June Democratic Struggle

The June Democratic Struggle (Korean: 6월 민주 항쟁), also known as the June Democracy Movement and the June Uprising,[3] was a nationwide pro-democracy movement in South Korea that generated mass protests from June 10 to 29, 1987. The demonstrations forced the ruling government to hold direct presidential elections and institute other democratic reforms, which led to the establishment of the Sixth Republic, the present-day government of South Korea.

"June Democracy Movement" redirects here. For the events in China, see 1989 Tiananmen Square protests.

June Democratic Struggle
Part of the Minjung movement
Crowds gather at the state funeral of Lee Han-yeol in Seoul, July 9, 1987
DateJune 10–29, 1987 (large-scale outbreak)
January–July 9, 1987 (total)
Location
South Korea
Caused by
Goals
MethodsProtest marches and civil disobedience
Resulted in
Parties

Protestors

Supported by:
Lead figures

Decentralized leadership

Number
4 – 5 million protestors[1]
89,000 police
100,000 soldiers
Casualties
Death(s)3[2]
June Democratic Struggle
Hangul
6월 민주 항쟁
Hanja
六月民主抗爭
Revised Romanization6 Weol Minju Hangjaeng
McCune–Reischauer6 Wŏl Minju Hangjaeng

On June 10, the military regime of President Chun Doo-hwan announced its choice of Roh Tae-woo as the next president. The public designation of Chun's successor was seen as a final affront to a delayed and deferred process to revise the South Korean constitution to permit direct election of the president. Although pressure on the regime in the form of demonstrations by students and other groups had been building for some time, the announcement finally triggered massive and effective protests.[4]

Unwilling to resort to violence before the 1988 Olympic Games in Seoul (which garnered large worldwide attention),[5] and believing that Roh could win competitive elections anyway given divisions within the opposition,[4] Chun and Roh acceded to the key demands of direct presidential elections and restoration of civil liberties. Although Roh was duly elected as president that December with a bare plurality, the consolidation of a liberal democratic regime in South Korea was underway.[6]

Background

Indirect presidential elections

Since the 1972 implementation of the Yushin Constitution by then-president Park Chung-hee, South Korean presidents were elected indirectly by the National Conference for Unification, an electoral college. This system persisted even after Park was assassinated and then replaced by Choi Kyu-hah, who was himself replaced within months by Chun after the Coup d'état of December Twelfth. Since the college was generally hand picked by the regime itself, it did not represent any sort of democratic check on presidential power.[4]

Seeking to enhance his domestic and international standing by providing a veneer of democratic representation, Chun held parliamentary elections in 1985. Even though ruling party lost only two mandates, the result was a major moral victory for the opposition, led by Kim Dae-jung and Kim Young-sam. The opposition's key demand was direct presidential elections, and Chun sought to foil this by initiating a campaign of delay, deliberation, and deferment. in response to a wave of public protest in February 1986, Chun agreed to allow parliamentary debate on constitutional change.[7] Although a parliamentary committee debated various proposals for months, on April 13, 1987, Chun suspended even this committee until after the Olympics, citing a need for "national unity" ahead of the Games.[4][8] This action intensified unrest and broader anti-government sentiment, especially as residents of many areas of Seoul such as Mok-dong were displaced to make way for planned facilities, but Chun continued his program to install Roh as his successor.[9] Meanwhile, anti-government sentiment was growing among the public; a May 1987 survey of the "middle class" published in Hankook Ilbo found that 85.7% of respondents felt that it was "more desirable to protect human rights even at the cost of economic growth".[10]

Throughout this period, the labor movement, university students, and churches in particular joined in a mutually supporting alliance to put increasing pressure on the regime.[4] This mobilized a portion of civil society, in addition to the political opposition, formed the core of the resistance that would become generalized during the decisive events of June.[1]

Student movement and death of Park Jong-chul
Students occupy the Seoul US Cultural Center on May 23, 1985

