Gjon Kastrioti

Gjon Kastrioti[a] (1375/80–4 May 1437) was an Albanian feudal lord[3] from the House of Kastrioti and the father of future Albanian leader Gjergj Kastrioti (better known as Skanderbeg). He governed the territory between Shufada, the Cape of Rodon, Prizren[4] and Dibër and had at his disposal an army of 2,000 horsemen.[5][6]

Gjon Kastrioti
Lord of Mat
Born1375/80
Died4 May 1437
BuriedAlbanian Tower near the monastery of Hilandar, Mount Athos[1][2]
Noble familyKastrioti
Spouse(s)Voisava
FatherPal Kastrioti
Occupation1385–1407: Ottoman vassal
1407–1410: Venetian ally
1415–1417: Ottoman vassal
1419–1426: ally of Despot Stefan
until 1437: Ottoman vassal

Early life

Genealogy of the Kastrioti family, Du Cange (1680), Historia Byzantina duplici commentario

The Kastrioti family was from a region of northern Albania between Mat, Dibër and Has. Konstantin Kastrioti Mazreku is attested in Giovanni Andrea Angelo Flavio Comneno's Genealogia diversarum principum familiarum. Angelo mentions Kastrioti as Constantinus Castriotus, cognomento Meserechus, Aemathiae & Castoriae Princeps (Constantinus Castriotus, surnamed Meserechus, Prince of Aemathia and Castoria). Angelo used the cognomen Meserechus in reference to Skanderbeg, and this link to the same name is produced in other sources and reproduced in later ones like Du Cange's Historia Byzantina (1680).[7] These links highlight that the Kastrioti used Mazreku as a name that highlighted their tribal affiliation (farefisni).[8] The name Mazrek(u), which means "horse breeder" in Albanian, is found throughout all Albanian regions.[9] Gjon Kastrioti was the son of Pal/Gjergj Kastrioti. He appears in two historical sources, Gjon Muzaka's Breve memoria de li discendenti de nostra casa Musachi (1510) and Angelo's Genealogia diversarum principum familiarum (1603/1610), which was later largely reproduced by Du Cange (1680). Angelo calls Gjon Kastrioti's father "Georgius Castriotus" (Gjergj), lord (princeps) of "Aemathiae, Umenestria" (Mat and probably Ujmisht) and "Castoriae". This toponym has been interpreted as Kastriot, Kastrat in Has, Kastrat in Dibra, or the microtoponym "Kostur" near the village of Mazrek in the Has region.[10] Muzaka calls him "Paulo Castrioto" (Pal) and asserts that "he ruled over no more than two villages, called Signa and Gardi Ipostesi" (Sinë and Gardhi i Poshtëm, in Çidhën of Dibër).[11]

His rule over "only two villages" as described by Muzaka has been disputed because, if true, it would mean that his son, Gjon Kastrioti, who ruled over a much larger area, rose to power in the span of one generation. This is considered a very unlikely trajectory in the context of Albanian medieval society because noble families had acquired their area of influence over multiple generations in a complex system of affiliation with local village communities and intermarriage with each other.[12] Historian Kristo Frashëri considers it likely that he ruled over his region "in the third quartier of the 14th century" between 1350-75, based on the fact that when his grandson Gjergj Kastrioti was born, his son Gjon had already fathered seven children with Voisava, daughter of a minor lord from the Polog Valley.[13] The Kastrioti appear in archival records for the first time in the period of Gjon Kastrioti at the end of the 14th and the beginning of the 15th century.[14]

Life

Gjon Kastrioti rose as a feudal ruler in Albania at a time when its internal politics were being increasingly dominated by the Republic of Venice, which controlled many of its trade centers, and the Ottoman Empire, which in one form or another had begun to vassalize many of the small, independent lordships. Albanian feudal lords had to balance between the two Great Powers of their era and compete with each other. In 1402, Kastrioti, Koia Zaharia, Dhimitër Jonima, and other Albanian vassals of Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I personally led their retinues in the Battle of Ankara.[15] The Ottoman defeat brought the retreat of the Ottomans from Albanian affairs, and families that took part in the battle of Ankara, like the Jonima and Zaharia, were weakened. The Balšić, which saw an opportunity to take Durrës from the Venetians, was defeated, and Konstantin Balšić was executed. In the power vacuum that formed, Kastrioti strengthened his position and sought to expand towards the coastal areas near the Venetian-controlled trading centers.[16] He provided safe passage to merchants in the interior of the country and had no claims to Venetian-held territory. Venice saw their alliance as a counterweight to other local lords and the Ottomans.[17]

