José Corbató Chillida

José Pascual Corbató Chillida (1862–1913), known also as José Domingo Corbató, Padre Corbató or Francisco María Cruz, was a Spanish Roman Catholic priest. Between 1891 and 1912 he animated 7 local and short-lived Valencian periodicals. In the mid-1890s he was briefly catapulted to celebrity status when he was trialed for asserting that the regent Maria Christina was leading the Spanish freemasonry. Politically Corbató initially sided with Carlism and was its vehement propagandist. In the 20th century he developed his own political doctrine: Traditionalism formulated in highly providentialist and millenarian terms. In historiography his political trajectory is considered typical for some disintegration patterns within Carlism; Corbató himself is viewed as representative of a heterodox breed of españolismo.

José Corbató Chillida
Born
José Pascual Corbató Chillida

1862
Benlloc, Spain
Died1913
Benimàmet, Spain
NationalitySpanish
Occupation(s)priest, journalist
Known forpublisher
Political partyCarlism

Family and youth

Benlloc, present view

Corbató's ancestors were probably farmers; at some point one of their representatives managed to access lower professional strata.[1] His father, José Corbató Cardá, was related to the Levantine town of Benlloc, where in the mid-19th century he worked as a teacher in local primary school.[2] At unspecified time he married Vicenta Chillida Planell; none of the sources consulted provides any information either on her or her family, except that they were entitled to a petty rural rent.[3] The couple had 5 children, José born third in succession and the first male descendant. The family was very pious; already at the age of 4 José knew how to pray a rosary, some of his cousins became priests, and 3 of the Corbató Chillida siblings became religious themselves.[4]

Following the 1868 revolution Corbató Cardá fervently opposed the new order; he declared himself supporter of the legitimist claimant Carlos VII and refused to take oath to the constitution of 1869.[5] As a result, he was not only fired from his petty teaching job, but reportedly also jailed, detained in Valencia and threatened with execution; during his incarceration the family suffered great economic hardships.[2] Upon Corbató Cardá's release in 1871 he was reinstated to the official job but posted some 60 km away to Zorita, in the Castellón Maestrazgo already bordering Aragón; the entire family settled in the town as well.

juvenile Carlist combatant of Third Carlist War
juvenile Carlist combatant of Third Carlist War

Upon outbreak of the Third Carlist War José 4 times escaped from home to enlist to legitimist troops, always rejected due to his age. In 1874 and posing as a 15-year-old he was eventually admitted, assigned to the garrison of Cantavieja. Shortly afterwards he was transferred to units commanded by Pascual Cucala and become POW during the battle of Miravet. For a few months he was shuttled between various prisons.[6] Thanks to exchange of prisoners the boy returned to Carlist ranks, initially commanded by Francisco Savalls and then again by Cucala. He served in various units[7] until Carlist troops in Catalonia surrendered in 1875.[8] Exact role of the boy is not clear and it is not certain whether José took part in combat or performed some auxiliary roles.[9]

In 1876 Corbató entered the Tortosa seminary. Following a brief spell in Dominican seminary in Belchite he then moved to the one in Corias, where he commenced novitiate and assumed the name of José Domingo.[10] In 1880 he took simple vows and formally entered the Dominican Order,[11] assigned to the Nuestra Señora de las Caldas monastery.[12] His conventual years were marked by conflicts with superiors, including altercation with the future Dominican provincial superior, Cayetano García Cienfuego. In 1887 Corbató was moved to San Pablo convent in Palencia,[13] where he was charged with fraud and temporarily suspended.[14] Shuttled between Valdeprado del Río,[15] Palencia and Corias, he was also accused of indecent correspondence.[16] In 1889 Vatican was asked for his interminable suspension.[17] Eventually Corbató retained his ministerial licenses and was allowed to live extraconventual life.[18] In 1890 he moved to Villareal to settle with his parents.[19]

