Juan Pablo Duarte

The first movement was organized by José Núñez de Cáceres, who in turn became the first and only governor of Republic of Spanish Haiti from 1821 to 1822.

In December 1821, when Duarte was eight years old, members of a Creole elite of Santo Domingo's capital proclaimed its independence from Spanish rule, calling themselves Haití Español. Historians today call this elite's brief courtship with sovereignty the Ephemeral Independence. The most prominent leader of the coup against Spanish colonial government was one of its former supporters, José Núñez de Cáceres. These individuals were tired of being ignored by the Crown, and some were also concerned with the new liberal turn in Madrid.

Their deed was not an isolated event. The 1820s was a time of profound political changes throughout the entire Spanish Atlantic World, which affected directly the lives of middle-class like the Duartes. It began with the conflictive period between Spanish royalists and liberals in the Iberian Peninsula, which is known today as the Trienio Liberal. American patriots in arms, like Simón Bolívar in South America, immediately reaped the fruits of Spain's destabilization, and began pushing back colonial troops. Even conservative elites in New Spain (like Agustín de Iturbide in Mexico), who had no intention of being ruled by Spanish anticlericals, moved to break ties with the crown in Spain.

Many others in Santo Domingo wanted independence from Spain for reasons much closer to home. Inspired by the revolution and independence on the island, Dominicans mounted a number of different movements and conspiracies in the period from 1809 to 1821 against slavery and colonialism.[10] Several towns asked for Haiti to help with Dominican independence weeks before the experiment of Haití Español even began.[11]

The Cáceres provisional government requested support from Simón Bolivar's new government, but their petition was ignored given the internal conflicts of the Gran Colombia.[12]

Jean-Pierre Boyer, the ruler of Haiti

Meanwhile, a plan for unification with Haiti grew stronger. Haitian politicians wanted to keep the island out of the hands of European imperial powers and thus a way to safeguard the Haitian Revolution . Haiti's President Jean-Pierre Boyer sent an army that took over the eastern portion of Hispaniola. The Spaniards residing in Santo Domingo, especially those of Catalan origin, welcomed the country's incorporation into the Republic of Haiti. Thus, when Boyer arrived in the city at the head of his troops, the Spanish traders sent him a letter in which they adhered to the new order that was implemented. However, Duarte's father was the one of the Spanish merchants in the city who refused to sign the document and, according to several documents, he chose to get involved in separatist conspiracies that tried to take shape during the initial years of Haitian domination, though it never materialized.

On 6 January 1823, Boyer decreed that all young men between the ages of 16 and 25 would be drafted into the Haitian army. This measure caused the University of Santo Domingo to lose its students and consequently had to close its doors. On 14 November 1824, Boyer established French as the official, sole and obligatory language in the acts of the Courts, the Civil Registry and public notaries throughout the island. Struggles between Boyer and the old colonial helped produce a migration of planters and elite. Following the bourgeoisie custom of sending promising sons abroad for education, the Duartes sent Juan Pablo to the United States and Europe in 1828 .

Duarte, then 15 years old, sets sail on his trip to North America and Europe.

For his trip, Duarte was accompanied by Pablo Pujols, a Catalan merchant who was also a family friend of the Duartes. Pujols had lived in the country for some time, and for the trip, he agreed to be the tutor for the young Duarte. However, as Duarte boarded the ship, the captain reproached the two travelers due to the fact that the inhabitants of the Spanish part of the island were now living under Haitian domination. He even asserted that he would only board him unless Duarte told him that he felt no shame in being "Haitian." Although Duarte responded that he was Dominican, the captain harshly boasted that the Dominicans were cowards for submitting to Haitian yoke, and therefore, was undeserving of an identity, expressing the following words: "You have no name, because neither you nor your parents deserve to have one, because, cowardly and servile, they bow their heads under the time of their slaves." This moment completely moved the still teenaged Duarte, who would readdres years later that these humiliating words led him at that very moment to the resolution to fight for Dominican Independence.[13] He then assured the captain that he would not rest until his people were free. [14]

Meeting of La Trinitaria at Duarte's house

On 16 July 1838, in the place of Arzobispo Nouel Street, (in front of the Church of Carmen), Duarte and others established a secret patriotic society called La Trinitaria, which helped undermine Haitian occupation. Named after the Holy Trinity, this movement, as described by his sister Rosa, was referred as a youth movement, due to the fact that most of the members were very young. Some of its first members included Juan Isidro Pérez, Pedro Alejandro Pina, Jacinto de la Concha, Félix María Ruiz, José María Serra, Benito González, Felipe Alfau, and Juan Nepomuceno Ravelo.