Kastrioti accepted the suzerainty and was made a citizen of Venice in 1413, along with his heirs.[18] Kastrioti maintained good relations with Venice after becoming an Ottoman vassal between 1415 and 1417 and was not likely to endanger those relations by seizing the Cape from Venice.[18] The Venetians tried to bribe the Kastrioti and Dukagjini to fight against Zeta in 1419, but it seems without success.[18]

Map of operations in 1421–1423 war between Serbian Despotate and Venice

In the period 1419–1426, Gjon was an ally of Serbian Despot Stefan Lazarević, who was also an Ottoman vassal. Lazarević had taken Zeta from Balša III in 1421, but the Venetians did not recognize him, holding on to the occupied Zetan coast and Buna, including Drivast.[19] In August 1421, Lazarević led armies into Zeta and took Sveti Srdj, Drisht, and Bar; the Venetians concluded a truce and now held only the towns of Shkodër, Ulcinj, and Budva. When Lazarević demanded the surrender of these towns, Venice refused, and the war resumed.[19] A number of Gjon Kastrioti's Albanians, led by one of his sons, joined Lazarević immediately upon the latter's arrival in Zeta.[20][21] According to Fan Noli, it was Stanisha who was sent by his father, together with auxiliary forces, to help the Serbian despot capture Shkodër from Venetians.[22] Lazarević besieged Shkodër, probably in June 1422, and for a year, it seemed that Venice would have lost their possessions; however, supported by some local Albanians, Venice managed to break the siege in December 1422.[23] In January 1423, Venice bribed and won over the Pamaliots on Bojana and then bought over several tribal leaders in or near Zeta: the Paštrovići, Gjon Kastrioti (who had extended to the outskirts of Lezhë), the Dukagjins, and Koja Zaharia.[23] Though none of these were mobilized militarily by Venice, they left the ranks of Lazarević's army and thus became a potential danger to Lazarević.[23] Although Venetian admiral Francesco Bembo offered money to Kastrioti, Dukagjins, and Koia Zaharia in April 1423 to join the Venetian forces against the Serbian Despotate (offering 300 ducats to Gjon Kastrioti), they refused.[24]

From time to time, one or more of Gjon's sons were sent as hostages to the Ottoman court. In 1428, Gjon Kastrioti had to seek forgiveness from the Venetian Senate because of Skanderbeg's participation in Ottoman military campaigns against the Christians.[25]

War with the Ottomans

In an attempt to relieve Ottoman pressure during the Siege of Thessalonica, Venice inspired Gjon to rebel against the Ottomans in 1428. In August 1428, he sent his envoys, priest Dimitrije and lord Murat, to present to the Venetians the letters written by the sultan during the past five years (since the Venetians captured Thessalonica in 1423). In those letters, the sultan sent orders to Gjon to attack Venetian possessions in Albania. Since he refused to cooperate with the Ottomans, Gjon begged the Venetians to provide him with a safe conduct if the Ottomans attacked him.[26] In April 1430, after the Ottomans captured Thessalonica, they captured most of Gjon's land. The Ottoman forces were led by Isak-Beg, who was a sanjakbey of the Sanjak of Skopje. He positioned Ottoman garrisons in two of Gjon's castles and destroyed the rest of them. Isak-Beg allowed Gjon to govern a very small part of the territory because the Ottomans held Gjon responsible only for disobedience, not for treason.[27] Gjon Kastrioti joined an unsuccessful uprising against the Ottoman Empire led by Gjergj Arianiti between 1432 and 1436 and was again defeated by the Ottoman forces under Isak-Beg.

Gjon died on 4 May 1437.[28] The territory previously controlled by Gjon Kastrioti was annexed by the Ottomans and listed in their registers as land of Yuvan-ili (Yuvan was Gjon's name in the Turkish language).[29] Until 1438, a part of Gjon Kastrioti's estates, comprising nine villages, was awarded to Skanderbeg as his timar, and in May 1438, those nine villages were awarded to André Karlo.[30] The granting of these villages to André Karlo must have upset Skanderbeg,[31] who requested to be granted control over the zeamet in Misia, which consisted of his father's former domain.[32] Sanjakbey (probably of the Sanjak of Ohrid) objected to Skanderbeg's request.[33]

Administration

Collecting the custom duties from Ragusan traders, exporting the grain, and trading with salt were important sources of income for Gjon Kastrioti.