Carlist propagandist

León XIII, los carlistas y la monarquía liberal

Having gained experience as periodista during his conventual years,[20] in the early 1890s Corbató was the moving spirit – in some cases also formally a director[21] – of a few periodicals: a Castellón weekly La Voz de Maestrazgo (1891–1893), a Valencian daily El Valenciano (1893–1894), its continuation[22] El Criterio Valenciano (1894–1895) and a Valencian weekly La Monarquía Federal (1895–1896). All operated at the verge of profitability, sustained mostly by donations; their circulation was at best nearing 3,000.[23] All assumed extremely combative Carlist stand,[24] directed not only against Liberal and Conservative groupings, but also against other Levantine Catholic periodicals;[25] Corbató claimed exclusive license for orthodox Catholicism.[26] None was officially authorized by local Carlist structures,[27] though some posed to represent Traditionalist organizations.[28] While attracting second-rate contributors and in few cases Levantine Carlist pundits,[29] all periodicals remained Corbató's one-man show and for long periods he used to populate their pages almost single-handedly.[30] Moreover, in the mid-1890s Corbató turned into a genuine icon of young Valencian Carlists;[31] at home he ran an informal circulo, built his own following[32] and started to appear as an alternative leader, differing from old-style tycoons like Llorens, Polo and Manuel Simó Marín.[33]

Relatively unknown beyond the Traditionalist Levantine circles, in 1894–95 Corbató was elevated to nationwide celebrity.[34] It was because of his 1894 booklet León XIII, los carlistas y la monarquía liberal.[35] Resembling an earlier pamphlet of Félix Sardà y Salvany, it was a most intransigent interpretation of papal teachings and contained onslaught on liberal and conservative politics; the booklet presented Carlism as the sole depositary of Catholicism[36] and lambasted various breeds of traitors.[37] León triggered legal action as Corbató alleged that the regent, Maria Christina, was heading the Spanish freemasonry.[38] The cause turned into a scandal and was attentively followed by national press; even the prime minister Sagasta admitted to having read the pamphlet.[39] Corbató was expulsed from the Dominican order, the first such case ever recorded in Spain.[40] In 1896 he was sentenced to 11 years in prison and huge financial penalty.[41]

Carlist standard

Evading incarceration, in early 1896 Corbató fled Spain. He was briefly hosted by the claimant in Venice,[42] yet he settled permanently in Paris; he tried to make a living[43] by teaching Latin, translations,[44] editing antologies[45] and providing religious service.[46] Unable to manage Monarquía remotely he decided to close it. In 1896 he published Dios, patria y rey o el catecismo del carlista;[47] the booklet presented Carlos VII as a model Christian king, determined to fight liberal tyranny, and was sold via Carlist channels in 1896–1898.[48] During the Spanish-American war he zealously engaged in various patriotic initiatives and visited the Spanish embassy offering his own design of a torpedo.[49] Intransigent as always, he denounced the Paris 1900 Universal Exposition as triumph of socialism, Judaism and freemasonry;[50] even the Spanish hierarchy was not spared his venom as timid and not sufficiently committed.[51] In 1899 Corbató published Los Consejos del Cardenal Sancha;[52] the booklet was aimed against the primate and affirmed that only Carlism represented the genuine Catholic stand.[53]

In search of new identity

Luz Católica

Though royal amnesty was declared in 1897 and 1898 Corbató was not eligible; he had to wait until 1899, when the usual Fiesta de los Reyes pardon covered also his offences.[54] He returned to Valencia, visited relatives, tried to arrange for a Catholic college, fearing incarceration briefly travelled to Paris and definitely returned in mid-1900;[55] following some confusion his ministerial license was confirmed by the Valencia archbishop.[56] At that time his relations with official Carlism were already strained. Since the mid-1890s he was viewed by local Levantine party leaders as uncontrollable and potentially rebellious.[57] Apart from his political intransigence there were also issues related to personal squabbles[58] and generational divisions involved, and especially Manuel Polo y Peyrolón turned into his vehement critic. Already in Paris Corbató engaged in fervent Carlist insurrectionist propaganda;[59] as in October 1900 the conspiracy boiled down to few isolated attempts he was profoundly disappointed by ambiguous stand of Carlos VII, and his mistrust towards the Levantine party leaders was extended also to the claimant and the national executive.