At the meeting, Duarte told his men firmly:

We are convinced that there is no possible merger between Dominicans and Haitians. We are and will be two different peoples. Our destiny is to be independent, absolutely independent. Our society will be called La Trinitaria because it will be made up of groups of three and we will place it under the protection of the Holy Trinity. Our motto: God, Country and Freedom. My friends, we are here to ratify the purpose that we had conceived of conspiring and making the people rise up against the Haitian power, in order to establish ourselves as a free and independent State with the name of the Dominican Republic. The white cross that will carry our flag will tell the world that the Dominican people, upon entering the life of freedom, proclaim the union of all races through the bonds of civilization and Christianity... The situation in which we will place ourselves will be very serious, and all the more so since once we are already on this path, going back will be impossible. Now, at this moment there is still time to evade commitment. Therefore, if anyone wanted to separate...

But before he could continue, the men suddenly erupted, declaring the fight for independence as a necessity and that there are no compromises. Duarte, satisfied with the men's response, took this as proof their commitment to the cause. After this, he took out a document from his pocket, to which Duarte had his men sign with blood. But before the men recited an oath, pledging allegiance to the cause:

In the name of the most holy, most august and indivisible of Omnipotent God, in the hands of our president Juan Pablo Duarte, to cooperate with my person, life and property for the definitive separation from the Haitian government, and to establish a free, sovereign and independent Republic of all foreign domination, which will be called the Dominican Republic, which will have its tricolor flag, in red and blue quarters, crossed with a white cross. Meanwhile, we Trinitarians will be recognized with the sacramental words: God, Homeland and Liberty. So I promise before God and the world: if I do, God protect me, and if not, i take it into account, and my fellow members punish me for perjury and treason, if I sell them.

After reciting the oath, each of the men proceeded to sign the document, in addition to placing a cross before each other's name. Duarte then said to his men:

The cross is not the sign of suffering; it is the symbol of redemption. La Trinitaria is constituted under its aegis, and each of its nine partners is obliged to reconstitute it, as long as one exists, until fulfilling the vow we make to redeem the homeland from the power of the Haitians.

Later, Duarte and others founded a society called La Filantrópica, which had a more public presence, seeking to spread veiled ideas of liberation through theatrical stages. This group went by the motto Peace, Union, and Friendship. Some of their plays included: Free Rome by Italian playwright Vittorio Alfieri, La Viuda de Padilla by Francisco Martínez de la Rosa, A Day of the year 23 in Cádiz by Eugenio de Ochoa. The Haitian governor, Bernard-Philippe-Alexis Carrié, at first, wasn't suspectuful, so he ignored the performances. But the public flocked to the theater with such enthusiasm and the actors caused such delirium in the audience that Alexis Carrié was alerted by his spies. The first impulse of the occupation authorities was to suspend the activities of the movement and close the theater. [18]

After several failed attempts, the unsatisfied Trinitarios founded La Dramática. In this new society, all the members devoted themselves to acting.[17] Many of the people enjoyed these activities and at the same time, learned through the representation of theatrical works they directed. They staged the struggle of a people to free themselves from an oppressive government. [19]

Juan Pablo Duarte, Oil on canvas, completed in 1887 Supposedly the second of two Duarte paintings produced by Bonilla in 1887.

The years 1842-1843 are defining for the creation of propitious conditions that culminated with the moment for Dominican independence. Catastrophic natural phenomena such as the earthquake that affected Haiti on 7 May 1842 and that it left the city of Cape Haitian in the north practically destroyed and that it equally affected Santiago and other northern cities in the eastern part. Nearly 5,000 deaths were recorded in said earthquake and accusations of incapacity and insensitivity of the authorities in handling said natural event that influenced the beginning of its political deterioration that had already begun before. [20] Added as a catastrophe, there was a fire in Port-au-Prince that left it in ruins in January 1843, and a political unrest that had been gaining ground was combined with shortages and the economic-commercial crisis that accompanied it. [20]The political attrition of Jean-Pierre Boyer produces ruptures within Haiti and also in the eastern part of the island with separatist movements that sought to overthrow Boyer on one side, and on the other side, sought to make the Spanish part of the island take the opportunity to gain independence.