The Venetian Republic attempted to introduce its own units of measure on marketplaces in Scutari, Durazo, and Alessio since the beginning of 1410. This intention caused confusion, which was a reason for Gjon Kastrioti to complain through his envoys in Venice. In January 1410, the Venetians accepted Gjon's demands to measure grain and other products exported by him the way they had previously been measured.[34]

Based on the order of the despot of Serbia, when they would travel from Ragusa to Prizren, they had to use the route through Shkodër in Albania Veneta, and the Kastrioti's land instead of the previous route through the land under the control of the small feudal lords and highland tribes of Montenegro.[35] With that letter, Gjon informed merchants from Dubrovnik that they were granted safe conduct when passing through regions under his control on their way from Shufada to Prizren.[36] In March 1422, Gjon asked Venice to allow Ragusan traders to travel to his territory in Sufaday through Alessio instead of Scutari, which was allowed starting in August.[37]

After the death of Balša in 1421, the Venetians promised to allow Kastrioti to collect the salt produced in Durres. Because of the reduced production, Venice did not respect its promise. Gjon tried to avoid the monopoly of the Venetian Republic and built his own salt evaporation ponds. In 1424, the Venetians forced him to destroy all of them because they noticed some of their convoys directed to collect salt in Durres never appeared there. At the beginning of the 15th century, Šufaday (an important former marketplace on the Adriatic Sea, near Lezhë) was a possession of the Jonima family, and in 1428 it was under Gjon's control.[38] At that time, the region of Shufada was rich with forests, and the wood was transported through its port to Ragusa.[39] On 17 August 1428, Gjon complained through his representatives in Venice because he was not allowed to collect salt in Durres.[40]

Religion

His religion was directly influenced by the international balance of political powers. It is believed that a popular saying in southern Albania, "Where the sword is, there lies religion" (Albanian: Ku është shpata, është feja) has originated from Gjon Kastrioti.[41] When he was an ally of Venice in 1407–1410, he was a Roman Catholic. After he allied himself with Stefan Lazarević, despot of the Serbian Despotate in the period 1419–1426, he converted to Orthodoxy, and in 1431 he was converted to Islam because he was a vassal of the Ottoman Empire.[42]

In 1426, he donated the right to the proceeds from taxes collected from the two villages (Rostuša and Trebište in North Macedonia) and from the church of Saint Mary, which was in one of them, to the Serbian Orthodox monastery of Hilandar in Mount Athos, where his son Reposh retired and died on 25 July 1431. Afterwards, between 1426 and 1431,[43] Kastrioti and his sons, with the exception of Stanisha, purchased four adelphates (rights to reside on monastic territory and receive subsidies from monastic resources) to the Saint George Tower and to some property within the monastery. In his honor, the Saint George Tower of the monastery of Hilandar was known as the Albanian Tower (Serbian: Арбанашки пирг, romanized: Arbanaški pirg).[44][45][46] Because of his frequent changes of religion, it is unknown, but at the time of his death, he may have been a Roman Catholic.[47]

Titles

His different titles used in sources include Lord of Emathia and Vumenestia or simply Lord of Mat. In Venetian sources he was also referred to as "Lord in Albania" (Dominum in Albania),[48] and "Lord of the part of Albania" (Dominus Partium Albanie).[49]

Notes

  1. ^
    In the documentary acts of the time, Scanderbeg's father is variously called Ivan Castriothi,[50] Ivanus Castrioti,[51] Juano/Juanum Castrioti,[52] Juannus Castrioti,[53] Juanum, Johanni, Ivanus, Ivani,[54] Iohannes, Janus, Iouan, Ioannis, Yuan, Ivan, Yuvan, etc.[55] In the few acts of his own chancellery, his name results Ivan or Ivanъ. It is possible that these acts were written by Ninac Vukosalić.[56][57] Besides the acts in Slavonic, Ivan is used by some Byzantine chroniclers, like Laonicus Chalcocondyles (Ὶβάνης)[58] and many works written by the contemporary scholars. Contemporary Ottoman documents refer to him as Yuvan, to his lands as Yuvan-ili while his son George was referred to as Iskender Bey Yuvan Oglu. Giovanni Musachi (fl. 1510) in his work written in Italian, calls him Giovanni, which is also used by Demetrio Franco (1443–1525). Marin Barleti in his 1508–10 Latin work, calls him Iohannes. Frang Bardhi (1606–1643) in his Apology, called him "Gion, which in Latin is Iohannis".[59]

