarn if proof of this were provided by a study of the archives.[55] At first, inclined to have this proud lord arrested, the Black Prince lets Fébus leave while waiting to be able to attest to his vassalage.[56] The English archivists subsequently find traces of a homage made by Margaret of Béarn in 1290 for Béarn, enough to assure the Black Prince of his right to claim the tribute of Fébus.[57] It follows, throughout 1364 and 1365, a game of hide and seek on the part of Fébus in order to wear down his opponent.[54] The Black Prince must request the intervention of the new King Charles V of France[lower-alpha 21] by a letter from 6 December 1365, saying he is ready to use force if necessary.[58]

Fébus once again took advantage of the circumstances, with the resumption of French-English hostilities, this time in a new ground, the Kingdom of Castile. Charles V wishes to install Henry of Trastámara on the throne there, in place of Peter the Cruel, supported by the English party. Fébus supported Henry of Trastámara, to whom he entrusted his illegitimate son Bernard of Béarn.[57] The maneuver is a success, and Henry of Trastámara took the throne. A counter-offensive was nevertheless mounted during the winter of 1366, with the Black Prince, the Albrets, the Armagnacs and Peter the Cruel. Part of this army must cross the bridges of Orthez and Sauveterre-de-Béarn to reach the Roncevaux Pass and then Navarre.[59] Fébus enforces the neutrality of Béarn, but everything is to be feared when the army returns.[60] The expedition of the Black Prince begins with success on 3 April 1367 at the Battle of Nájera, it then turns to disaster because of the conduct of Peter the Cruel[lower-alpha 22] and a disease that decimates a large part of the army.[lower-alpha 23] The Black Prince is himself affected by this disease, he returns "all broken" and at the head of a ruined expedition.[61] Since 8 May 1366, Fébus prepares Béarn for general mobilization pending the return of the expedition; it publishes an ordinance to the same effect on 27 July 1367. Finally, it is a routed army that crosses Béarn in the summer of 1367, the Black Prince seeking prior authorization from Fébus and agreeing to pay for his supplies up to "the least hen".[62] An episode which then amounts, for the Black Prince, to de facto recognizing the full sovereignty of Béarn.[63]

Fébus defeated the Armagnacs in the War of Comminges in 1376. Miniature by the Master of Boèce, taken from the Chronicles of Froissart, Bibliothèque municipale de Besançon, Ms. 865, f° 207 v°.

Freed from the threat of the Black Prince, Fébus must now face the strong comeback of Charles V. He had his brother Louis of Anjou installed as Lieutenant-general in Toulouse in 1367.[64] Louis of Anjou maneuvers with the Gascons, in particular the House of Armagnac, in order to revive hostilities against the English. The Treaty of Brétigny was annulled by Charles V, the latter relying on a purely formal clause that was not respected.[lower-alpha 24] In January 1369, the Armagnacs and Albrets lodge a complaint against the Black Prince in the Parliament of Paris, allowing Charles V to resume military operations in the South, with the right for him.[65] A coalition is then assembled between Louis of Anjou and the defeated ones at the Battle of Launac (Armagnac, Albret, etc.) to take back the lands of the South from the English. Despite Louis of Anjou's efforts to spare Fébus, Charles V persisted in wanting to regain control of Bigorre by relying unreservedly on the Armagnacs, at the risk of rekindling tensions between the two enemies.[66] In June 1373, the allied troops are gathered in Montauban and obtain without difficulty the capitulation of the garrisons of Tuzaguet and Mauvezin.[66] In Lourdes, the castle is held by the Compagnons de Lourdes, formidable warriors led by two bastard cousins of Fébus. Louis of Anjou has no other solution than to go through a negotiation to obtain the rallying of the Compagnons, thing done on 5 July 1373.[67] With Bigorre back, theoretically, under French control, the coalition continued its mission in Agenais and Périgord. His mission accomplished, Louis of Anjou handed over to John II, Count of Armagnac the lieutenancy-general of Languedoc on 30 August 1373.[68]

As usual, Fébus takes advantage of his neutrality to switch to the camp favoring his interests. Faced with French intransigence in favoring the Armagnacs, Fébus provoked a reversal of the alliance in favor of the English camp.[68] He met John of Gaunt, brother of the Black Prince, on 19 and 20 March 1374 in Dax to conclude an alliance.[69] The agreement first relates to the loan of 12,000 florins from Fébus to John of Gaunt, in exchange for the Château de Lourdes as mortgage pledge.[69] He also fixes a project for a marriage between Philippa, daughter of John of Gaunt, and the son and heir of Fébus. John of Gaunt's actions provokes numerous military operations in the Pays de l'Adour, leading to the request of the Soule citizens for the protection of Fébus,[lower-alpha 25] a pact concluded on 4 September 1375.[70] The alliance between Fébus and John of Gaunt was above all a matter of political manoeuvre, the Bearnaise lords never seeking to help the English party in its military maneuvers.[70] Faced with the troubles, Charles V withdrew the lieutenancy-general of Languedoc from John II of Armagnac, to entrust it again to Louis of Anjou,[71] allowing Fébus to do battle again with the Armagnacs. The death of Pierre-Raymond II, Count of Comminges, on 15 October 1375 represents the opportunity sought. Fébus, through his mother Eleanor of Comminges, then claimed the inheritance, while the Armagnacs and Albrets stood up to the widow and infant daughter and heiress of Pierre-Raymond II.[72] This new opposition provoked the War of Comminges, with the decisive confrontation at Cazères-sur-l'Adour in November 1376.[73] Fébus carried out a victorious counter-offensive there, capturing John II of Armagnac.[74]

Fébus ensures the union of its western and eastern territories, along the chain of the Pyrenees.

Remained neutral during the conflict, Louis of Anjou organized the mediation between the two camps after the final battle. He chose Tarbes as a place of negotiation, with the signing of three documents between 1376 and 1377.[75] Louis of Anjou first recognizes Fébus as "Count of Foix and Lord of Béarn" in the name of Charles V, the text also gives the title of dominus Bearni for Fébus, and not vicecomes Bearni, a way of implicitly recognizing the full sovereignty of Béarn.[76] Fébus then obtains an indemnity of 100,000 francs, but the talks aim to establish a lasting peace between the two camps. On 3 February 1377, a peace treaty was signed, were was accorded the marriage between Gaston, son heir to Fébus, and Beatrice, daughter of the Count of Armagnac.[75] After numerous negotiations, a final agreement was signed on 3 April 1379 in Barcelonne-du-Gers, on the border between Marsan and Armagnac.[77] The marriage between Gaston and Beatrice was finally celebrated on 19 April 1379 at Manciet.[78] The agreement signed with Louis of Anjou and the Armagnacs allows Fébus to achieve the grand design of its political and military action, with the union between its possessions of Béarn and Foix. The hereditary acquisition of the castellanies of Mauvezin and Goudon made it possible to expand Nébouzan to the west, joining this territory to Bigorre.[79] To the east of Nébouzan, Fébus can now count on a dozen lords dependent on Comminges[lower-alpha 26] and allowing continuity with the county of Foix. The control of Bigorre represents the last piece of this puzzle between Béarn and Foix. With the complicity of the Compagnons de Lourdes,[lower-alpha 27] Fébus urges Bigorrian municipalities to seek its protection.[80] During the summer of 1379, 26 conventions were signed between Fébus and Bigorrian communities, Tarbes was the last to cede on 27 November 1379.[81]

Chaining the successes, Fébus becomes more and more imperious as he gets older.[82] He created discontent in Béarn, which eventually resulted in a plot in 1380. The leader of this plot appears to be the Bishop of Lescar, Odon de Mendousse. The clergy appreciates very little the rarity of its pious foundations, its position vis-a-vis with the Papacy during the Western Schism and the absence of religious constructions.[lower-alpha 28] Part of the Bearnaise nobility also turned away from Fébus, notably the Baron d'Andoins, feeling that they were being pushed aside from power in favor of "technocrats" of low origin.[82] Since the repudiation of Agnes in 1362, Charles II of Navarre has every reason to want to harm his brother-in-law. The conjunction of all these malcontents led to the realization of a plot against Fébus, the first traces of which date back to the summer of 1378.[83]