There were coincidences and differences in purposes. [20]For Duarte, he felt that a shudder was needed, since the Trinitarios could not manage to transfer its influence from the circle of young people to the upper urban sector. This allowed them to move to shift their attentions towards a new movement: La Reforma. Upon learning of the conspiracy led by deposed liberal deputies in Les Ceyes and other parts of the South, Duarte arranged for Mella to move to that region and reach agreements with Boyer's enemies. Mella fulfilled his duty, and after a brief visit, he returned to Santo Domingo a day before the insurrection that began of 27 January 1843. After military operations, Boyer resigned on 13 March 1843. [21]

Nearly two weeks later, news reached Santo Domingo about Boyer's fall. Following this, a mobilization of the Trinitarios and the Haitian liberals residing in the city hurled into the streets in repudiation of despotism and hailed Dominican triumph. The conservatives, however, were disturbed by this union, accusing Duarte of being "Colombian," alluding to the prior independence leader, José Núñez de Caceres. In response to this, Duarte strongly emphasized that independence was not what was sought at that time, but the Reformation. (Duarte, who wanted to carry out his plan discrete, alluded this for the purpose of not publicly speaking of the true conditions of proclamation for independence).[21]

Meanwhile, the Haitian authorities of the city, headed by Governor Carrié, opposed the popular movement and a shootout occurred in the Plaza de Armas (today Parque Colón) when the crowd approached his residence to demand his resignation. Many protesters hid, while others, like Duarte, marched towards San Cristóbal, where important conspirators were located. In that town, they received reinforcements from other places in the south, causing Carrié to resign from office. Étienne Desgrotte, the leader of the Haitian liberals in Santo Domingo, was appointed governor. After this, a popular board was formed by Alcius Ponthieux, who assigned Duarte, in addition to Pedro Alejandro Piña and Manuel Jiménes, as members to the board. Duarte was entrusted with the mission of expanding the work to the localities from the east. [22]In these elections the Trinitarios obtained massive support, they became responsible for the new constitutional reform with the Haitian revolutionaries and an article of this constitution separated both groups because it denied rights to the citizens of the Spanish side, among others, the issue of the use of the language Spanish and possession of real estate. By now, Duarte and the Trinitarios now had the edge for their cause of independence. [23]

Following Duarte's exile, Francisco del Rosario Sánchez (left) and Matías Ramón Mella (right) continued to lead the 1844 revolution.

This alliance of purposes, however, did not last long. The true motives of Duarte had reached the ears of General Hérard, who responded with the call of repression of the revolutionaries on the eastern side of the island. The fights started as a result of these differences produced the reaction of the new Haitian government and under the command of Hérard, he launched it against the Trinitarios, commanding two battalions that accompanied him from the city of Port-au-Prince. [20]

During the month of July 1843, the military forces of the Haitian Government intensified the persecution against the Trinitarios. On 24 July 1843, the residence of the family of Juan Pablo Duarte and that of his uncle José Díez, were raided by Haitian soldiers who were trying to locate the Trinitarian leader. The requisition was led by the Haitian commander Hipólito Franquil, who, according to Rosa Duarte, "was accompanied by a large troop of which one part surrounded the block and the other entered the house divided into two rows of two in background; a line of armed soldiers entered through the main bedroom into the inner rooms; and the other extended from the street through the room to the corrals." That day Duarte and several of his companions managed to escape by jumping through the patios of neighboring residences until they reached the house of Mr. Teodoro Ariza. They later moved to Pajarito, (present day Villa Duarte, Santo Domingo Este), where they took refuge in the house of Spanish citizen Pascual C. López. They left there at 10 p.m. that same day. [24]