References

  1. Sindik, Dušan (1990), "Dve povelje u Hilandaru o Ivanu Kastriotu i sinovima", Stanovništvo slovenskog porijekla u Albaniji : zbornik radova sa međunarodnog naučnog skupa održanog u Cetinju 21, 22. i 23. juna 1990 (in Serbian), Titograd: Istorijski institut SR Crne Gore ; Stručna knj., OCLC 29549273, Pretpostavka da je kao monah u Hilandaru umro i sam Ivan Kastriot zasniva se na podacima jednog zapisa u kojem se kaže da je umro Kastriot... Ioakim monah. Po sličnosti imena Ioakim i Ivan, zatim po datumu u tome zapisu 2. maj, i po jednom drugom zapisu u kojem je pod 2. majem zabeležena smrt Ivana Kastriota, može se sa dosta sigurnosti podržati navedena pretpostavka.
  2. Savez društava arhivskih radnika Jugoslavije; Savez društava arhivskih radnika FNRJ.; Glavni arhivski savet FNRJ. (1952). Arhivist, Томови 2-4. Savez društava arhivskih radnika FNRJ. p. 73. Retrieved 25 March 2012. Ту је белешка да се 2 маја преставио „господин Иван Кастриот, Монах Јов, ктитор светаго места сего"
  3. Korablev, B. (1915), Actes de Chilandar II, St. Petersburg, p. 561-562, 6945 AM/1426 AD: Titre de donation de Jean Castriote d'Albanie et de ses fils: ...Милостію божіею іоаннь кастріоть господинь албанскіи (By the grace of God, Ioan Kastriot, Albanian lord){{citation}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  4. Radonić, Jovan (1942), Đurađ Kastriot Skenderbeg i Arbanija u XV veku, Beograd, p. 2, 1420AD: I tako im' vêru dal', od k'di dogje u moju zemlju u Šufadaju, ako mu bude koja čte(t)a ili zlokja moôm zemlom' do Prizrena, da ja gospodin' Ivan' i moja dêca plakjam. (And thus, to that [merchant] I gave him my pledge, from when he comes into my land in Shufada, if to him is caused any damage or evil throughout my land up to Prizren, that I, lord Ivan and my children will indemnify him.){{citation}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  5. Selishchev, Afanasiĭ Matveevich (1978) [1931], Slavjanskoe naselenie v Albanii [Slavic population in Albania] (in Russian), Köln: Böhlau Verlag, p. 179, ISBN 9783412012786, OCLC 5658110, Иван Кастриот (1407–1437) располагал войском в 2000 всадников и владел областью от морского побережья у Кап Родони (к северу от Драча) до пределов Дебра.
  6. Archiv für slavische Philologie. Robarts - University of Toronto. Berlin Weidmannsche Buchhandlung.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  7. Malaj 2013, p. 43
  8. Malaj 2013, p. 44
  9. Malaj 2013, p. 45.
  10. Bela 2019, p. 229.
  11. Omari 2014, p. 45
  12. Muhaj 2015, p. 42.
  13. Omari 2014, p. 41
  14. Omari 2014, p. 40.
  15. Fine 1994, p. 422.
  16. Omari 2014, p. 32.
  17. Omari 2014, p. 48
  18. Fine 1994, p. 515.
  19. Fine 1994, p. 516
  20. Ćorović 2001: "Уз Стевана се борило и нешто Арбанаса Ивана Кастриота, који је пришао деспоту одмах по доласку овог у Зету."
  21. Vujović, Dimitrije; Risto Dragićević; Nikola Đakonović; Milinko Đurović; Mirčeta Đurović; Pavle Mijović; Đoko Pejović; Vlado Strugar (1970), Milinko Đurović (ed.), Istorija Crne Gore [History of Montenegro] (in Serbian), vol. II, Titograd: Naučno Delo, p. 143, OCLC 633018773, У деспотовој војсци налазили су се и одреди Ивана Кастриота, који је тада имао посједе око Љеша, и то под командом једног од његових синова....
  22. Noli, Fan Stilian (1947), George Kastrioti Scanderbeg (1405–1468), International Universities Press, OCLC 732882, As a matter of fact, he had sent his son Stanisha with an auxiliary corps to help the Serbians against the Venetians at Scutari
  23. Fine 1994, p. 517