The Drama of Orthez according to Chronicles of Froissart, Brussels, KBR, ms. II 88, fil. 16, circa 1410.[84]

The last piece of the plot is represented by Prince Gaston of Foix-Béarn, only legitimate son and heir of Fébus: he is greatly dissatisfied with his condition, playing no political role, serving as a pawn for his father, and having a lifestyle deemed too modest for his rank.[85] Aged 18, the prince is the central piece of the plot; he must administer a poison to his father in order to succeeded him, and thus favor the wishes of the other members of the plot. Between late July and early August 1380, Gaston was discovered before he could administer the poison[83] and imprisoned in the Château Moncade in Orthez, while Odon de Mendousse and the Baron d'Andoins go into exile with Charles II. The sequence of events cannot be told with certainty,[lower-alpha 29] but Gaston probably died in mid-August 1380[87] under the hand of his own father.[88] The tragedy overwhelms Fébus who says: "Never will I have joy as perfect as before".[86] He writes his Livre des oraisons, accrediting the thesis of the involuntary crime, and leaves Orthez for Pau, not returning to the Château Moncade until four years later.[89]

Fébus began his longest stay in the Pays de Foix from 18 January 1381.[90] At the Château de Mazères, he ruled Foix-Béarn until the middle of August 1382, holding a geographical position that had become essential in the face of the new French policy.[91] On 18 September 1380, Charles V dies and was succeeded by his son Charles VI. The new king was too young to govern, and a regency composed by his four uncles[lower-alpha 30] is set up; one of them is appointed to the lieutenancy-general of Languedoc. The Duke of Berry takes office in June 1381. Fébus has everything to fear from this coming, the peace agreement with the House of Armagnac being automatically broken since the Drama of Orthez.[92] Wishing to mark his territory vis-à-vis the Duke of Berry, in the event of a possible rapprochement with the Armagnacs, Fébus launched an attack on 21 July 1381 against a troop of about 2,500 mercenaries brandishing the standard of the Duke of Berry. The army of Fébus routed it and caused a great stir in the region.[93] This success allows Fébus to open negotiations from a position of strength with the French camp. The Duke of Berry comes to Mazères on 9 September 1381, with the discussions culminating on 28 December 1381 at Capestang.[94] In this agreement, Fébus recognizes the authority of the Duke of Berry in Languedoc, in exchange for the commitment of the Duke not to support the Armagnacs, while an annual annuity is also promised to the Count of Foix. The result is therefore multiple: the Duke of Berry now has a free hand in Languedoc against the Tuchins, Fébus rounds up his treasure of Orthez and can engage in attacks against the Armagnacs with total impunity.[lower-alpha 31] He left the County of Foix on 4 August 1382, returns to Béarn from October 1382 and began his longest stay at the Château de Pau until March 1383.[96] Fébus finally returned to Orthez on 5 April 1383, the first time since the tragedy of 1380, because he must notably organize the passage of the army of Louis II, Duke of Bourbon in 1385 to take part in the conflict for the throne of Portugal.[97]

Fébus meets Charles VI in Toulouse in 1390. Miniature attributed to Philippe de Mazerolles, Chronicles of Froissart, London, BL, Harley 4379, f° 29 v°.[98]

Aged 20 in 1388, Charles VI decided to get rid of the tutelage of his uncles to govern by himself.[99] The decision is made to begin a long journey in the South, a territory which has not received a visit from a sovereign for almost a century.[99] The purpose of this journey was then to put an end to the multiple abuses that had taken place in these countries during the successive governments of the Dukes of Anjou and Berry.[100] Beforehand, a representative of the king was sent to Orthez to discuss a marriage project,[lower-alpha 32] but above all to carry out an overview of the main subjects concerning the Midi Pyrenees with the host.[101] Louis de Sancerre and Fébus talk at length and discuss several subjects: the succession of Foix-Béarn,[lower-alpha 33] relations with the House of Armagnac[lower-alpha 34] or even the status of Bigorre.[lower-alpha 35] Following these discussions, a first result was quickly obtained with the holding on 26 July 1389 of a meeting between Bearnaises and Armagnacs to lay the foundations for a peace agreement.[102] On 2 September 1389,[100] Charles VI begins his journey to the South by descending the Vallée du Rhône and meeting Antipope Clement VII in Avignon.[103] A meeting between the king and Fébus is preparing, the latter nevertheless demands that this interview does not call into question the status of sovereignty of Béarn. Louis de Sancerre asks Fébus to choose clearly between the French and English camp, in case hostilities resume; Fébus then replied: "I hold my country of Béarn from God, from my sword and from my lineage; I have no need to put myself in servitude".[104]

The meeting is planned in Toulouse, Fébus stays there from 4 to 6 January 1390,[104] he made a remarkable entry into the city[lower-alpha 36] before joining the Jacobin convent to stay there. The first meeting between Charles VI and Fébus took place on 5 January 1390 at Château Narbonnais,[105] the Bearnaise lord was then treated like a prince.[lower-alpha 37] Fébus then organizes a sumptuous meal for 200 people to which he invites the Dukes of Touraine and Bourbon. The king makes an appearance at the end of this dinner.[107] Then invited to Mazères by Fébus, the king was received with the greatest care. Knowing that it is impossible to compete with the royal festivities of Saint-Denis, Fébus organizes an unusual party without trying to dazzle the king.[lower-alpha 38] It was during these meetings that the Treaty of Toulouse was carried out in secret by Fébus and the French camp. On 5 January 1390, Fébus made Charles VI his universal legatee against the granting as life annuity of Bigorre and of 100,000 francs,[108] this treaty is covered with the seal of Fébus but is not signed.[108] This treaty raises many questions. This one is particularly favorable to the French camp since it would allow, against a bag of gold and the cession for a limited duration of Bigorre, to incorporate in the kingdom the most important feudal inheritance of the South.[109] For Fébus, this treaty would allow him to end his life as sovereign prince, but his work would die out completely with him. No longer having any legitimate descendants, perhaps he wanted to deprive the Foix-Castelbon branch of any inheritance.[lower-alpha 39] The life of Fébus is marked by many unrespected treaties, so it is difficult to know what his real intentions are. The commitments he subsequently made are, however, in contradiction with those made at Toulouse.[110] In two agreements signed on 15 May and 10 June 1390 in Pamiers and Girona, he engages in a league against the House of Armagnac[lower-alpha 40] with King John I of Aragon. The agreements specifying that this alliance would also be valid for their heirs, it is difficult to imagine Fébus engaging the King of France in a conflict with a vassal like the Armagnacs.[111]

The death of Fébus. Chronicles of Froissart, London, BL, Harley 4379, f° 126.