Eventually, Duarte had received information from one of his "repentant persecutors" that his head had a price and for this reason, the person who gave him the confidence suggested that he leave Santo Domingo. According to the informant, the Haitian government gave three thousand pesos and the colonel's epaulette “for the leader of the revolution”, but many believed that the amount of the offer was low. Juan Pablo Duarte and Pedro Alejandrino Pina left the Pedro Cote residence, in the company of Juan Alejandro Acosta and another friend that Rosa Duarte does not identify. [24]Finally, on 2 August 1843, Duarte decided to leave the island for Curaçao due to his insurgent behavior, where he was surprised by the news of his father's death on 25 November of that year. Then, Duarte tells his mother to sell the family business to finance the separatist revolution, to which his mother is opposed at first.

In his absence, Francisco del Rosario Sánchez had to take the reins of the separatist movement and make an alliance with the conservative sector headed by Tomás Bobadilla y Briones and Buenaventura Báez, resulting in the Manifesto of 16 January 1844. All of this, along with the help of many who wanted to get rid of the Haitians who ruled over the Dominicans, triumphed, as the Dominicans successfully expelled the Haitians out of the country, leading to the proclamation of independence on 27 February 1844. In accordance to Duarte's wishes, a new republican government, once again free of foreign control, was established, and Independent Santo Domingo was officially renamed as the Dominican Republic.

Duarte returns to his homeland

With the purpose of preparing the return of Duarte, a commission was formed, headed by Juan Nepomuceno Ravelo, in charge of bringing the patrician back to his homeland. Four days later, on 15 March 1844, Duarte entered the Port of Santo Domingo, where he was acclaimed by the people. With him, he brought weapons and war materials that he was able to obtain on a trip to Curaçao. His presence caused great joy among his followers and he was received by a procession that paid him the honors of a head of state. Archbishop Tomás Portes Infante greeted the Patrician with these effusive words: "Save the Father of the Nation!" [25]

Duarte was proclaimed General in Chief of the Armies of the Republic, but the Government appointed him Brigadier General and Member of the Central Government Junta. He began working on his project to develop a Constitution, which he left unfinished, to join the army and face the Haitians, in the Battle of Azua, on 19 March 1844. During the development of this battle, contradictions began between Santana and Duarte, since Santana, a very influential person due to his status as a herd owner, had little military experience and for the first time had to face such a powerful army. Despite that, Santana defeated the Haitians in the development of this battle. News reached the capital city that the Haitians were advancing towards the Cibao area. On 30 March 1844, in Santiago, a battle took place and after long hours of combat, the Dominicans led by José María Imbert, Achille Michell, Fernando Valerio, Francisco Caba, Bartolo Mejía and José Joaquín Puello, defeated the Haitian troops. [25]

Engraving of Juan Pablo Duarte

Although Duarte was supported by many as a candidate for the presidency and Mella even declared him president, Duarte declined arguing that he would only accept the position if the majority election of the Dominicans voted in his flavored. Instead, Tomas Bobadilla took office. Duarte was supported by many as a candidate for the presidency of the new-born Republic. Mella wanted Duarte to simply declare himself president. Duarte never giving up on the principles of democracy and fairness by which he lived, would only accept if voted in by a majority of the Dominican people. Duarte had a definite concept of the Dominican nation and its members. His conception of a republic was that of a republican, anticolonial, liberal and progressive patriot.

At that time he drafted a constitution that clearly states that the Dominican flag can shelter all races, without excluding or giving predominance to any. In his project for the Constitution, Duarte wrote that National Independence was the source of liberties and raised the need for Dominicans to have a fundamental law, in order to govern.

One of the most important provisions contained in its draft Constitution says, among other things: [26]

-No power on earth is unlimited, not even that of the law-

-All Dominican power is and should always be limited by law and this by justice, which consists of giving each one what rightfully belongs to them-

Another very important part is the one that refers to the Powers of the State, whose division he conceives, in tripartite form in three parts, putting the Municipal Power, together with the Legislative, judicial and Executive powers. This disposition reveals the spirit of good sense and justice that always accompanied Duarte. It was intended to prevent rulers from making use of unlimited power, which could harm majorities. [26]

General Mella proclaiming Duarte as president, Artwork by José Alloza.