Back in Spain Corbató – by scholars considered possessed by "obsesiva dedicación al campo de la prensa"[60] – resumed labors to launch a new periodical. He obtained some donations from friends and relatives, was prepared to mortgage his Villareal house and contributed his own meager savings to launch Luz Católica, a weekly which was first published in late 1900.[61] This time the periodical did not assume a clear party identity, sub-titled "Semanario critico de religión, ciencias y españolismo".[62] Initially the weekly might have seemed flavored with Carlism, e.g. when it questioned Traditionalist credentials of Polo y Peyrolón,[63] but soon it turned decisively against the party. Posing as a genuine Traditionalist voice, Luz Católica started to castigate cesarism and hypocrisy of Carlos VII and his men, including the party leader Barrio y Miér; they allegedly opted for rapprochement with the Restoration system.[56] In 1903 Luz Católica was revamped as La Señal de Victoria,[62] but its editorial line remained the same.

Corbató's anti-Carlist campaign climaxed with the 1904 publication of Los carlo-traidores. Memoria póstuma del general D. Salvador Soliva. The pamphlet, written jointly with Joan Bardina but published anonymously,[64] was an open and virulent onslaught on the claimant. Dwelling mostly upon the failed 1900 insurrection which allegedly left ardent and dedicated partisans of the cause abandoned by their leaders, the authors presented Carlos VII as traitor to the cause and to the men who trusted him, a delator, fraudster sold out to liberalism and perhaps a man financed with the Alfonsist money.[65] The book triggered a spate of furious attacks on part of the Carlist press; the affair sealed Corbató's break with Carlism.[66] He embraced Traditionalism deprived of the dynastic thread, which he now ridiculed as "Carlos, Carlos y Carlos o César, César y César".[67] At that time Corbató was already promoting a general alliance of all anti-Liberal political groupings. He began to relativize his earlier vehemence, e.g. against the Integrists, and opted for a broad, patriotic and Catholic formula.[68]

Españolista

Apología del gran monarca

In the early 1900s Corbató developed his own political theory. Auto-identified as españolismo, it was laid out in some 20 booklets[69] published in Valencia between 1900 and 1905;[70] the best known work is Apología del Gran Monarca.[71] Corbató's españolismo was a highly providentialist, millenarian doctrine which combined exalted patriotism and religious zeal. Based on assumption that the global liberal order would undoubtedly collapse[72] it envisioned ultimate advent of a universalist monarchy.[73] In a regenerationist tone Corbató hinted that the impulse might come from Spain, which would regain imperial status as a Hispanic commonwealth.[74] He remained ambiguous as to the future monarch.[75] Scholars reconstruct his españolismo as "a form of anti-liberal Spanish nationalism,[76] founded on ultramontane Catholicism and Traditionalism, with the objective of building a moderate, regionalist monarchy and corporative society".[77] One historian sees Corbató's españolismo as an attempt to modernize Traditionalism;[78] another presents it rather in terms of mysticism and esoterism.[79]

Apart from his booklets, the principal platform of advancing Corbató's ideas were La Luz Católica and La Señal de Victoria. However, he tried also to set up own political organisation. Since 1902 he headed a Valencia-based Junta Central Católico-Españolista; it presided over few small local círculos.[80] He tried to operate "Academia Españolista" in Barcelona, though with some 40 members it remained almost defunct. His most successful structure was Milicia de la Cruz, founded in 1901.[81] It adhered to a hybrid formula in-between a secular religious order, paramilitary organisation[82] and traditional círculo; its membership is unclear, though it should probably be estimated in tens rather than hundreds. As its leader Corbató assumed a new name, Francisco María Cruz; the militia operated thanks to minor donations and sought support of the local religious hierarchy.[83]