Febus dies on 1 August 1391[108] at L'Hôpital-d'Orion, on the road between Sauveterre-de-Béarn and Orthez.[112] After a hunt in the region of Sauveterre, Fébus and his retinue dine at L'Hôpital-d'Orion, where he is victim of a fatal stroke.[113] The story of his death is notably provided by Jean Froissart, who collects the testimony of Espan du Lion,[lower-alpha 41] present that day.[114] Froissart writes:

«He (Fébus) got up from the seat and stretched out his hands to wash them. As soon as the cold water ran down his fingers [...], his face turned pale, his heart quivered, his feet gave way under him, he fell on the seat, upside down, saying: "I am dead. Lord true God, forgive me". He never spoke again.»[112]

Jean Froissart's account specifies that Fébus went bear hunting that day, an unlikely story in the Sauveterre region in August, deer hunting being more logical.[lower-alpha 42] Present when his father died, Yvain made a brief attempt to succeed him. Before the news of Fébus' death spreads and with the help of some conspirators of L'Hôpital-d'Orion, Yvain tries to get his hands on the treasure of Orthez. His attempt is a failure,[lower-alpha 43] he must resolve to let the jurats of Orthez take control.[116] The news of the death of Fébus now known to all, his remains were first transported to the Château de Sauveterre[115] and then to Orthez at the end of the morning of 2 August 1391.[117] The funeral of Fébus takes place on 2 October 1391, probably in the convent of the Order of Preachers[118] (also called the Jacobins convent). The coffin is buried in the church, without any recumbent statue, mausoleum or tombstone.[118]

Without a legitimate heir and after Yvain's aborted attempt, the succession of Fébus became the urgent issue of the Foix-Béarn territory. The question is particularly central in Béarn, anxious to defend its independence. On 8 August 1391, the Estates of Béarn meet for the first time in Orthez;[119] this assembly brings together the Cour majour[lower-alpha 44] and the Cour des Communautés.[lower-alpha 45] The treasure of Orthez is inventoried[lower-alpha 46] and its contents distributed (a part goes to the illegitimate sons of Fébus). In the absence of a will drawn up by Fébus, the Estates decided to enforce the will of his father, Gaston II. Matthew of Foix-Castelbon is designated as the legitimate heir,[lower-alpha 47] provided that several prerequisites are met, including in particular the maintenance of the sovereignty of Béarn.[120] The Estates also demanded a sharing of powers with the reigning prince, to put an end to the enlightened despotism of Fébus and set up a sort of contractual monarchy.[120] Maintaining the sovereignty and neutrality of Béarn represents the main priority of the Estates, considering that they "had nothing to do with the King of France", unlike the County of Foix.[121] The cancellation of the Treaty of Toulouse, concluded in 1390, is therefore the challenge of this succession,[22] at the risk of seeing Béarn regain its autonomy from Foix.

Matthew of Foix-Castelbon was barely of legal age (14 years-old), when he received the homage of the main nobles of the country of Foix on 17 August 1391, the negotiation of the Treaty of Toulouse is therefore mainly led by his mother Géraude de Navailles and two advisers, Espan du Lion and Roger d'Espagne.[122] It is then necessary to act quickly, because the Marmousets seem determined to enforce the Treaty of Toulouse.[lower-alpha 48] Espan du Lion and Roger d'Espagne travel to Tours at the end of 1391 for negotiations with the French king. With Bureau de La Rivière and Philippe de Moulins, Bishop of Noyon, Roger d'Espagne develops his argument: the Treaty of Toulouse is not honorable for the King of France,[lower-alpha 49] the populations of Foix and especially of Béarn would be totally hostile to a seizure of the king, it would be dangerous to stand up against the heir supported by the Kingdom of Aragon.[lower-alpha 50][123] In a tense context in Brittany for the Marmousets and the opening of peace negotiations between France and England, caution is required not to destabilize the entire Pyrenean zone.[124] In this context, and in exchange for 250,000 francs, Charles VI annuls the Treaty of Toulouse and recognizes Matthew as the sole heir of Fébus by letters patent dated 20 December 1391.[125] The Foix-Béarn unit is preserved, as is the sovereignty of Béarn, while the undivided power of Fébus gives way to co-governance between the lord and assemblies of representatives.[126]

Fébus teaching his huntsmen to corner and hoot. Livre de chasse, Paris, BnF, Fr.616, f° 54 r°.

Fébus exercises power in a form of enlightened despotism;[127] he dismisses the nobility and the traditional assemblies for a personal government.[128] A privy council is constituted, without a fixed composition, while lieutenant generals are appointed to replace it at any time during its travels. This function is reserved for members of his family, including Arnaud-Guilhem, before the abolition of this role from 1365.[128] Fébus decides everything and chooses his collaborators, the family first, many jurists, but very few nobles.[lower-alpha 51] In Béarn, Fébus makes the administration the instrument of a power that he alone exercises.[129] Justice is notably taken in hand by Gaston III, whereas the power of his predecessors in the matter were previously limited. The traditional Béarn courts (Cour Majour and Cour des Communautés) as well as the Seneschal were divested in favor of the "audience deu senhor",[130] entirely under the control of Fébus.

In Foix, the stranglehold is just as strong by Fébus, although the exercise of power is less personal there. Although the administration there is better structured when it comes to power, Foix wasn't Fébus main place of residence. He therefore agrees to delegate, in particular to the Seneschal, except in fiscal and military matters.[131] The exercise of the power of Fébus is described as solitary, especially in Béarn, he tolerates no failure, no dispute and above all no failure in the payment of what is due. As he grew older, Gaston III became more and more authoritarian and inflexible.[132] However, his action is always considered fair,[lower-alpha 52] reasoned[lower-alpha 53] and not arbitrary.[133] Fébus plays the role of the lord protector of his people, he particularly likes contact with his subjects, rendering justice in the open air, on the banks of the Gave de Pau for example, in the line of a Saint Louis rendering justice under an oak.[134]

Froissart kneeling before Fébus at the court of Orthez. Miniature attributed to Philippe de Mazerolles, Chronicles of Froissart, London, BL, Royal 14 D V, f° 8.

As for his ancestors since Gaston VII of Béarn, the Château Moncade in Orthez is the main residence of Fébus.[135] He only stays very occasionally in other Béarn castles, except in that of Pau from 1375. During his stays in Foix, Fébus sometimes resided at the Château de Pamiers or that of Foix, but almost exclusively at the Château de Mazères from 1375.[135] During his reign, Fébus welcomed very high figures in his residences, the Black Prince in Mazères in 1355, King Peter I of Cyprus in 1363–1364 in Orthez, the Duke of Bourbon still in Orthez in 1388, but also the King Charles VI of France in 1390 at Mazères.[136] Archaeological studies show, as at Montaner or Orthez, that the "Febusian" residences are composed of a seigniorial main building with two levels, on the ground floor the servile use, and on the first floor the habitat of the lord and his entourage.[135]

The great hall is the place of public life of the lord and court life, that of the Château Moncade is perhaps decorated with tapestries illustrating the Battle of Launac, hunting scenes are also described.[137] Froissart's long visit to Orthez, between 1388 and 1389, allows us to describe court life under Fébus. The large hall, or tinel,[138] is the occasion for meals, shows, literary evenings and other various celebrations.[139] Two main distractions are described, music and minstrel songs. The most original character of the court life of Orthez being the attraction for the art of the troubadours,[140] while the tournaments are never practiced there, contrary to the medieval fashion. Froissart also notes that the court of Orthez has a massive and above all extremely fast flow of information, thanks to the remarkable intelligence network of Fébus.[141]

In the vast ground floor of the tower of the Château Moncade, Fébus installs the treasure room and a prison, the first floor with its loopholes with niches, retains a defensive role, while the upper levels are devoted to the residence. Equipped with four large windows with cushions and a chimney per level, they probably result from work commissioned by Fébus in 1374, concomitant with those of the Montaner tower. The adjoining main building, accessible by the monumental staircase opening onto the courtyard, houses the ceremonial room. Located on the first floor, it is caught between the servile spaces on the ground floor and the apartments of Fébus on the second floor. According to the chronicles of Froissart relating his trip to Béarn in 1388-1389, the gallery accessible by the staircase, and which partly bordered the state room, had such a large fireplace that one of Fébus' companions, Arnauton d'Espagne, dumped there all the logs loaded on the largest donkey which was in the courtyard below.[142]

In Morlàas which is the capital of the first viscounts of Béarn, although Gaston VII transfers his capital to Orthez, the city remains one of the most important in the principality with its 300 fires in the 14th century, it also retains the Béarn monetary minting workshop where Fébus had gold coins minted aligned with the Aragonese florin. Fébus set up a residence there, now destroyed, to replace the old count's castle. As early as 1373, he acquired a series of plots and houses from villagers. The following year, he annexed the masonry of a tower and the timber of a resident who was indebted to him. As a text from 1375 indicates, this residence presents all the elements that embodies the Febusian plan: a curtain wall, a gate tower, a drawbridge spanning a ditch, and inside the building, a large hall, a kitchen and three superimposed bedrooms. We thus perceive, from these years, the administrator Fébus, which aims to reduce its expenses as much as possible, by appealing to the population and by unifying its constructions.[142]

The seal of Gaston II of Foix-Béarn, father of Fébus.