Duarte with Pedro Santana

Banishment of Juan Pablo Duarte, work by José Alloza

While these events were taking place, differences within the government continued to develop, as the group of conservatives continued their conspiracies for new protectorate plans. The Trinitarios, motivated by the fear that this situation caused them, requested that Duarte be appointed General in Chief of the Army, as well as other important positions for some Trinitarios.

Despite these precautions taken by the conservatives, they requested the protection of France to defend themselves against the Haitians, who once again threatened to occupy the country. On 9 June 1844, Duarte met in the Fortress with a group of soldiers and decided to take control of the government. Sánchez was appointed President and other members of the Cabinet were Pedro Alejandro Pina, Manuel María Valverde, Juan Isidro Pérez and Duarte himself. Now, the task of the Trinitarians was focused on discarding the influence of Santana and fighting against the actions of the group made up of conservatives. This was not possible because Santana had great influence in the government. Pedro Santana, aware of the military coup, wrote to the Central Government Board, requesting a medical license to retire from the army, on the pretext that he was suffering from an illness. [25]

Meanwhile, Buenaventura Báez and other conspirators communicated frequently with Santana and made a deal to get him approved for sick leave. General Sánchez was appointed assistant chief of Santana, but he was unable to fulfill that mission. Santana began preparing his plot and organized troops made up of his friends. He went to the city of Santo Domingo, with the purpose of "restoring order." After these events, on 4 July 1844, in the city of Santiago, Mella, who was Commander of the Department of Cibao, oblivious to what was happening in Azua with Santana, proclaimed Juan Pablo Duarte, President of the Republic. Duarte said that he would only accept that position if he was elected in democratic elections, in which all the peoples participated. [25]

Meanwhile, Santana was approaching the capital city with an army made up of more than two thousand soldiers. The French consul threatened the members of the Junta with intervention if they confronted Santana militarily. Some soldiers were pressured and Colonel Puello, Chief of the Plaza, denied support for the Trinitarios. After Santana's entry with his troops, he rallied his supporters. Colonel Antonio Abad Alfau harangued the soldiers, who received the soldier under the cry: Down with the Junta! Long live General Santana! [25]

On 15 July 1844, Santana met with the members of the Governing Board to present their purposes. When Sánchez refused to cooperate, Santana, in revenge, ordered Sánchez's arrest. A month later, in a document drafted by Tomás Bobadilla y Caminero, the Junta chaired by Santana declared, among other things: [25]

To punish all the authors of the sedition, headed by General Juna Pablo Duarte (...) Declares that Brigadier Generals Duarte, R. Mella, Fco. del Rosario Sánchez, Commanders Pedro Alejandro Pina, Gregorio del Valle, Captain JJ Illas and Mr. Juan Isidro Pérez... They have been traitors and unfaithful to the Homeland and as such unworthy of the jobs and charges they held, of those who were deposed and dismissed from this day on.

The first deportees by Santana were: Mella, Pina and JJ Illas, a Venezuelan poet, friend of Duarte. Duarte was arrested in the city of Puerto Plata, in the house of Mr. Pedro Dubocq. Next to him were Juan Evangelista Jiménez and other companions. On 2 September 1844 in a ship captained by Juan Bautista Cambiaso. Upon arriving in the capital, the Patrician was locked up in La Torre del Homenaje, (present-day Ozama Fortress). [25]The imprisoned revolutionaries were then sent to exile in Hamburg. He spent nineteen days in the city, where he interacted with members of Freemasonry, an institution which belinged a few years before, as was common among people of certain educational level in the country. [27]His short stay in Germany can be attributed to the fact that he was interested in being as close to his homeland as posible. After a brief stay in Hamburg, on 30 November, Duarte moved to the Caribbean island of Saint Thomas, where he rejected offers to enter the service of Haiti or Spain to oppose Santana. From there, he moved to La Guaira, Venezuela, where his entire family, now plunged into misery, had also been exiled by Santana.