  24. Vujović, Dimitrije; Risto Dragićević; Nikola Đakonović; Milinko Đurović; Mirčeta Đurović; Pavle Mijović; Đoko Pejović; Vlado Strugar (1970), Milinko Đurović (ed.), Istorija Crne Gore [History of Montenegro] (in Serbian), vol. II, Titograd: Naučno Delo, p. 144, OCLC 633018773, Франћеско Бембо је настојао да привучена млетачку страну најистакнутије арбанаске господаре. Ивану Кастриоту је нудио 300, Који Закарији 200, а двојици Дукађина по сто дуката....Ни он ту није ништа учинио...
  25. Elsie, Robert (2010), "Independent Albania (1912–1944)", Historical dictionary of Albania, Lanham: Scarecrow Press, p. 399, ISBN 978-0-8108-7380-3, OCLC 454375231, The young Iskander also participated in military campaigns against the Christians, for which his father was obliged to beg the pardon of Venetian senate in 1428
  26. M. Bešić, Zarij (1970), Istorija Crne Gore / 2. Crna gora u doba oblasnih gospodara. (in Serbian), Titograd: Redakcija za istoiju Crne Gore, p. 156, OCLC 175122851, Иван Кастриот је одбијао сарадњу с Турцима, ... Иванови посланици поп Димитрије и властелин Мурат излагали су Сињорији, у августу 1428. год., да је султан, откако су Млечани узели Солун (1423), позивао њиховог господара да нападне млетачкепосједе у Албанији. Показивали су и султанова писма. Како јеон одбијао турске позиве, молио је да га Млечани прихвате ако га Турци нападну.
  27. M. Bešić, Zarij (1970), Istorija Crne Gore / 2. Crna gora u doba oblasnih gospodara. (in Serbian), Titograd: Redakcija za istoiju Crne Gore, p. 158, OCLC 175122851, Исхак је најприје одузео Ивану Кастриоту већи дио земље, увео у његове двије тврђаве турскепосаде а остале порушио. Мањи дио посједа му је оставио, јер ганије кажњавао због издаје него због непокорности
  28. History of the Albanian people Archived 10 August 2016 at the Wayback Machine 2002 edition from the Academy of Sciences of Albania Tome I, p. 335
  29. İnalcık 1995, p. 77
    Ces neuf villages, toujours selon le registre en question, étaient situés dans les terres de Jean (Yuvan-ili), c'est-à-dire qu'ils appartenaient aux domaines de Jean Kastriote, le père de Skanderbeg. (These nine villages, according to the register in question, were located in the land of Gjon (Yuvan-ili), that is to say they were part of Gjon Kastrioti's property.)
  30. İnalcık 1995, p. 77
    La note en question, datée 1438, ne laisse subsister aucun doute que c'est autour de cette date que ces terres avaient été cadastrées. Les neuf villages en question, compte tenu qu'ils se trouvaient sur le Registre de Yuvan-ili (Jean Kastriote), sont du domaine du père de Skanderbeg. L'octroi de ces villages à André Karlo doit avoir fâché Skanderbeg. Quoique l'Etat ottoman considérât ces terres des domaines d'Etat attribuables en timar, pour Skanderbeg il s'agissait des domaines seigneuriaux de son père. (The note, dated 1438, leaves no doubt that it is around this date that the land had been surveyed and registered. As the nine villages were listed on the Register of Yuvan-ili (Gjon Kastrioti), they were definitely part of Skanderbeg's father's land. The granting of these villages to André Karlo must have upset Skanderbeg. Although the Ottoman state regarded these as areas of state land as Skanderbeg's Timar holding, these were in fact the fiefs of his father.)
  31. İnalcık 1995, p. 77
    L'octroi de ces villages à André Karlo doit avoir fâché Skanderbeg.
  32. Gibb, Hamilton Alexander Rosskeen; Johannes Hendrik Kramers; Bernard Lewis; Charles Pellat; Joseph Schacht (1954), The Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. 4, Brill, p. 139, In the same year nine villages of his in Yuvan-eii were made over to Andre Karlo (ibid., no. 335). His father's centre ol Mus (Mysja) was made a xi'amet, and Isken- der asked for it to be granted to himself (Topkapi Sarayi Archives
  33. Gibb, Hamilton Alexander Rosskeen; Johannes Hendrik Kramers; Bernard Lewis; Charles Pellat; Joseph Schacht (1954), The Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. 4, Brill, p. 139, ...but sanjakbegi (? of Ohrid) objected to the granting of this important...