Fébus is the only legitimate child of Gaston II of Foix-Béarn and Eleanor of Comminges. His father is therefore from the Foix-Béarn line, founded by the marriage of his grandparents Roger-Bernard III, Count of Foix and Margaret of Béarn. The Foix-Béarn family is linked to all the southern families:[143] Majorca, Narbonne, Armagnac and even Aragon. Gaston II's mother, Joan of Artois, was the great-granddaughter of Robert I, Count of Artois, brother of Saint Louis. This French princess brings the prestige of the royal house to Foix-Béarn, but also many worries. She was accused of bad behavior and a licentious life, so that her husband Gaston I and then her son Gaston II banished her from court.[144] Before his death, Gaston I divided his domains between his sons Gaston II and Roger-Bernard III, who received the Viscounty of Castelbon and the other Catalan possessions inherited from the Foix and the Moncade; his grandson, Matthew, eventually became in the successor of Fébus. The Foix-Castelbon branch is however hated by Fébus, because was suspected[lower-alpha 54] that Matthew's father, Roger-Bernard IV, may have been involved in the 1380 plot against Fébus.[89] Bertrand, Baron de L'Isle-Jourdain, plays the role of tutor to Gaston II; he is also the uncle of Eleanor of Comminges. Bertrand was instrumental in the marriage of his niece with Gaston II in 1325,[145] despite the great age difference between them.[lower-alpha 55]

Fébus' family tree, startin from the marriage of Roger-Bernard III of Foix to Margaret of Béarn.

Eleanor was the youngest child of Bernard VII, Count of Comminges; at first, she seems to be dedicated to celibacy or to the convent until the intervention of her uncle.[145] After several children who died in infancy, Eleanor was approaching her forties when she gave birth to Fébus.[lower-alpha 56] The marriage between Gaston II and Eleanor is not a sentimental success, although Gaston II still retains a lot of esteem and respect for his wife.[8] Gaston II spent most of his life fighting for the French king, it was during a truce between the French and the English that he left for Andalusia at the call of King Alfonso XI of Castile, dying on 26 September 1343 during the Siege of Algeciras.[8] During his many absences, Eleanor played an essential role in the education of Fébus.[146] Thanks to the will left by Gaston II before his departure for Andalusia, Eleanor was tutor and regent of the heir until his legal majority (14 years), and also continues to manage his property, as curator, until his 21 years. The homage tour that Aliénor organizes for Fébus on the death of his father is fundamental in her career,[lower-alpha 57] and also shows herself as a remarkable manager.[145] Eleanor died around 1369, near Le Mas-d'Azil in the County of Foix.[145]

Fébus is the sole legitimate heir of Gaston II, he has neither surviving siblings from the marriage of his parents. Gaston II nevertheless has several illegitimate children, born of his liaisons with several mistresses. Fébus therefore had two half-sisters: Béarnèse (wife of Raymond Bernard II of Castelnau-Tursan) and Marguerite (wife of John of Châteauverdun, Lord of Caumont), and two half-brothers: Arnaud-Guilhem (who married Jeanne, heiress of the Lordship of Morlanne) and Pierre (who married Florencia of Aragon).[8] The children grow up together, Arnaud-Guilhem and Pierre are faithful companions of Fébus throughout his life.[8] The two illegitimate sons seem to have benefited from the same physical and military education as Fébus, the intellectual and artistic education being surely reserved for the heir.[8] Arnaud-Guilhem is considered to be the "main collaborator" of Fébus,[147] the latter not hesitating to entrust him with the fate of Béarn during some of his trips outside.[lower-alpha 58] Thanks to his marriage, Arnaud-Guilhem became the heir to the domain of Morlanne, he participated in the construction of the Château de Morlanne, desired by his brother to strengthen the defense system of Béarn. Arnaud-Guilhem seems to die just before his brother in 1391.[147]

Agnes of Navarre was a granddaughter of King Louis X of France. Miniature dedication of a Vie de saint Louis, BNF, Fr.13568, f° 1.

Aged 9, Fébus is the subject of a marriage project between his father and King James III of Majorca. On 10 February 1340 in Perpignan, Gaston II signs a marriage contract for his son and the daughter of James III, infanta Isabella of Majorca.[148] But the death of Gaston II in 1343, as well as the capture of Perpignan by King Peter IV of Aragon, caused the project to be abandoned.[149] Having become regent, Eleanor turns to the royal family of Navarre to marry her son. She and Queen Joan II of Navarre began negotiations in 1345 in order to marry Fébus to one of Joan II's daughters, infanta Agnes of Navarre. This alliance is particularly prestigious for the House of Foix-Béarn, in addition to the prestige linked to the crown of Navarre, Agnes is also a close relative of the King of France.[lower-alpha 59] The marriage was postponed until 1349, Agnes not being yet marriageable. During a long stay in Île-de-France to settle Navarrese affairs in their Norman domain, Eleanor and Fébus are invited by Joan II to celebrate the wedding.[150] The marriage contract is signed on 5 May 1349, with the promise of a dowry of 20,000 livres from the Queen of Navarre, but a deposit of 1,000 livres being paid only. The wedding is finally celebrated with a grand ceremony[150] on 4 August 1349 in the Temple Church in Paris. Fébus becomes by this marriage brother-in-law of the King of Navarre but also of the King of France.[lower-alpha 60]

The life of Agnes is not known,[lower-alpha 61] but everything suggests that the marriage is not happy.[151] In September 1362, she gives birth to the male heir, Gaston, but in December 1362 or January 1363, Fébus sends his wife away. He instructs his half-brother Arnaud-Guilhem to dismiss her on the grounds that the dowry has never been fully paid, refusing her to take her personal effects with her.[151] The interventions of Pope Urban V in 1364 and Pope Gregory XI in 1373 did not change anything, Fébus definitively refused to take back his wife Agnes, who remains at the court of Navarre in Pamplona without ever returning to Bearn or seeing Fébus again;[152] she died in early 1396. Agnes' repudiation is an act which seems irrational,[lower-alpha 62] it indirectly provokes the plot and the Drama of Orthez of 1380,[lower-alpha 63] as well as the transmission of the inheritance to the Foix-Castelbon branch. Fébus sired at least three illegitimate children; the names and social condition of his mistresses are unknown.[153] Only Froissart's story allows us to know the daily life of Fébus, but despite the physical and intellectual form of the prince, no woman is present in the court of Orthez. Far from having a physical detestation of them, Fébus seems to have a psychological rejection towards women, which could explain the repudiation of Agnes as well as the absence of women throughout her life, with the exception of her mother Eleanor.[154]

Illustration of the Drama of Orthez according to Froissart's account, Le Jeune Gaston, dit l'Ange de Foix, by Claudius Jacquand, 1838, currently at the Louvre.

After 10 years of marriage, Agnes finally gives birth to a first[lower-alpha 64] legitimate son to Febus in 1359, but the child dies almost immediately.[48] Three years later, in September 1362, a second son, Gaston, was born in Béarn, whose godfather was the King of Navarre. After the almost immediate repudiation of Agnes, Gaston is raised at the court of Orthez.[155] His life is little known until the drama of Orthez in 1380. Gaston, Prince and heir of Foix-Béarn, appears several times in the chronicles; in March 1374, a marriage is planned for him and the daughter of the Duke of Lancaster;[156] in 1376 Gaston appears in the army that Fébus mounts: aged 14, Gaston has reached the age of legal majority among the princes. But his place appears to be very limited, especially in comparison with his two illegitimate half-brothers Bernard and Yvain,[lower-alpha 65] enough to validate the tradition that Fébus did not like Gaston, preferring his bastard sons to him.[155] Gaston reappears during his marriage in 1379 with Beatrice of Armagnac, in order to seal the peace between the two enemy families. The marriage is celebrated on 19 April 1379, in the absence of Fébus and under particularly modest conditions for a prince of his rank.[157]

Gaston grew up without knowing his mother; he kept the link all the same during several visits to the court of Navarre authorized by his father.[lower-alpha 66] This gesture of leniency of Fébus towards his son finally seems to turn against him, since Gaston participates in the plot of 1380 in the company of Charles II of Navarre.[82] The circumstances of the Drama of Orthez are not precisely known; Froissart and Juvénal des Ursins give two different versions which each include improbabilities.[lower-alpha 67] All the versions agree that, following a failed poisoning attempt against his father, Gaston died, probably by the hand of Fébus,[159] in August 1380. Gaston's participation in the plot being the result of a probable resentment towards his father, who only uses him as a pawn in his political ambitions, without giving him the slightest responsibility, unlike his half-brothers.[160] The death of Gaston made Fébus lose his only legitimate heir, making the Foix-Castelbon branch the next in line to the succession of its domains.