In the 1980s, many student activists in universities struggled against Chun Doo-hwan's dictatorship in the aftermath of the 1980 Gwangju Uprising. Student radicalism had become particularly widespread in the years leading up to 1987, with 469,000 students participating in protests in the year 1985.[11] On May 23, 1985, students occupied the United States Information Service (USIS) cultural center in Seoul, demanding an apology for alleged US complicity in the actions of the South Korean government in Gwangju, as well as an end to support for the Chun government. The affair and subsequent trial led to significant media publicity throught the country, as well as attempted copycat actions.[12][13][14] On May 3, 1986, student demonstrations in Incheon targeted offices of both the ruling Democratic Justice Party as well as the officially-recognized opposition New Korean Democratic Party, amidst tensions over the latter's stance of compromise towards the government.[15]

On January 13, 1987, activist Park Jong-chul, the president of the student council in the linguistics department of Seoul National University, was detained by police.[16] While under interrogation, Park refused to confess the whereabouts of one of his fellow activists. During the interrogation, authorities used waterboarding techniques to torture him,[17] leading to his death through asphyxiation on January 14. On February 7, protest marches held in his memory saw clashes with police across the country.[18] On March 3, the forty-ninth day after Park's death and the time for his reincarnation according to Buddhist tradition, Buddhist groups collaborated with the opposition and allowed the Jogyesa Temple in Seoul to be used as a base for nation-wide gatherings.[19]

Information surrounding the events of Park Jong-chol's death was initially suppressed. However, the Catholic Priests Association for Justice (CPAJ), revealed details, including that of a deliberate cover-up by authorities, to the public at a May 18 memorial service for the victims of the Gwangju Massacre, further inflaming public sentiment.[20] On May 23, a meeting of opposition groups was held, and announced that they would hold mass demonstrations on June 10. This coalition took the name of the National Coalition for a Democratic Constitution (NCDC; 민주헌법쟁취국민운동본부; 民主憲法爭取國民運動本部), or Guk-bon.[21]

Death of Lee Han-yeol
Lee Han-yeol Memorial

On June 9, student groups nationwide took to the field and mobilized on campuses across the country, in preparation for the planned mass protests on June 10. At 2 p.m., Yonsei University student Lee Han-yeol was seriously injured when a tear gas grenade penetrated his skull.[22] A widely-circulated photograph was captured of him injured and being carried away by a fellow student.[23] In critical condition, he quickly became a symbol of the subsequent protests over the weeks that followed. He eventually died of his wounds on July 5, after the regime had agreed to the people's demands. Over 1.6 million citizens participated in his national funeral, held on July 9. He was buried at May 18th National Cemetery.[24]

Main demonstrations

The 1980 constitution limited the president to a single seven-year term. Although extension to the term via constitutional amendment was possible, this would legally not apply to the sitting president, effectively excluding Chun from serving past 1987. However, the constitution still granted significant power the to presidential office, and political activity faced continued suppression.[25]

Roh Tae-woo's nomation as Chun's successor was scheduled for June 10, the same day as scheduled protests. As the day approached, authorities took measures to clamp down on dissent. Korea University student leader Lee In-young was arrested on June 2. On June 8, the Ministries of Internal Affairs and Justice pre-emptively declared the planned actions as illegal assemblies, and the Guk-bon as a "subversive organization". Nearly 5,000 dissidents were arrested during overnight raids, and 700 opposition leaders were placed under house arrest.[26] The Democratic Justice Party convention where Roh's nomination took place opened at 6 p.m. on June 10 at Jamsil Arena[27] in Seoul. As students reached nearby Seoul City Hall, police immediately began to attack.[22] Despite police efforts, the National Rally Against the Cover-Up and Torture Death of Park Jong-chul and to Repeal the Constitution (박종철군 고문치사 조작, 은폐 규탄 및 호헌철폐 국민대회) was successfully held in 18 cities across the country.[28] Violent clashes broke out between police and demonstrators throughout Seoul. Many motorists expressed their opposition to the government by honking their vehicle's horns en masse. A soccer match between South Korea and Egypt was cancelled after vast quantities of police tear gas covered the field.[29] A total of 3,831 people were reportedly arrested.[30]