  34. Istorisko društvo Narodne Republike Crne Gore; Istoriski institut Narodne Republike Crne Gore.; Istorijski institut SR Crne Gore u Titogradu.; Društvo istoričara SR Crne Gore.; Istorijski institut Republike Crne Gore.; Društvo istoričara Republike Crne Gore.; Društvo istoričara Crne Gore. (1993), Istoriski zapisi [Historical records] (in Serbian), vol. 66, Cetinje, pp. 37, 42, 63, OCLC 5227190{{citation}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  35. Jireček, Konstantin (1952). Politička istorija Srba (Political history of Serbs) (in Serbian). Belgrade: Naučna Knjiga. p. 335. Archived from the original on 8 November 2012. Retrieved 14 December 2014. Забрани деспот дубровчанима да иду тим путем, и нагна их да путују кроз млетачку скадарску област и кроз земљу Ивана Кастриота... Види српско писмо Ивана Кастриота од 25. фебруара 1420 за дубровачке трговце кроз његову земљу за Призрен (Despot forbid to Dubrovnik merchants to use that way, and ordered them to travel through Venetian area in Scutari and through land of Ivan Kastriot.... See serbian letter to merchants from Dubrovnik traveling through his land to Prizren, written by Ivan Kastriot on February 25, 1420.
  36. Archiv für slavische Philologie (in German), vol. 21, Weidmann, 1899, p. 95, 1420, 25. Februar. Geleitsbrief des Herrn Ivan (Kastriota) und seiner Sühne filr die Kaufleute von Ragusa auf dem Wege durch sein Land von Sufadaja (bei Alessio) nach Prizren, nebst Bestimmungen Uber die Zölle.
  37. Istorisko društvo Narodne Republike Crne Gore; Istoriski institut Narodne Republike Crne Gore.; Istorijski institut SR Crne Gore u Titogradu.; Društvo istoričara SR Crne Gore.; Istorijski institut Republike Crne Gore.; Društvo istoričara Republike Crne Gore.; Društvo istoričara Crne Gore. (1993), Istoriski zapisi [Historical records] (in Serbian), vol. 66, Cetinje, p. 35, OCLC 5227190, Иван Кастриот ]е од Снн‚ори]е тражио да дубровачкн комерсанти уместо да прелазе копном пут од Скадра могу да се искрца]у у. ТЬешу и да преко млетачке тернторн]е долазе на тьегово подруч]е, т]. у Шуфада]; та] захтев ]е остварен августа{{citation}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  38. Detelić, Mirjana (2007), Dušan T. Bataković (ed.), Epski gradovi, leksikon [Epic cities, a lexicon] (in Serbian), Belgrade: Balkanološki institut SANU, p. 253, ISBN 9788671790406, OCLC 298613010, U blizini Lješa postojalo je trgovište Šufadaj ili Sufade čiji položaj danas nije moguće tačno utvrditi. Taj strateški važan trg blizu mora (budući daje bio dostupan brodovima) Venecija nije kontrolisala, iako je držala zemljišni pojas od Skadra do Lješa, uz Dračsa okolinom. Šufadaj je početkom XV v. bio u vlasti porodice Jonima, a 1428. u vlasti Jovana Kastriota
  39. Povijesno društvo Hrvatske; Društvo za hrvatsku povjesnicu (1984), Historijski zbornik (in Croatian), vol. 37, Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, p. 68, Očigledno je da su tada Šufalaj i rt Rodoni kraj Drača raspolagali ne samo bogatim šumskim kompleksima nego i začecima brodogradnje... kao stanice za izvoz hrastovog drveta u pravcu Dubrovnika.
  40. Balkanološki institut (1972), Balkanika : godišnjak Instituta za Balkanologiju [Balcanica : annual of the Institute for Balkan Studies] (in Serbian), vol. III, Belgrade: Serbian Academy of Science and Arts, p. 258, OCLC 212380606
  41. Licursi, Emiddio Pietro (2011), Empire of Nations: The Consolidation of Albanian and Turkish National Identities in theLate Ottoman Empire, 1878 – 1913, New York: Columbia University, p. 22, A popular saying in southern Albanian is said to have originated from Skanderbeg's father, Gjon Kastrioti, "Ku është shpata, është feja". (Where the sword is, there lies religion).