Yvain, the favorite son of Fébus, died in 1393 following the Bal des Ardents. Chronicles of Froissart. BL, Harley 4380, f° 1.

Fébus has at least three[lower-alpha 68] illegitimate children from his various mistresses. The first one was Bernard, born around 1350;[162] Yvain was born a little before the heir Gaston around 1360-1361, while Gratien was born later. The life of this last son is very poorly known, he is reported for the first time by Froissart at the 1388 Christmas banquet, before reappearing at the time of his father's death. Gratien could have taken part in the Berber crusade[lower-alpha 69] organized by Louis II, Duke of Bourbon in Tunisia, before finding death in 1394 in Sicily.[163] Bernard is brilliantly established in Castile; thanks to the protection of King Henry II of Castile, he becomes the first Count of Medinaceli. Bernard appears alongside his father during the War of Comminges in 1376. By his marriage to Isabel de la Cerda (granddaughter of Alfonso de la Cerda, in turn grandson of King Alfonso X of Castile), Bernard is the only one of his children to give direct descent to Fébus, which continues today.[163]

Tradition designates Yvain as the favorite child of Fébus.[162] Their ties are very close; he is already in his father's personal guard in 1376, while he leads the Béarn troops in 1381 during the victory at Rabastens, Froissart also describes Fébus and Yvain as inseparable.[lower-alpha 70] On the death of his father and on the advice of his intimates, Yvain made an attempt to take possession of the Orthez treasury, and thus succeed Fébus.[165] His attempt is a failure, but he recovers 100,000 florins in the company of his brother Gratien, as well as furniture, during the division of property.[119] Yvain then moved to the court of France with the support of Joan II, Countess of Auvergne, entering the immediate entourage of King Charles VI. Yvain stands out as one of the organizers of the parties given at the Hôtel Saint-Pol. He participates on 28 January 1393 at a costume ball that would become the famous Bal des Ardents. Yvain is one of the six nobles burned during the fire caused by the torch of Louis I, Duke of Orléans.[166] He died childless on 30 January 1393 as a result of his wounds "with great pain and martyrdom".[167]

Fébus has blond hair.[168]

The physical appearance of Fébus is not precisely known, it is only possible to sketch a silhouette. A motet announces his "flaming hair".[169] Froissart brings some additional elements throughout his chronicles:

«And I tell you that in my time I have seen many knights, kings, princes and others, but that I never saw who had such beautiful limbs, such a beautiful look, such a beautiful figure, the beautiful face, sanguine and laughing and the green eyes, in love where it pleased him to cast his gaze», «The Count of Foix who was a handsome prince, of beautiful form, of beautiful height, bare-headed with disheveled hair because he never wore a hood».[170]

Many are the illuminated manuscripts representing his features and his presence, but they depict an imagined and fictitious Fébus. The most famous version of the Livre de chasse is Fr. 616[171] dated 1407.[172] This version is commissioned by John the Fearless; it is based on another manuscript, now in the Hermitage Museum, commissioned by Fébus and possibly dedicated to the Duke of Burgundy.[173] Fébus' hair is still blonde in this version, despite some inconsistencies.[lower-alpha 71]

All these elements make it possible to imagine a handsome man, with a bloody face, clear eyes and blond hair. Fébus had to wear clothes as sumptuous as those worn in the manuscript Fr. 616 of the Livre de chasse, with decorations symbolizing his power.[170] The impression that the prince gives to his contemporaries can be completed with the words of Geoffrey Chaucer:

«He was the most beautiful man in the world who was or had been since the beginning of the world. What need is there to describe his features. Because in this world there was no one alive who was so beautiful».[lower-alpha 72]

Fébus in prayer. Livre des oraisons, Paris, BnF, Fr.616, f° 122.

Some character traits and life habits of Fébus are clearly identifiable. Apart from the need for war or hunting, he worked at night and slept for a good part of the day, not getting up until around noon.[170] A rhythm of life close to that adopted in Madrid, but far from the habits of the court of France. Fébus' assiduity at work is one of his main behavioral traits, himself specifying in the prologue to his Livre de chasse that despite his passion for this entertainment, it never led him to "neglect the service of his own affairs who must import more".[174] The registers of his notary also prove his total availability to his princely duties, exerting permanent administrative pressure. Fébus commands his men with brief orders, applying the same method as to his dogs, for which he devotes a real passion, and which accompanies him in all his movements.[175] Fébus writes: "The dog is faithful to his master and of good and true love".

Fébus is just as capable of charming his audience as he is of showing mental cruelty towards his enemies.[176] He does not hesitate to repudiate Agnes bluntly or to keep his first cousin, the Viscount of Castelbon, at the bottom of a pit for eight months. On the other hand, he always renders justice in a non-arbitrary way, and apart from the Drama of Orthez, no chronicler accuses him of bodily harm or summary executions.[176] In the context of the 14th century, Fébus is neither worse nor better than the kings and princes of his time, his action being able to be judged as less cruel than many others. This sentence from Juvénal des Ursins can sum up the complexity of the character, adored as much as hated:

«He had been a valiant prince in his time, and subjugated his neighbors and he was well loved, honored and prized, feared and dreaded».[176]

The inscription Febus me fe at Château de Montaner.

A unique case for his time, Gaston III of Foix-Béarn chose his nickname and gradually replaced his birth name with this creation. The nickname Fébus, his battle cry Febus aban and his motto Toquey si gauses, make their appearance during the ride of the prince in Prussia in 1358.[36] The battle cry Febus aban is the first element unveiled by Gaston III during the siege of Meaux on his return from the crusade.[177] In the middle of the 14th century, he was one of the first European princes to write a handwritten signature[lower-alpha 73] at the bottom of certain acts.[179] But, unique case,[177] Gaston III chooses to sign by his new nickname: the oldest document featuring the Fébus signature dates from 16 April 1360;[179][36] the general look of this signature does not change until 1390, when Gaston III choosing a clearly visible and detached signature to make it striking.[180] He also extends the scope of this nickname, by minting his coins with the inscription Febus comes[181] and by placing on his fortresses that of Febus me fe.[177][182] In 1387, when he wrote the prologue to his Livre de chasse, he specified the elements constituting his identity: "I, Gaston by the grace of God, nicknamed Fébus, count of Foix, lord of Béarn".[177]

The choice of the nickname Fébus is a gesture of pride to be linked to the crusade in Prussia, a triumphal ride[lower-alpha 74] worthy of a chivalric novel.[36] His adoubement during the crusade surely explains this desire to change his name.[183] The choice of Febus clearly refers to the ancient god Phoibos, or Apollo. Several reasons are put forward to explain this choice made by Gaston III, his blond hair recalls the god of light, while Phoibos, brother of Artemis, is a great hunter just like him.[183] Nevertheless, this nickname mainly refers to the solar myth associated with Phoibos.[184] Since Roman times, Apollo has been the sun god intimately linked to the exercise of power. But Gaston III has in his library several compilations of the Facts of the Romans. Also and above all, he has a version translated around 1350[185] in langue d'oc from the encyclopedia of Bartholomaeus Anglicus. This one describes in a passage the virtues of the zodiac sign of the Sun: "In the constellation of the sun men are beautiful and light and for this reason in painting they make him wings and the face of a child and is called Phoebus that is to say beautiful". The translation into langue d'oc shows "[...] apelaven Febus que vol dire bel".[184] The end of this paragraph completes the qualities attributed to the Sun: "Beneath the sun is contained beauty, victory, fortune and legacies. The sun means spirit and soul".