That evening, students in Seoul fled police by entering Myeongdong Cathedral, which had become a major centre for religious opposition to the dictatorship.[31] After being unable to leave due to police blockades, they began a sit-in inside the building. Cardinal Kim Su-hwan announced that priests were ready to go to the front lines in order to prevent police from storming the building.[32] The cathedral becoming a major focal point and public forum for the protestors, attracting large amounts of external support. On June 11, the National Security Headquarters defended the actions of their forces on the previous day, describing rallies as illegal, and as violent "disorderly conduct", and declaring their attention to crackdown on further unrest.[33] The same day, a thousand students attempted to enter the cathedral in order to join the occupation, but were blocked by riot police, who arrested at least 301 people.[34] While the sit-in was underway, protests continued to grow for the next several days, seeing increased involvement from members of the general public despite the lack of officially planned mobilizations from the Guk-bon for days following June 10. Between the 11 and 15 June, an estimated forty to fifty students required hospitalization in Seoul daily due to injuries from police violence.[34] The sit-in ended on June 15, after the government announced they would not punish the occupiers provided they left the premises on that day. Successfully leaving the building without arrest, the occupation was seen as a victory and emboldened the movement.[28][35] On the same day as the end of the sit-in, an estimated 60,000 students protested at 45 colleges across the country.[36]

Protests from June 10 onwards differed from protests earlier in the year due to the degree of mass participation; whereas early protests were driven by opposition groups and students, the June protests saw increased involvement from other sectors of the populace, comprising all social standings. White-collar workers threw rolls of toilet paper from offices, applauding and otherwise voicing their support.[37][38] Office workers who joined the protest were dubbed the "necktie brigade" because of their work uniforms.[39] Protests also spread to cities that had previously seen little public dissent, such as Daejeon.[40]

On June 18, the National Rally for the Abolition of Tear Gas Grenades (Korean: 최루탄추방국민대회; Hanja: 催淚彈追放國民大會) brought 1.5 million people into the streets.[41] Writing for the New York Times, Clyde Haberman would describe police as having "[lost] control of the streets" on this day.[42] In Busan, the city center around Seomyeon Roundabout was filled with 300,000 demonstrators, forcing police to give up firing tear gas.[41] Associated rallies were held in 247 locations in 16 cities nationwide.[28] That night, a protestor, Lee Tae-chun, was fatally wounded in Busan after falling from an overpass due to police releasing tear gas onto the structure.[41][43] One policeman was killed in Daejon after being hit by a commandeered bus.[44] On June 19, Acting Prime Minister Lee Han-key threatened "extraordinary measures" in a televised address if protests did not cease.[42] On the same day, Chun issued orders to mobilize the army, but fearing a reprise of the violent Gwangju Massacre, he rescinded them within hours.[4]

On June 20, a contingent of around 150 protesting Buddhist monks were confronted by riot police in Seoul; when dispersed, they were joined by thousands of civilians.[44][45] On June 21, forty Guk-bon leaders proposed a list of four demands to the government. They requested a cancellation of the April 13 measure suspending constitutional reform, a release of all prisoners of conscience, a guarantee to rights of freedom of assembly, demonstration, and the press, and an end to police use of tear gas. A further day of nationwide protests was to be held if these demands were not met by June 26. As the government refused to compromise, the Great National March of Peace (Korean: 국민평화대행진; Hanja: 國民平和大行進) was held;[46] over 1 million people participated in cities across South Korea, more than the triple the number of those who had participated in protests on June 10.[4][47] 100,000 riot police were deployed nationwide to block rally points, but these were insufficient to prevent protests. Gwangju saw its largest demonstrations since the 1980 Uprising, and civilians outnumbered police to such an extent that they were able to successfully perform peaceful assemblies in Suwon, Mokpo and Yeosu. On this day, over 3,469 arrests were reported nationwide.[48]