In 1905 Corbató left Valencia for the Basque Mendívil. Invited by the local entrepreneur Alfredo Ortiz de Villacián he was supposed to serve the community of local miners. In fact, both were consumed by a theory of immaculate conception of Saint Joseph.[84] When in 1907 he published El Inmaculado San José[85] and tried to launch the cult of Sagrado Corazón de San José, the Vítoria bishop prohibited him from saying mass; he was also admonished by Rome. Locally he was increasingly frequently ridiculed as a madman.[86] Subscribers of La Señal started to withdraw and the daily soon collapsed.[87] He dissolved Milicia de la Cruz in 1907[88] and did not try to rebuilt it when returned to Valencia in 1910. Instead, he focused on a new periodical;[89] preparatory works lasted until 1912, when it materialized as a bi-weekly Tradición y Progreso.[90] The local hierarchy viewed him as a "dangerous man"; Victoriano Guisasola y Menéndez suspended his ministerial licenses[91] and denounced his writings as deviating from the orthodox Catholic teaching.[92] Following few issues Tradición closed in late 1912; at the time Corbató was already gravely ill and in poverty. His passing away was barely noticed in the press.[93] Some of his disciples awaited Corbató's resurrection for a few years to come.[94]

See also

Footnotes

  1. Javier Esteve Martí, La política antiliberal en España bajo el signo del nacionalismo: el padre Corbató y Polo y Peyrolón [PhD thesis Universitat de València], Valencia 2017, p. 20
  2. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 21
  3. Esteve Martí 2017, pp. 20–21
  4. Esteve Martí 2017, pp. 20–21. Corbató’s cousin José María Corbato was also member of the Dominican order; for a few years he taught natural sciences in Universidad de Manila, El Restaurador 09.03.10, available here; his sister became an abess of the Dominican convent in Alcañiz
  5. María Bayarri Roselló, Las biografías de Girolamo Savonarola en España en el siglo XX, [in:] Donald Weinstein, Júlia Benavent i Benavent, J. Inés Rodríguez Gómez, La figura de Jerónimo Savonarola O. P. y su influencia en España y Europa, Firenze 2004, ISBN 9788884501165, p. 226
  6. the adolescent Corbató passed through the prisons of Tarragona, Vic, Mora d’Ebre, Falset, Montjuïc and another Barcelona prison, Manlleu, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 22
  7. first in the 6th company of Batallón de Vizcarro. Narrowly escaping encirclement by Liberal troops he survived the rout at Igualada and was later incorporated into Batallón de Miret. Most details on his military career are provided by Corbató himself and perhaps should be approached with caution, see e.g. Luz Católica 09.10.02
  8. data based on his own account in La Monarquía Federal, 27,06.98, and booklet Carlismo, Españolismo. Profecías y Tradiciones. Memorias de un viaje de Propaganda. Referred after Esteve Martí 2017, p. 23
  9. information on his wartime fate is based almost exclusively on his own account
  10. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 113
  11. Esteve Martí 2017, pp. 113–114
  12. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 114
  13. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 114-115
  14. Bayarri Rosello 2004, p. 227
  15. in the convent of Real Santuario de Montesclaros
  16. his superiors claimed to have found indecent letters exchanged with his distant female relative; Corbató claimed the papers were falsified, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 115
  17. due to "permanent incapacity to adhere to conventual rules"
  18. "licencia para permanecer fuera del claustro durante la enfermedad alegada", Esteve Martí 2017, p. 116
  19. his father has already retired and bought a house in Villareal. Corbató got his ministerial licenses confirmed and was saying mass in the local convent, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 116
  20. in 1889–1890 El Siglo Futuro advertised his El Hijo de las Lágrimas, "ensayo poético sobre la conversión de san Agustín, compuesto en treinta y tres cantos y muy variadas combinaciones métricas"; it is not clear whether the poem has ever been published. In 1889 he commenced co-operation with a Dominican review Santísimo Rosario, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 114-115
  21. this was the case of El Valenciano and El Criterio Valenciano; in case of La Voz de Maestrazgo the director was Nemesio Traver, José Navarro Cabanes, Apuntes bibliográficos de la prensa carlista, Valencia 1917, p. 184
  22. 1894 El Valenciano merged with its local Catholic rival El Criterio
  23. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 140