Gaston III always spells his nickname with the langue d'oc spelling Fébus, never Phébus or Phœbus as it is possible to observe wrongly.[186] He also never combines "Gaston Fébus" as has been done since the 19th century,[177] so he always separates his Christian name and his nickname. The nickname Fébus was, after his death, borne by other members of the family, including Francis Fébus, King of Navarre from 1479 to 1483. Several nicknames were given to him thereafter, including "Comte soleil",[lower-alpha 75] "Prince des Pyrénées"[187] or "Lion des Pyrénées".[188]

Fébus chooses a Béarnaise cattle's head to top his helm. Elucidari de las proprietatz, BSG, ms. 1029, f° 10 r°, detail.

In addition to the nickname Fébus, Gaston III chose a set of other emblems to symbolize his action and mark the spirits. During the Prussian crusade, he chose his motto Toquey si gauses ("Touch it if you dare") to illustrate his enthusiasm for arms. This phrase is still the motto of Orthez.[189] Fébus uses two types of seal during his rule.[190] The first appears in 1341, and is used at least until 1361. This seal is marked by its great sobriety, taking only the arms of Foix-Béarn. At least from 1377 and until the end of his life, Fébus uses another more worked seal. This presents the quartered shield of Foix-Béarn abeam, surmounted by a crest combining a bassinet and a cow's head with its bell in a dominant position.[191] The bovine figure represents the Béarnaise cattle, also present on the coat of arms of Béarn. According to a hypothesis supported by several historians,[192] the dominant position of the head of the cow indicates that Béarn is a sovereign land.[191] Fébus retains his father's coat of arms, despite his marriage to Agnes,[lower-alpha 76] he also retains the Béarn register for his seal and crest. His heraldic identity is a legacy that he keeps, in order to be part of a double line of nobility.[193] The nickname, the battle cry, the autograph signature or the motto are more personal elements, which he uses to express his personality and his ambition.

Fébus reigns during an era marked by permanent conflicts,[194] so it is decisive to have an army that can be quickly mobilized and in numbers. Fébus could mobilize an army of around 4,000 men[195] and more than 1,000 horses,[196] divided equally between Béarn and Foix. As a last resort, a massive levy can also be carried out in order to defend the interior of the country, transforming each inhabitant into a fighter.[197] This army of 4,000 men exceeds all that the other princes of the South can raise, but does not reach the 7,000 to 10,000 men mobilized by the kings of France and England during the battles of Poitiers or Crécy for example.[198] With the Orthez treasury, Fébus has the sinews of war, he can regularly pay the balances allowing him to maintain his ability to intervene over time.

Fébus turns out to be a fine tactician, he combines diplomacy, tactics and strategy.[199] He does everything to use his military force only as a last resort, knowing that it is better to show his force than to have to use it.[199] In nearly 50 years of reign, Fébus fought only two major battles at Launac in 1362 and Cazères in 1376 to establish his domination over the House of Armagnac. He also leaves only four times at the head of his army to inspire respect in his adversary.[194] His motto Toquey si gauses illustrates his military strategy, to intimidate to avoid confrontation, his reputation being built on a small number of expeditions but always carefully prepared and victorious.

The defensive system of Fébus in Béarn.

In addition to his army, Fébus built his military ambition on a system of fortresses[200] of a rare density.[194] At the end of his life, the prince controlled some forty fortresses along the Pyrénées, from Soule to Foix.[201] A passage from a motet describes: "This country is surrounded by towers that rise high in the sky [...] Admirable domain of the bull. The mother cow protects this garden with her horns. May the hand of the reckless man, O mother, wounded by your horns, turn away from the right place to enter it".[lower-alpha 77] This network is heterogeneous, because Fébus inherits most of the constructions.[202] He had this heritage reorganized and consolidated, particularly between 1372 and 1378 with the Château de Pau, which for Fébus represented the center of his defensive system to the east of Béarn.[203] Among the constructions carried out under his supervision, Morlanne[204] and Montaner[205] are the two most complete examples.[206] The use of brick instead of the traditional cut stone is the most characteristic element of Febusian constructions, it is inspired here by the Palace of the Kings of Majorca in Perpignan or the Bellver Castle in the Balearic Islands, places in which its architect, Sicard de Lordat, was trained.[206] The brick finds its interest by saving time, and therefore money, that it allows.

The Febusian fortresses all use a polygonal plan enclosing an inner courtyard where the well is located, they are built on top of a hillock as well as an artificial motte.[207] The other main characteristic is the presence of an enormous donjon,[lower-alpha 78] those of Pau[208] and Montaner rising to 40 meters in height.[207] The fortress of Montaner represents the centerpiece of the defense plan wanted by Fébus. It presents grandiose dimensions[209] with a total of 5 to 6 hectares and the use of approximately 1,700,000 bricks only for its buttresses.[210] At the junction of Béarn, Bigorre and Armagnac, Fébus wants with Montaner a palace-fortress ensuring a military function but also a princely setting,[210] symbol of the reunion of the sovereign principality that he dreams of establishing between Foix and Béarn.[211]

• Febusian constructions
• 
  Château de Montaner
• 
  The tower of Château Moncade
• 
  Château de Mauvezin
• 
  Château de Morlanne
• 
  The Fébus' tower (Château du Pau)
• 
  Château Moncade

Fébus had several works translated into the langue d'oc, including the Livre des propriétés des choses by Bartholomaeus Anglicus. BSG, ms. 1029, f° 10 r°.

Ambitious in war as in politics, Fébus must build up an important treasure to carry out his projects. Money is the sinews of war, it allows you to negotiate alliances, build an army and generally dominate your opponents. In addition to the money coming from his military victories, through ransoms, Fébus developed a collection system in order to make the most of his territories. From 1365,[212] the prince had a "reform" carried out to investigate, place by place, all the royalties collected, in kind or in money. In Béarn, Fébus reformed the state administration, particularly with regard to forests and mountains,[212] he also instituted tolls, as on the Orthez bridge. In Foix, he is particularly interested in industrial income.[lower-alpha 79] Fébus also had gold florins struck at the Morlaàs workshops in order to open up Béarn more widely to Aquitaine and Iberian trade.[lower-alpha 80] These important revenues are nevertheless not sufficient for the projects of Fébus, especially after his refusal to pay homage to the Black Prince in 1364.[213] From 1367, the Fouage was levied: it was a flat-rate direct tax of 2 francs that each head of the family had to pay annually.[214] The Fouage is based on the Feu fiscal ("foecs"), the Febusian administration must therefore regularly list the number of fires per community.[213] Of these surveys, there remain in particular those concerning Béarn in 1385[lower-alpha 81] and Foix, the Albigensian and the Lautrécois in 1390. The fogadger is responsible for collecting this tax, which is then centralized with all the other taxes at the Château Moncade.[215]

Fébus is extremely rigorous in terms of payment of Fouage, not hesitating to imprison jurats and prosecutors at the slightest delay by a community. In addition to the Fouage, he is inventive to get the most money from his estates, he creates for example a tax in 1380 on the capital gains realized in the year (named Creix), he also makes arrangements with the cagots.[lower-alpha 82] Court fines are an important source of revenue; Fébus prefers this sentence to any other,[217] because any summary execution amounts to making a potential taxpayer disappear.[214] In his chronicles, Froissart marvels that taxable persons pay their taxes so willingly, the exceptional peace enjoyed by the territory of Fébus at that time is not unrelated to this observation.[214] The prince also increases his fortune by multiple loans he grants to other lords, this strategy also allows him to consolidate or even expand his political influence.[218] If Fébus is a virtuoso[219] in terms of cash inflows, he is also so in keeping it. He is described as "close to his pennies", Froissart writes about the prince and his money: "Never have (never) mad outrage or mad generosity loved; and he wanted to know every month what his was becoming".[220] Fébus saves especially on his daily private life, he never skimps on the other hand when he needs wealth to ensure himself power and glory,[219] in particular in the military field.[221]