Eventually, Roh Tae-woo issued the June 29 Declaration, capitulating to the demands of the protesters by promising to amend the Constitution and to release political prisoners, including opposition leader Kim Dae-jung, who had been under house arrest since his return from exile in 1985. The declaration was officially approved by President Chun two days later.[2]

Aftermath

1987 Great Labor Struggle
See also: Labor movement of South Korea
Protests in Seoul

Prior to 1987, labor movements in South Korea had long played a major role in opposition movements against the country's military dictatorships. The role they played during June 1987 further emboldened them and allowed them to consolidate their position.[49] Following the June Democratic Uprising, Hyundai Engine Trade Union was established in Ulsan on July 5. Many workers across the country started to establish labor unions and take actions to demand better conditions such as strikes and walkouts. Within the space of a year, 4,000 new unions representing some 700,000 workers were established, and union membership would increase from 1.06 million in 1986 to 1.98 million in 1990. Daewoo worker Lee Suk-kyu was killed after being hit by a tear gas canister on August 22, and Hyundai workers occupied Ulsan City Hall on September 2. On September 29, the government announced it would take steps to make workers "middle class". A total of 3,492 labor disputes were recorded by the government between June 29 and September 15, with an average of 44 industrial actions being undertaken per day in this period.[50]

Constitutional reform
See also: Constitution of the Republic of Korea
Man voting in the constitutional referendum

After the June 29 Declaration, the process of constitutional amendment began in earnest. On October 12 the constitutional bill was passed, and it was approved via a public referendum held on October 28, with 94.4% of voters in favor. It officially took effect on February 25, 1988, when Roh Tae-woo was inaugurated as president.

The 10th Constitution strengthened civil rights. Natural and legal rights were explicitly specified, direct presidential elections were implemented, and the power of the president was reduced in favor of the power of National Assembly of Korea.[25][51]

Democratic elections
See also: 1987 South Korean presidential election

Roh retained his June 10 nomination as the presidential candidate of the presidency of Democratic Justice Party. Roh had enough legitimate support within the Korean electorate to compete in the elections in December 1987. His position was greatly improved by the divisions within the opposition, as Kim Dae-jung and Kim Young-sam were unable to unite, or even back a two-round voting system that would create a runoff.[4]

Two weeks before the presidential election, Korean Air Flight 858 exploded when it was flying to Bangkok. The revelation of the North Korean conspiracy against the plane, and the arrival in Seoul of Kim Hyon-hui, one of the agents responsible for the attack, the day before the election created a profitable environment for Roh Tae-woo.[52] Declassified documents have since confirmed that Chun's government deliberately sought to exploit the events for political gain, including by ensuring that Kim was extradited before the election.[53]

The election finally took place on December 16. Roh Tae-woo was elected president, receiving 36.6% of the vote, with a turnout of 89.2%. The opposition vote was split between Kim Young-sam, who received 28%, and Kim Dae-jung, who received 27%. This election marked the beginning of the Sixth Republic.

A segment of the 1999 film Peppermint Candy, spanning 20 years of South Korean history, is set during the events of 1987, while the protagonist is working as a policeman.[54]

In 2009, Choi Kyu-sok published 100 °C, a graphic novel based on the events of the June Uprising. An English translation was released by University of Hawaiʻi Press in 2023.[55][56]

The 2017 film 1987: When the Day Comes, directed by Jang Joon-hwan, depicts how the death of Park Jong-chul sparked a chain of events leading to the mass uprising in June 1987.[57]

The 2021 K-drama series Snowdrop, broadcast on JTBC, depicts a fictional story set in the wake of the June Struggle. The series caused major controversy, including the withdrawal of sponsors and calls for the show's cancellation. It was accused of historical negationism due to the male protagonist's status as a North Korean agent posing as a student activist, which echoed accusations levelled by the Chun government against the opposition movement. It was also accused of glorifying the actions of the Agency for National Security Planning.[58][59][60]