  24. some authors claim that virulent aggressive language was by no means excveption in the Levantine and Catalan press of the era, Solange Hibbs-Lisourges, La prensa católica catalana de 1868 a 1900 (II), [in:] Anales de Literatura Española 9 (1993), p. 100. Corbató published under his own name but he used a variety of pen-names, e.g. "Fulano de Tal"
  25. his venom was directed especially against El Criterio of Valencia, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 137
  26. Corbató claimed that almost all other peridicals were not sufficiently Catholic, and denounced their reported fidelity to Roma as false, Esteve Martí 2017, pp. 140–142
  27. La Voz was not an official provincial party mouthpiece; in 1893 this role was assumed by El Tradicionalista. Corbató tried to intervene with the nationwide party leader de Cerralbo, but to na avail. Following brief fratricidal competition La Voz ceased to publish, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 138
  28. La Monarquia Federal posed as organ of Juventud Tradicionalista
  29. La Monarquía Federal ensured sporadic co-operation of local Carlist personalities like Manuel Polo y Peyrolón and Joaquín Lloréns. Other contributors listed were José Navarro Cabanes, Vicente Calatayud y Bonmatí, Juan Luis Martín Mengod, Bernardo Pellejero Pérez, Santiago Jorcano and Francisco López Solano, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 143
  30. among a spate of pen-names Corbató signed his contributions often as "Víctor" or "P. de Castagélida"
  31. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 227. In 1896 some popular Carlist propaganda items contained his portraits along these of key nationwide party leaders like Bartolomé Feliú or José de Liñan, El Baluarte 28.02.96, available here
  32. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 229
  33. Esteve Martí 2017, pp. 225–250
  34. Esteve Martí 2017, pp. 285–288, compare also a selection of press notes at Hemeroteca.bne service, available here
  35. Corbató published the book under the pen-name of Máximo Filibero, but his identity became almost immediately known
  36. Corbató’s exaltation of the Carlist king at times assumed millenarian and biblical tones, e.g. he claimed that "no hay salvación fuera de los principios católicos tan dignamente representados por el Señor D. Carlos VII de Borbón", referred after Esteve Martí 2017, p. 274
  37. Corbató directed his pen not only against the Conservatives and the Carlist offhoots known as Pidalistas, but also against the Integrists of Ramón Nocedal, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 270
  38. in court Corbato was defended by a Carlist lawyer, Miguel Irigaray
  39. Sagasta noted that charging a commoner with leading freemasonry by no means could have been considered an insult, but in case of a regent it certainly was, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 279
  40. Esteve Martí 2017, pp. 282–283, see also La Unión Católica 05.01.95, available here
  41. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 286
  42. El Correo Espanol 25.01.96, available here
  43. perhaps was aided by French legitimists (maybe on recommendation of Carlos VII), considered migrating to America, especially Buenos Aires and Mexico, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 292
  44. in 1899 Corbató translated from French: El hombre tal como debe ser by Abate V. Marchal and El consuelo de los enfermos, ó el dia santificado por la enfermedad by Henri Perreyve, Mallorca 05.01.99, available here. His translation of La Religieuse by Diderot was peculiar, as Corbató "corrected" paragraphs he considered incorrect, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 292
  45. Lecturas clásicas en prosa y verso, Paris 1899
  46. he was rumored to provide religious service in the entourage of Francisco de Asís de Borbón, who might have also supported Corbató financially; as Francisco was related to the Alfonsine branch, it prompted some to suspect that Corbató deviated from the Carlist orthodoxy
  47. again the booklet was signed with a pen-name of Máximo Filibero
  48. La Tradición 10.04.97, available here
  49. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 291. Already in 1891 Corbató tried his hand at mechanics and allegedly devised a "bomba hidraulica" of unknown usage, El Criterio 01.12.91, available here, and El Criterio 17.09.92, available here
  50. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 291
  51. José Domingo Corbató, Memorias, impresiones y pronósticos de un español proscripto, València 1905, pp. 253–255, referred after Esteve Martí 2017, p. 289