  42. Egro, Dritan (2010), Oliver Jens Schmitt (ed.), Religion und Kultur im albanischsprachigen Südosteuropa, vol. 4, Frankfurt am Main, Berlin, Bern, Bruxelles, New York, Oxford, Wien, p. 20, ISBN 978-3-631-60295-9, Gjon Kastrioti...was a Roman Catholic from 1407 to 1410, as an ally of Venice ... he converted to Orthodoxy from 1419 to 1426, accepting the alliance of Stephen Lazarevic of Serbia ... From 1431 to 1438 he was converted into Islam, because politically he was a vassal of the Ottomans{{citation}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  43. Sindik, Dušan (1990), "Dve povelje u Hilandaru o Ivanu Kastriotu i sinovima", Stanovništvo slovenskog porijekla u Albaniji : zbornik radova sa međunarodnog naučnog skupa održanog u Cetinju 21, 22. i 23. juna 1990 (in Serbian), Titograd: Istorijski institut SR Crne Gore ; Stručna knj., OCLC 29549273, Повеља није датирана... Стога ће бити најбоље да се за датум издавања ове повеље задржи временски оквир између 1426. и 1431. године.... This act was not dated....Therefore it is best to assume that it was issued in period between 1426 and 1431.
  44. Frashëri, Kristo (1962), George Kastrioti-Scanderbeg: the national hero of the Albanians (1405–1468), s.n., pp. 86–92, OCLC 1339175
  45. Anamali, Skënder (2002), Historia e popullit shqiptar në katër vëllime (in Albanian), vol. I, Botimet Toena, p. 342, OCLC 52411919
  46. Slijepčević, Đoko M. (1983). Srpsko-arbanaški odnosi kroz vekove sa posebnim osvrtom na novije vreme (in Serbian). Himelstir. p. 45. Заједно са синовима Константином, Репошем и Ђурђем приложио је Иван Кастриот манастиру Хиландару село Радосуше са црквом св. Богородице и село Требиште....Због тога је и пирг св. Ђорђа прозван »арбанашки пирг». Репош је умро у манастиру Хиландару 25. јула 1431. године и ту је сахрањен. (Together with his sons Konstantin, Repoš and Đurađ, Ivan Kastriot donated village Radosuše with church of saint Mary and village Trebište to the monastery Hilandar... Therefore the tower of Saint George was named "Albanian Tower". Repoš died in Hilandar on 25 July 1431 and he was buried there.
  47. Noli 1989, pp. 244-245
  48. Ljubić, Šime (1891), Listine o odnošajih izmedju južnoga slaventsva i mletačke republike (Documents about the relations of South Slavs and Venetian Republic), Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionalium, vol. X, Zagreb, p. 299, OCLC 68872994, Ivanum Kastrioti dominum in Albania{{citation}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  49. "Studi storici, Issues 125-131". Studi Storici. Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo: 292. 1980. ISSN 0391-8475. Nei documenti veneziani Giovanni è detto ora « dominus partium Albanie»
  50. Ljubić 1891, p. 120.
  51. Archiv für slavische Philologie. Vol. 21. Weidmann. 1899. p. 90.
  52. Giuseppe Valentini (1973). Beiträge zur Kenntnis Südosteuropas und des Nahen Orients. R. Trofenik. pp. 1, 186, 192.
  53. Noli 1947, p. 108.
  54. Ljubić, Šime (1891), Listine o odnošajih izmedju južnoga slaventsva i mletačke republike (Documents about the relations of South Slavs and Venetian Republic), Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionalium, vol. X, Zagreb, pp. 44, 133, 134, OCLC 68872994{{citation}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  55. Thalloczy & Jireček, Zwei Urkunden, 146.
  56. Korablev, Actes, II, 561, 562
  57. Petković, Arbanaški Pirg, 196-197
  58. e.g. Chalkokondyles, 5.40; translated by Anthony Kaldellis, The Histories (Cambridge: Dumbarton Oaks Medieval Library, 2014), vol. 1 pp. 412f
  59. Blancus, Georgius Castriotus, 73: "Gion (id est Iohannis Latine) Castrati nuncupatus"

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