See also

References
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  2. Jameson, Sam (July 6, 1987). "Korea Student's Death Sparks Clash in Seoul : Police Disperse Demonstration With Tear Gas; Protesters Spurn Ruling Party's Condolences". LA Times. Retrieved July 27, 2023.
  3. Katsiaficas 2012, p. 277.
  4. Adesnik, A. David; Kim, Sunhyuk (July 2008). "If At First You Don't Succeed: The Puzzle of South Korea's Democratic Transition" (PDF). CDDRL Working Papers (83). Archived from the original (PDF) on September 15, 2012. Retrieved February 5, 2011.
  5. Zimelis, Andris (September 2011). "Let the Games Begin: Politics of Olympic Games in Mexico and South Korea". India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs. 67 (3): 263–278. doi:10.1177/097492841106700305. ISSN 0974-9284. S2CID 154037349.
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  7. Katsiaficas 2012, p. 270.
  8. Katsiaficas 2012, p. 279-280.
  9. Katsiaficas 2012, p. 279-80.
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  16. Katsiaficas 2012, p. 272.
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  31. "Asians Pay Tribute to the Pope". The New York Times. April 3, 2005. Archived from the original on July 9, 2023. Retrieved August 20, 2023.
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  35. Katsiaficas 2012, p. 290-91.
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  37. "촛불을 만든 6월의 기억". The Hankyoreh (in Korean). June 12, 2017. Retrieved August 8, 2023.
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  39. Katsiaficas 2012, p. 252.
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  42. Clyde Haberman and Special to the New York Times (July 6, 1987). "FURY AND TURMOIL: DAYS THAT SHOOK KOREA". New York Times. Archived from the original on October 21, 2022. Retrieved August 20, 2023.
  43. Lee, Joon-Yong; Lee, Dong-Yoon (June 9, 2020). "[뭐라노] '부산 미래유산' 선정됐지만 넝쿨에 가려진 이태춘 열사 벽화". Kookje (in Korean). Retrieved August 1, 2023.
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  45. Katsiaficas 2012, p. 294.
  46. Katsiaficas 2012, p. 295-96.
  47. "84. 6·18 최루탄 추방대회와 6·26 평화대행진". Kyunghyang Shinmun (in Korean). January 5, 2005. Retrieved July 27, 2023.
  48. Katsiaficas 2012, p. 296-297.
  49. Kyung, Moon Hwang (August 2, 2017). "Great Labor Uprising of summer 1987". The Korea Times. Retrieved August 8, 2023.
  50. Katsiaficas 2012, p. 309-331.
  51. Constitution of the Republic of Korea (1987) . October 29, 1987 – via Wikisource.
  52. Hiatt, Fred (December 4, 1987). "KAL FLIGHT EMERGING AS S. KOREAN ISSUE". Washington Post. Retrieved August 10, 2023.
  53. "Chun Doo-hwan regime sought political gains from KAL terror incident: diplomatic documents". Yonhap News Agency. March 31, 2019. Retrieved August 10, 2023.
  54. Kao, Anthony (May 18, 2018). "10 Movies About South Korea's Democratization". Cinema Escapist. Retrieved August 15, 2023.
  55. "<인터뷰> 6.10 만화 '100 °C' 작가 최규석". Yonhap News Agency (in Korean). June 10, 2009. Retrieved August 15, 2023.
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  57. Marshall, Colin (December 31, 2017). "Korean Cinema Looks Back at 1987, When Students Died and Democracy Was Born". BLARB - Los Angeles Review of Books. Retrieved August 15, 2023.
  58. Lim, Jang-won (March 31, 2021). "JTBC doubles down on denial of history distortion". The Korea Herald. Retrieved August 15, 2023.
  59. In, Hyun-woo (December 21, 2021). "역사왜곡 논란 '설강화' 두고 해외 팬들도 "이런 드라마인 줄 몰랐다"". Hankook Ilbo (in Korean). Retrieved August 15, 2023.
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Bibliography
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