Duarte's family in Venezuela did not do too badly, they lived and worked in an affluent area. Duarte's cousin Manuel Diez became vice president of the country and helped shelter his kinsman. Duarte's family was known to produce candles, this was a major retail and wholesale product since light bulbs for lighting had not been invented yet. While not luxuriously rich an income was available for the Duarte's. Juan Pablo being a man of action as well of a high level of curiosity went off to live in the Venezuela, there he had some contacts and he made off to meet with them. The Venezuela of this period was wracked by a series of civil wars and internal dissensions. Duarte even though he and his family were already by this time residents of the country, still felt ambivalent about openly participating in the country's political life, all this despite the fact that the aforementioned cousin Manuel Antonio Díez from the vice presidency, went on to become President of Venezuela in an Ad Tempore capacity.

Duarte travels in Venezuela involved studying the indigenous people's and learning from the black and mulatto communities as well as observing as much as he could of the Venezuela of his time. Duarte was an extremely educated man, fluent in many languages, he was a former soldier and teacher. These abilities helped him survive and thrive in those places he travelled. It also marked him as an outsider, given the fact that he was of Caribbean descent, he probably sounded much different than most of the Spanish speakers around him. However, Santo Domingo and the Republic that he had helped father were also highly likely always close to his heart and his mind. So he was very much a man divided, excited and deeply moved by the current surroundings, people's and events around him, however very much thinking about his beloved land and people whom he sacrificed so much for. A man in a contemplative mood, wounded by the drastic expulsion such as he suffered, would have very little time for a long term wife, children or true stability.

Illustration of Pedro Santana with brigadier general Antonio Peláez de Campomanes.

Within the 17 years of the First Republic, the nation was ravaged with political and economic instability. Political power passed to the conservative group of hateros and former Frenchified boyerista officials, thanks to the control of the presidency of the Central Government Board by Bobadilla and of the Liberation Army by General Santana, who ruled dictatorially in various periods. As time progressed, the constant power struggles between Santana and Buenaventura Báez, a hatero and woodcutter from the southwest of the country, more cunning and no less annexationist than the former, set the stage for a period of political and economic chaos.[16]

Between 1853 and 1857, Santana and Báez engaged in a series of political confrontations that eventually reached its breaking point with the outbreak of the Cibano Revolution during Báez's second term in office. All the while, both would continue to propose that the Dominican Republic be annexed to a foreign power, with Santana choosing Spain, and Báez subjecting the United States. With Báez's overthrow in 1858, Santana once again president. But by now, the nation was on the brink of collapse due to the heavy spending of the war, and the bankrupt treasury left behind from Báez administration. All of this, in addition to fears of a renewed Haitian invasion, led to Santana to seek out the proposals from Queen Isabella II of Spain.

Sánchez and Mella, however, did not abandon their liberal positions and patriotic essentials. Their relationships with prominent conservatives was the price to remain in the interior of the country and influence so that things could take the best possible direction. Duarte, however, saw things differently. He believed it was impossible to accept any type of agreement with what he described as "faction." According to a letter from Juan Isidro Pérez, Duarte was disappointed in Sánchez, whom he had placed in charge following his 1843 exile, due to reaching an agreement with Santana. For Duarte, patriotism of the people was the only possible cause, therefore he refused to conceive the existence of the parties, only recognizing the opposition of traitors. Referring to Báez and his early inclination in favor of the United States, he wrote in 1865: [28]

In Santo Domingo, there is only one town that wants to be and has proclaimed itself independent of all foreign power, and a miserable fraction that always has spoken out against this law, against this need of the Dominican people, always achieving by gave of his intrigues and sordid dealings to take over the situation.

Duarte preferred complete isolation to any concession. Politics had to be guided by noble purposes or it would be distorted. Consequently, politics implied high ideals, reflection and action for the benefit of the community. Above all things, for Duarte, politics was equivalent to patriotism. His notion of a free country, which was synthesized in the willingness to sacrifice in favor of the principles and the well-being of the people, was the opposite of the common-mind considered as politics: the realm of the struggle for power. [29]

Although many aspects of his life in Venezuela remain unknown, it is certain that Duarte did not abandon the disposition to action. When sensing danger approaching his country, he did not hesitate to present himself. It was when he learned of the annexation of the Dominican Republic to Spain in March 1861, news that he received more than a year later in the depths of the Venezuelan jungle, and moved to Caracas in August 1862. During the following months, he remained mainly in expectation. It can be deduced that he considered that his prolonged absence from the county is what caused him not to take initiatives. Some even argue that Duarte felt regret for the country, since apparently the majority of the population accepted Santana's betrayal. [30]