  52. full title Los Consejos del Cardenal Sancha o Apología Católica del carlismo; the pamphlet, though utterly respectful towards the Church as such, confronted the conciliatory stand that the primate adopted versus the liberal Madrid government
  53. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 304
  54. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 394
  55. Esteve Martí 2017, pp. 394–395
  56. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 395
  57. the first conflict was related to competition between La Voz de Maestrazgo and El Tradicionalista, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 367
  58. another one emerged over the person of Segismundo Peix Ordeix, whom Corbató accused (rightly, as it turned out later) of false Traditionalism. Issues related to Corbató’s stand as leader of the young generation pitted against the old one followed, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 167
  59. Esteve Martí 2017, pp. 383–387
  60. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 185
  61. Corbató possibly ensured a subsidy from the religious convent headed by his older sister; some financial contribution came from his cousin. He also intended to mortgage his house in Villareal, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 175
  62. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 167
  63. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 374
  64. the authors featured were "C. M. Apsmav y Dr. Leal", but the identity of Bardina and Corbató was almost immediately established. The booklet was formatted as defense of Salvador Soliva, one of the Octubrada leaders, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 392
  65. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 392
  66. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 402
  67. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 406
  68. watering down his earlier anti-nocedalismo, now he posed as supporter of a union of all anti-liberals, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 402
  69. the key ones were Carlismo y españolismo (1901); El españolismo de Aparisi Guijarro (1901); Apología del Gran Monarca (1903); Exposición a Don Carlos de Borbón y Austria-Este sobre carlismo y españolismo (1904); Meditaciones religioso-políticas de un español proscripto (1904); Memorias, impresiones y pronósticos de un español proscripto (1905); Integrismo y españolismo: síntesis de la política tradicionalista fundamental (1905); for a longer list see e.g. Luz Catolica 01.11.00, available here
  70. booklets were published as so-called Biblioteca Españolista. The series was marketed first by Luz Católica and then by La Señal de Victoria, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 395
  71. exact publication date is not clear. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 175 dates it in 1903, but the booklet was advertised already in 1900, Luz Catolica 01.11.00, available here
  72. marked by a revanchist spirit, Apología del Gran Monarca predicted the fall Britain, conversion of Russia to Roman Catholicism, disintegration of the USA and reunion of Latin American states with Spain. It advanced also clear Iberism and envisioned a union of Spain and Portugal, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 411
  73. a present-day scholar locates Corbato's writings in line with earlier works anticipating a universalist monarchy by Adrién Peladán, San Francisco de Paula, Juan de Vatiguerro, Joaquín de Fiore, Marie Lataste, San Vicente Ferrer, Bug de Milhas, San Alonso Rodríguez, Nicolás Factor and Michel de Nôtre-Dame
  74. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 411
  75. among candidates to the throne Corbato considered both Don Jaime and Alfonso XIII, though he might have thought also about himself. In his booklets the thread was not explicit, but a contemporary scholar suggests that it vaguely emerged in Corbató’s private correspondence. It is supposed that Corbató interpreted his almost permanent series of misfortunes and failures as providential; within this mental framework, he was to resign all private and serve some grand universal goals, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 414
  76. initially Corbató saw no incompatibility between españolismo and catalanismo, claiming that both support each other. Later he maintained that there was no such thing as "Catalan nation", but remained conciliatory towards Unió Catalanista and Lliga Regionalista. Still later he was already firmy opposed to "semi-separatismo" of Catalans and Basques. His longtime friendship with Bardina ended in 1903; the latter was accused of fomenting anti-patriotic Catalanism, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 487