Febus hunting wild boar. Livre de chasse, circa 1390, Paris, BnF, Fr.619, f° 83 v°19.[222]

Apart from his assiduous princely work, Fébus had a passion for hunting and the dogs that accompanied him;[223] he was considered one of the greatest hunters of his time.[224] The Chronicle of Moissac mentioned: "He had a passion for hunting and owned a thousand hunting dogs". Hunting is omnipresent in Fébus' daily world, the Château Moncade is surrounded by a stag and fallow deer park, while the large hall is decorated with animal paintings, and probably hunting trophies.[223] As early as 1344, when he was 13 years old, the archives indicate that Eleanor alone received the homage of the delegates of Josbaig for the young Gaston III, who is engaged hunting. Hunting and dogs are part of the exchange of good relations between Fébus and its sovereign neighbours. King John I of Aragon and the Black Prince, for example, ask Fébus for advice on his knowledge of hunting.[223] From 1387, Fébus devotes all his free time to hunting.[225] At the same time, he dictated his Livre de chasse to his secretaries, devoting a good part of his nights in Orthez to it until 1390.[225] The work, dedicated by Fébus to Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy[226] and written in French,[lower-alpha 83] occupies a special place in hunting medieval literature,[lower-alpha 84] its clarity as well as its technicality gave it immediate success,[230] while the naturalist Buffon was still using it at the end of the 18th century.[231] In his book, Fébus puts forward several arguments to explain his passion for hunting:[232] it prepares for war, ensures better health,[lower-alpha 85] allows you to commune with nature and opens the doors to paradise.[lower-alpha 86]

The canso written by Fébus which enabled him to win the Consistoire de la gaie science, ancestor of the Académie des Jeux Floraux.Traduction

Fébus demonstrated a real talent as a man of letters, in this sense he surpassed all the kings and princes of his time in the West.[234] He shows himself capable of composing poetry (cansos), religious literature (the Livre des oraisons), a scientific work (the Livre de chasse), while handling the langue d'oc, Latin and French.[235][236] Born and raised in Orthez, Fébus' mother tongue is Béarnese,[235] he is also able to handle other Oc dialects such as Gascon Commingeois or Foix Languedocien; Froissart records that he "very willingly spoke to me not in his native Gascon but in proper and elegant French".[237] Béarnese remains his everyday language, that of the heart and of emotion.[238] Fébus also masters the langue d'oc written, codified and unified by the troubadours. It is in this language that he writes his cansos, only one having been saved from time.[239] This canso,[lower-alpha 87] probably written by a Fébus in his mid-20s, takes on the classic theme of a burning lover's lament for an unapproachable lady.[239] According to tradition, Fébus would be the author of the song Se Canta, a true Pyrenean hymn[241] and which could therefore be another canso that has survived time.[242]

In addition to his Livre de chasse, he wrote a Livre des oraisons, a collection of 37 prayers, the first three of which are in Latin, and the others in French.[243] Fébus addresses God directly, frightened by his life of sin but showing absolute confidence in divine mercy.[244] The most widespread hypothesis is that the Livre des oraisons follows the Drama of Orthez.[245] Claudine Pailhès in her work Gaston Fébus – Le Prince et le Diable believes rather that this collection would be the fruit of a crisis due to a "sin of the flesh", in the words of Fébus.[246] In addition to his talents as an author, Fébus built up a rich library in Orthez. He collects books with translations into langue d'oc of the Elucidari of Bartholomaeus Anglicus[247] and the Surgery of al-Zahrawi,[248] but also adaptations of Ovid, Pliny, Valerius Maximus, the Speculum Maius by Vincent of Beauvais or even the Book of the Marvels of the World by Marco Polo.[249]

The statue of Fébus in front of the Château de Pau.

The political, diplomatic and military work of Gaston III allows him to occupy a special place in the history of the Pyrenees. But he would not have reached such a level of fame without his qualities as a communicator[lower-alpha 88] but also by the impact of several chroniclers of his time celebrating his person.[250] The first of these authors is Honoré Bonet[250] whose original chronicle, now lost, serves Michel du Bernis in the 15th century when he wrote his own text.[251] The posthumous glory of Fébus owes much to the Chronicles of Jean Froissart, which benefits from the aura of its subject of study.[252] Entitled Voyage en Béarn and included in Book III of the Chronicles, Froissart's work represents his most brilliant achievement,[252] "one of the heights of medieval literature".[253] He traveled through Europe between 1370 and 1400, investigating, questioning princes, lords and knights.[254] Mainly active in the north of France,[255] Froissard took advantage of a period of peace in Picardy and Flanders to visit Fébus. He stays at the Hotel de la Lune at Orthez from 22 November 1388 until late March 1389.[256][257] The chronicler paints a glowing portrait of Fébus, who in his eyes represents the ideal knight prince.[258] His story is strewn with dramatic, humorous,[lower-alpha 89] brilliant or fantastic scenes, transforming in the following centuries into popular and legendary tales, allowing the image of Fébus to be kept alive.[260]

«I have seen many knights, kings, princes. But I never saw one who was of such magnificent stature and of such marvelous bearing. Her face was very beautiful, colorful and laughing. His eyes were green and in love. In all things he was perfect. He loved what he should love, hated what he should hate. He was kind and approachable to all people and spoke to them gently and lovingly. But in his wrath no one had forgiveness.»

— Jean Froissart.

Juvénal des Ursins and Jean Cabaret d'Orville also write chronicles on the life of Fébus, thanks to several witnesses who met him.[261] Each paints a glowing portrait of the prince, describing him as a welcoming, powerful, very well-informed lord, with an unusual physical vigor and whose advice it was worth taking.[261] Only Aymeric de Peyrac, Abbot of Moissac, brings a discordant note in his Chronicle.[262] It presents a Fébus who leads bloody wars, rich with money he has spent for his glory.[263] If Aymeric de Peyrac uses first-hand testimonies, he comes from the Armagnac movement, while Fébus was notoriously not very generous with the Church during his life,[263] this can explain the opinion rather negative of the Abbot.

The troubadours occupy a special place at the court of Orthez. Cantigas de Santa María, circa 1280, Escorial Library, Ms.T.I.1, f° 5 r°.

The court of Fébus holds an important rank in the Western cultural elite, alongside the courts of Avignon and Aragon.[264] Fébus loves music[lower-alpha 90] and his court represents one of the crucibles of musical research in the 14th century.[266] The musicians maintained and welcomed by Fébus wrote a good number of pieces in honor of the count, participating in the propagation of his glory.[266] Langue d'oc troubadours, minstrels and cantor-composers were welcomed, with particular importance for the troubadours, as in all the southern courts of the period.[264] The troubadours Peyre de Rius, Arnaud d'Antiis and Andreu Gasco, the minstrels Johan Parenti, Johan de Sent Diger and Fehez de Balba are some of the artists welcomed to his court.[264]

The Chantilly Codex brings together a few motets composed to the glory of Fébus[lower-alpha 91] and sometimes of Béarn,[lower-alpha 92] they take up the codes of ars nova with strong symbolism, often heraldry, comparisons to mythology and references to contemporary facts. The medieval musician Trebor writes for example: "If Julius Caesar, Roland and King Arthur were renowned for their conquests in the world, and Ywain, Lancelot, Tristan and Darius had for their names praise, esteem and eloquence, today shines and armed with it all hearts he who for renown and noble destiny Febus avant in his sign bears".[268] Other poetic forms, dissociated from music, existed in the 14th century, such as the dits, the pastourelles and the cansos of the troubadours. Froissart stages Fébus several times in pastourelles, as well as in the Dit du Florin,[269] he also appears in Le Vesio by Bernat de So as well as in The Canterbury Tales by Geoffrey Chaucer.[270]

Fébus is enthroned “in majesty” surrounded by his huntsmen, miniature by the Master of the Adelphes, circa 1407, Livre de chasse, BnF, Fr.616, f° 13 r°.