It was when the Restoration War broke out, in August 1863, when Duarte started moving. His sister's Diary was stated that on 20 December 1863, he moved to Caracas with his uncle Mariano Diez. As soon as he found out that the people had begun the fight against Spanish domination, Duarte formed a revolutionary center in Caracas. His brother Vicente Celestino, his uncle Mariano Diez, the young poet Manuel Rodríguez Objío and the Venezuelan Candelario Oquendo joined him. Several Venezuelans were interested in supporting the Dominican cause, those who stood out between Blas and Manuel Bruzual the latter known as The Fearless Soldier, exponent of the radical positions of liberalism. President Juan Crisóstomo Falcón received Duarte and promised him help, despite the difficult situation in which Venezuela found itself, after several years of federal war. Despite Falcón's good disposition, the help received by Duarte was minimal, since the matter was left in the hands of the vice president, Antonio Guzmán Blanco, (future autocrat of Venezuela), who was not interested in helping the Dominicans. Duarte reflected that In matters of intrigue, Venezuelans were no different from the Dominicans. Apparently he only received a thousand pesos from the Venezuelan government. Venezuelan bierno. Many Dominicans came to stand at Duarte's orders, but he could not do anything due to lack of funds. Therefore, without having managed to gather resources, as was his wish, together with the four aforementioned companions, he was able to embark in Curaçao towards Montecristi in March 1864. After 20 years of exile, he was now back in his homeland. [31]

He arrived in Monte Cristi in April 1864 and immediately addressed the government of the Restoration. Upon arriving in Santiago, he was able to give a final greeting to his partner Mella, vice president of the government, who was dying of cancer. In the interviews he had with Ulysses Francisco Espaillat, in charge of the government, Duarte asked to be assigned to the combat front expressed his interest in meeting the president José Antonio Salcedo.The restoration government did not evaluate the importance that it had the presence of Duarte, which could have been due to the fact that his figure had has been buried by oblivion and that some of the leaders of the national contest had been supporters of Santana. [31]

On April the government of Santiago, through Espaillat, Duarte was asked to move to Venezuela at the head of a diplomatic mission in order to get help. He was not willing to accept the assignment, because his interest was to participate in the struggle in the interior of the country. But, a few days later, an article published in the Diario de la Marina, in Havana, was received, signed by G. (who could have been the writer Manuel de Jesús Galván, the main Dominican spokesperson of the Spanish regime in Santo Domingo), which predicted internal struggles among the restaurateurs for control due to the return of Duarte. So that it could not be thought that he was motivated by personal ambitions, Duarte informed Espaillat that he accepted the appointment, although for a few days he hoped to remain in the interior of the country. Espaillat, however, confirmed Duarte's appointment, although he told him that he should not stay with the impression that G.'s intrigue had had an effect. Again in Venezuela, it was impossible for him to obtain support for the Dominican struggle. The Restoration was an epic that the Dominican people had to wage without any external support, but thanks to the tremendous sacrifice of poor farmers, who gave the bulk of their crops for the purchase of weapons through Haiti. [32]

Only known photo of Juan Pablo Duarte. Taken by the Venezuelan photographer Prospero Agustín Rey Medrero in Venezuela, in 1873.

Duarte closely followed the evolution of the country, as shown in the active correspondence he had during those months, although he resigned from diplomatic representation following the overthrow of President Gaspar Polanco, who had released his credentials. He was above all concerned about the recomposition of annexationism, this time in favor of the United States, which was promoted mainly Buenaventura Báez. That is why he pointed out in a letter to Félix María Delmonte:[33]

If after twenty years of absence I have spontaneously returned to my country to protest with arms in hand against the annexation to Spain carried out despite the national vote for the deception of that traitor and parricide side, it is not to be expected that I stop protesting (and with me every good Dominican) which I protest and will always protest, I'm not just saying against the annexation of my Country to the United States, but to any other power on earth, and at the same time against any treaty that tends to undermine in the least our National Independence.. [...]