  77. Corbató envisioned a highly interventionist and protective state; in truly Traditionalist fashion he opposed division of powers, though he acknowledged that a king might delegates his juridical powers to Tribunal Supremo and could be assisted by Real Consejo, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 460
  78. his biographer claims that "through a combination of imperialism, protectionism and a measure of state interventionism in social affairs, [he] sought to adapt Traditionalism to the needs of a mass society", Javier Esteve Martí, El tradicionalisme en l’ascens del nacionalisme de masses: el pare Corbató, [in:] Recerques. Història, Economia, Cultura 65 (2012), p. 109
  79. William A. Christian Jr., Moving Crucifixes in Modern Spain, Princeton 2014, ISBN 9781400862627, p. 110
  80. e.g. in Girona; there were circles also beyond Levante, like in the Andalusian town of Velez-Rubio
  81. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 420
  82. the group practiced some military drills in Desierto de la Palmas near Valencia; few leaflets embraced violence and even killings, but the group has never embarked on any violent action
  83. formally the Militia was ruled by Regla Galeata de los hermanos de la Milicia de la Cruz o forma de vida religiosa y política de la nueva Orden de Crucíferos, a booklet published by Corbató in 1903. The Valencia archbishop explictly stated that Militia does not enjoy support of the hierarchy, La Lectura Dominical 16.02.07, available here
  84. Corbató advanced his Josephine theories already in La Señal de Victoria
  85. Vatican intervened almost immediately and the book was listed on index. Still in 1907 Corbató published a follow-up booklet titled Vindicación Josefina; moderated in tone and posing as in line with papal teachings, it nevertheless tried to upheld the theory, Esteve Martí 2017, pp. 430–434
  86. Esteve Martí 2017, pp. 427–430
  87. the last issue was published in 1907
  88. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 434
  89. the editorial board was to be composed of "tradicionalistas, pero independientes de todo partido", Esteve Martí 2017, p. 549
  90. sub-titled "Religión, Patria y Autoridad". Its first issue pledged co-operation of many widely recognized authors, like María de Echarri y Martínez, María Carbonell Sánchez, Emilia Pardo Bazán, Maximiliano Arboleya Martínez, Francisco Camps, Severino Aznar Embid, José Roca y Ponsa, Alejandro Pidal y Mon, Juan Vázquez de Mella and Félix Sardá y Salvany. It is not clear how many indeed promised their contributions, Esteve Martí 2017, p. 551-556
  91. Esteve Martí 2017, p. 553
  92. "sacerdote exreligioso, no adscrito canónicamente a la Diócesis". The official archbishopal note declared also "la prohibición de publicar escrito alguna en ella, tratándose de quien por otras publicaciones ha merecido censura desfavorable del mismo Prelado y de la Sagrada Congregación del Santo Oficio", referred after Esteve Martí 2017, p. 558
  93. one of few exceptions was the Integrist daily El Siglo Futuro, see issue of 26.05.13, available here. Another one was the Carlist El Correo Español, see issue of 24.05.13, available here
  94. Esteve Martí 2017, pp. 435–436. Some scholars claim that later Spanish visionaries were inspired by Corbato, compare William A. Christian, William A. Christian, Jr., Visionaries: The Spanish Republic and the Reign of Christ, Berkeley 1996, ISBN 9780520200401, p. 367

Further reading

  • María Bayarri Roselló, Las biografías de Girolamo Savonarola en España en el siglo XX, [in:] Donald Weinstein, Júlia Benavent i Benavent, J. Inés Rodríguez Gómez (eds.), La figura de Jerónimo Savonarola O. P. y su influencia en España y Europa, Firenze 2004, ISBN 9788884501165, pp. 223–238
  • Javier Esteve Martí, La política antiliberal en España bajo el signo del nacionalismo: el padre Corbató y Polo y Peyrolón [PhD thesis Universitat de València], Valencia 2017
  • Javier Esteve Martí, El tradicionalisme en l’ascens del nacionalisme de masses: el pare Corbató, [in:] Recerques. Història, Economia, Cultura 65 (2012), pp. 109–128
  • Javier Esteve Martí, La Valencia Blanca. El antiliberalismo en la Valencia republicana (1890–1918), [in:] Juan Carlos Colomer, Josep Sorribes (eds.), València, 1808–2015. La història continua..., València 2016, ISBN 9788494387463, pp. 419–428
  • Manuel García Miralles, El Padre Corbató o las pasiones políticas del siglo XIX [inedited], Valencia 1969
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