From the end of the 14th century to the beginning of the 17th century, Fébus remains present in the chronicles retracing southern history,[lower-alpha 93] but he is completely forgotten elsewhere.[271] He remains present only in aristocratic circles thanks to his Livre de chasse.[lower-alpha 94] The glory of Fébus tends to become confidential, the figure of Henry IV taking part in this eclipse.[231] It was not until the middle of the 19th century that the decisive change occurred,[231] with the increasing rehabilitation of the Middle Ages, previously seen as a barbaric time. This period then takes on the virtues of romanticism, and the account made in particular by Froissart allows Fébus to attract the attention of a large audience.[231] This renewed interest concerns men of letters, scholars, or promoters of the Béarnese language.[231] Historians also seized on the subject, Hippolyte Gaucheraud had the Histoire des comtes de Foix de la première race, Gaston III dit Phœbus printed in 1834, the archivist Paul Raymond identified and published documents linked to Fébus in the archives of the department of Basses-Pyrénées.[272] In the 20th century, Raymond Ritter reveals new aspects of the personality of Fébus thanks to his work on medieval fortresses, while canon Jean-Baptiste Laborde gives new elements in his Précis d'histoire du Béarn in 1943.[272]

Pierre Tucoo-Chala wrote several works on Fébus, including his thesis Gaston Fébus et la Vicomté de Béarn (1343-1391) in 1959, his work Gaston Fébus, un grand prince d'Occident au XIVe siècle in 1976, then Gaston Fébus, prince des Pyrénées (1331-1391) in 1991. His research spread over half a century[273] and plays a major role in the dissemination of this character to the general public. It questions the stories and legends associated with Fébus,[274] reconstructs the thread of the archives,[lower-alpha 95] deciphers the literary works of the count[275] to establish a biography that serves as a reference. Pierre Tucoo-Chala uses the title of prince to evoke Fébus. The accession of Béarn to the rank of sovereignty, the place he occupied with the kings and dukes of his time made him much more than a count or a viscount.[276] The light brought to the life of this prince allows us to situate him in the crucible of the mentalities of the 14th century where feudalism and the beginnings of the Renaissance blended.[277] Claudine Pailhès,[278] Director of the Departmental Archives of Ariège, continues the biographical work around Fébus. In 2007, she published Gaston Fébus : Le Prince et le Diable; his study ends with these words: «The glory of Fébus is intertwined with this darkness as much as with the brilliance that he gave to his court. Was another man in his time more celebrated than Count Fébus?».[279]

Fébus attempting to assassinate his son. Gustave Doré from Froissart's account, Voyage aux Pyrénées, Hippolyte Taine, 1860.

The figure of Fébus is also illustrated in popular culture, and this from the middle of the 19th century with the publication of several literary stories. In 1839, Alexandre Dumas published a long story taking Fébus as the central character, following his novel Acté. This text is called Monseigneur Phœbus, chronique dans laquelle est racontée l'histoire du démon familier du sire de Corase,[280] it depicts some events linked to the life of the count, including the Drama of Orthez, the story of the Demon Familiar of the Lord of Coarraze, the Battle of Aljubarrota, and a fantastique version of the death of Fébus. Dumas was mainly inspired by the Chronicles of Froissart, but also by the works of Fébus, his Pastourelles and his Livre de chasse.[280] Monseigneur Gaston-Phœbus goes unnoticed for a long time, it is never the subject of an independent edition with a cover bearing his title, while most editions of the complete works of Dumas completely ignore it.[281] It was not until 2000 that Pierre Tucoo-Chala rescued the work from oblivion by publishing a first independent edition with Éditions Atlantica.[282][lower-alpha 96] Also in the 19th century, the painter Claudius Jacquand was inspired by Froissart's account of the Drama at Orthez to create his canvas Le Jeune Gaston, dit l'Ange de Foix; Gustave Doré did the same in a vignette for Voyage aux Pyrénées by Hippolyte Taine.[284] At the end of the 19th century, Fébus was chosen by the Béarn and Bigourdan félibres during the constitution of the Escòla Gaston Fèbus association, in order to defend the Gascon language.[281]

In the 20th century, the novel by Myriam and Gaston de Béarn, La Vie fabuleuse de Gaston Phœbus (1959), enjoyed great success.[285] This romantic trilogy is adapted for television in 1978 in Gaston Phébus: Le Lion des Pyrénées; the role of Fébus is interpreted by Jean-Claude Drouot. Also on television, an episode of the series Thierry la Fronde (1963-1966) features Gaston, while Maurice Druon recounts the homage to the King John II of France for the county of Foix in his work Quand un roi perd la France (1977), seventh volume of the historical novel Les Rois maudits. The Drama of Orthez inspired several plays by Jean-Claude Lalanne-Cassou or Henri Dupuch.[285] Pierre Tucoo-Chala teamed up with cartoonist José de Huéscar in 1985 to publish the comic Gaston Fébus et le Prince Noir, then with Patrick Amblevert for two new volumes in 1996 and 2004. A new trilogy of comics on Fébus, taking the American format, was published in 2017 by Catmalou and Joseph Lacroix.[286] The name of Fébus is included in multiple local odonyms, such as the Gaston Fébus school city of Orthez or the BRT line Fébus in the Communauté d'agglomération Pau Béarn Pyrénées.[287] If the original spelling, Febus or Fébus, chosen by Gaston III himself is often respected, the spellings Phébus or Phœbus continue to appear regularly wrongly.[288]

• Michel du Bernis (1839). J.A.C. Buchon (ed.). Chroniques des comtes de Foix (in French). Paris: Desrez.
• Jean Froissart (1987). Geneviève Brunel-Lobrichon (ed.). Voyage en Béarn (in French). Paris: Olivier Orban. p. 227.
• Juvénal des Ursins (1839). Jean Alexandre Buchon (ed.). Histoire de Charles VI, roi de France (in French). Paris: Desrez.
• Pierre Olhagaray (1609). Histoire de Foix, Béarn et Navarre (in French). Paris: Douceur. p. 797.

• Gales, Françoise (April 2020). "Des châteaux signés Fébus". Le Festin (in French) (113): 98–105. ISBN 978-2-36062-252-8. ISSN 1143-676X.

• Dumas, Alexandre (2000) [1839]. Monseigneur Gaston Phœbus: Chronique dans laquelle est racontée l'histoire du démon familier du sire de Corasse (in French). Atlantica. BnF 37191239
• Myriam and Gaston de Béarn, novel trilogy La Vie fabuleuse de Gaston Phébus :
  • Gaston Phébus: Le Lion des Pyrénées (in French). Paris: Mengès. 1978. BnF 34639089
  • Gaston Phébus: Les Créneaux de feu (in French). Paris: Mengès. 1978. BnF 34639090
  • Gaston Phébus: Landry des Bandouliers (in French). Paris: Mengès. 1979. BnF 34639091
• Jeanroy, B. A. (1905). La Vengeance d'Amaury (in French). Hachette.
• Tucoo-Chala, Pierre; de Huescar, José (1985). Gaston Fébus et le Prince Noir (in French). Portet-sur-Garonne: Loubatières. BnF 34979340

• Catmalou and Joseph Lacroix, Febus trilogy:
  • Febus: Zénith (in French). Atelier In8. 2017. p. 32.
  • Febus: Soleil noir (in French). Atelier In8. 2017. p. 32.
  • Febus: Éclipse (in French). Atelier In8. 2017. p. 32.
• Pierre Tucoo-Chala and Patrick Amblevert, deux tomes :
  • La Jeunesse de Fébus (in French). Portet-sur-Garonne: Loubatières. 1996. BnF 39211473
  • La Gloire de Fébus (in French). Portet-sur-Garonne: Loubatières. 2004. BnF 39193252