From the end of 1865, Dominican politics moved away of the patriotic objectives stated in the Restoration. Most of the leaders who emerged from that war oriented toward anarchic and conservative positions. Duarte must have assessed the poverty of the political leadership, as he refers in another letter to Delmonte on May 2 of that year:[34]

You say (and it is true) that Benigno Rojas is nothing but Yankee, and Báez who is nothing but Haitian-Gallo-Spanish, and Lavastida and Alfaus and Manueles are Yankees; Báez says that says that Bobadilla is nothing but Pandora, Melitón is everything, except Dominican, says José Portes who is in Saint-Thomas, and adds to this that being a senator,so that he would keep his mouth shut when the Annexation, Santana gave him a house. Poor country! If these are the consultants, what will be consulted?

He was said to have experienced new disappointment when he saw that the old annexationist, Buenaventura Báez, the architect of the Levasseur Plan of 1843, was elevated to the presidency, brought by none other than the then president José María Cabral, champion of the Restoration in the south. From then on, although he did not leave Caracas, he disassociated himself from Dominican politics. The country entered a whirlwind of passions between leaders and a difficult situation in which annexation to the United States was approved in 1870. Practically, everyone forgot about Duarte; Occasionally he received visits or correspondence from liberal intellectuals interested in the reconstruction of the events that led to the birth of the Republic. [34] Gregorio Luperón, the hero of the Restoration War, made efforts to return Duarte back to the country. In addition, Duarte received a letter from President Ignacio María González, who invited him to reintegrate into the Dominican Republic. But by now, Duarte was in extreme poverty and his health was fading rapidly. Therefore, he could not respond to these calls for his return.

On 14 July 1876, Duarte's health was seriously deteriorating. Suffering from turbercolisis snd pnemonea, his breathing had worsened, causing him to be confined to his bed. In his final moment, he was accompanied by sisters Rosa and Francisco, and his brother, Manuel. F. Pérez narrates that gloomy day in these terms: [35]

Caracas, on the night of July 14, 1876, Duarte was approaching his end and while his sisters, Rosa and Francisca, watched by his side; His brother Manuel, lost her mind, was shooting nonsense in a neighboring room. The most complete misery prevailed in the house, whose furniture was very scarce. Rosa and Francisca lived by sewing and their earnings were so meager that they could barely survive. Such was the environment in which Duarte was close to death, after suffering for a year from an exhausting illness (pneumonia) that turned him into a ghost. He was 63 years old and looked over eighty. A life of illness, deprivation and sacrifice had reduced him to that pitiful situation. For his neighbors in Caracas, Duarte was a Dominican who had had some importance in his country or at least that was what it seemed. What these people did not know was that if the Duartes were in such a terrible situation, it was due to the love they felt for their country because on two occasions, in 1844 and 1863, they sacrificed an important part of the family heritage for it.

Nor did they know that that old man, who looked abstracted and sick, had been one of the purest patricians in America, who had dedicated himself to serving his country with “soul, life and heart.”

And they did not know that this poor Dominican, who lived so darkly, had been considered the Nazarene Jesus of the Dominicans.

As for their sisters, those same people were unaware that those poor women, who now did not even have good eyesight to sew, together with their mother, now deceased, had manufactured more than 5,000 bullets for the independence of their country.

But let's go back to the patient.

At two in the morning on Saturday, silence enveloped Caracas.

The night advanced and the city looked deserted.

In the sad Duarte house, Rosa and Francisca kept vigil.

Everything announced the proximity of the end, and in the dying man's room, poorly lit by a candle, prayers alternated with silence.

The time advances and the patient's breathing becomes more difficult. The wait is long.

Finally, at three in the morning, on July 15, 1876, the dying man breathed his last sigh.

The room is filled with sobs.

Rosa and France bloom inconsolably.

Duarte is dead.

The first news of his death was announced through the Diario de Avisos, of Caracas, in the afternoon edition of July 15, 1876. The note states the following: [36]

General (sic) Juan Pablo Duarte, leader of Dominican independence, has died; His relatives and friends who subscribe hope that you will accompany them to the burial of the body tomorrow at 9 am in the IP of Santa Rosalía." - Caracas, July 15, 1876.