Mass media in Zimbabwe

Following Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in 1965, one of the main aims of the protracted political struggle launched by the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) during the Rhodesian Bush War was for a free press.[2] The independent Rhodesian press was also almost universally critical of UDI, and claimed to have been subject to physical intimidation by the authorities. New legislation was also passed declaring it illegal to print statements "likely to cause alarm, fear, or despondency among readers".[3] In the 1970s, criticism was leveled at Rhodesia's Official Secrets Act, which made it a crime to publish articles related to "classified information" and the Law and Order Maintenance Act (LOMA), which allowed the state to impose exceptionally heavy sentences on those who violated the ban.[2] Such acts were used to impose a media blackout on journalists reporting on allegedly excessive losses or setbacks suffered by the Rhodesian Security Forces as the bush war intensified. Media was ordered to focus on casualties among guerrillas and to report on their retreats to Zambia and Mozambique.[2]

Shortly after the Lancaster House Conference, media restrictions were again revised. Censorship of the foreign press ended, although the Joint Operations Command retained the power to apply internal media blackouts at its discretion. This was protected by Section 42a of the Law and Order Maintenance Act, and when general elections were held in February 1980 nothing had been done to alter it.[4] Nevertheless, the security forces were also forbidden to abuse the legislation by banning the publication of political material. The Rhodesian government had also issued a number of "D Notices", which revoked publishing rights to photographs of two candidates, Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe, except through official sanction. These remained in force during the election.[4]

After Mugabe's victory in the 1980 election, the new Republic of Zimbabwe did not implement the proposed media reforms carried over from the Rhodesian years, which were instead seen as useful for disseminating information approved by the government. The only act to be repealed was the Powers, Privileges, and Immunities of Parliament Act, which had made it illegal for media to report on debates in parliament.[2] In January 1981, the government set up the Zimbabwe Mass Media Trust (ZMMT) as part of the government's new media policy, under widespread criticism of the national media, which at the time was inherited from foreign control.[5] It was originally intended to serve as an authority to oversee the transition of the media from white minority control to Zimbabwean society as a whole and to regulate the media.[6] The government emphasised that the media be free, non-partisan, mass-orientated and serve the national interest; however, a growing presence of the Ministry of Information into the media effected its original function.[6]

Despite difficult working conditions for the media, they had contributed to improved governance in Zimbabwe. In 1987, despite threats from the Zimbabwe National Army where the disease was taking its toll, the Financial Gazette newspaper published its first article on AIDS.[7] The topic was vigorously covered in the private media, which later led to the government's decision to facilitate maximum publicity and education on the disease. Around the late 1980s, while the government was favouring a one-party state based on its alliances with other communist states, independent media launched a campaign against this style of governance, which was later joined by the public, churches and opposition groups.[7] By 1988, the concept was abandoned and continued in its multi-party form. In 1989, Chronicle editors Geoffrey Nyarota and Davison Maruziva exposed what was known as the Willowgate scandal which exposed corruption of the authorities during a shortage of foreign currency in Zimbabwe. It emerged that foreign vehicles were sold at cheaper prices compared to the public which were sold the vehicles at highly inflated prices. Media coverage led to the resignation of six government officials, one of whom later committed suicide.[7] This was followed by further scandals in the 1990s which involved the looting of funds set aside for government projects by government officials, which the media brought to the attention of parliament. The government responded with corrective actions, though not all of the suspects were punished.[7] The looting of diamonds in the Democratic Republic of the Congo by the Zimbabwe National Army on a peacekeeping mission also led to a national investigation.[7]

A decline in popularity of the government in the late 1990s and growing instability saw the emergence of independent newspapers critical of the government, including the Financial Gazette, Daily News and The Standard. The independent press competed with the more dominant state media, particularly the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, which is currently the sole TV and radio broadcaster in the country. The emergence of this new media, along with civic groups and opposition parties, successfully changed government policy from a one-party state to a multi-party system.[2]

All news media in the country are careful to reflect the government line when reporting by self-censorship.[8] Private press was common and still exists, however since the 2002 Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) was passed, (which replaced LOMA from 40 years earlier[2]) a number of outlets were shut down by the government, including The Daily News the same year.[1] As a result, many press organisations have been set up in both neighbouring and Western countries by exiled Zimbabweans. However, because the internet is currently unrestricted, many Zimbabweans are allowed to access online news sites set up by exiled journalists.[9] Reporters Without Borders claims the media in Zimbabwe involves "surveillance, threats, imprisonment, censorship, blackmail, abuse of power and denial of justice are all brought to bear to keep firm control over the news."[1] Opposition views are often skewed, scantly covered or not mentioned in the state media, which has also criticised demonstrations and strikes against the government.[6] Until July 2009, a Zambian newspaper, The Post, was the only foreign newspaper allowed to work in the country, along with the Associated Press, Agence France-Presse, Al Jazeera and SABC news agencies.[10]

After a power sharing deal was agreed by ZANU–PF and the opposition MDC in February 2009, Morgan Tsvangirai announced he was to "democratise" the state media and repeal many strict laws in order for the media to have a more meaningful role in the rebuilding of the country.[11][12][13] The MDC had accused the state media of "gutter journalism" and biased reporting against the party.[14] In April 2009, the coalition government planned to review media restrictions, including the removal of bans for some foreign news agencies and to create a new media commission to issue licences. ZANU–PF Minister of Justice Patrick Chinamasa said there was an "agreement to review the media policy so as to create a political climate where divergent voices will be heard."[15] The media environment is slowly improving in Zimbabwe; on July 28, 2009, Zimbabwean journalists set up a rights body, the Zimbabwe Journalists for Human Rights to defend media freedom in the country[16] and the establishment of a new government body, the Zimbabwe Media Commission to replace the defunct Media and Information Commission.[17] Three papers – the previously banned Daily News, Financial Gazette and NewsDay were to relaunch.[18] A licence was issued to the Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe (ANZ) that publishes Daily News which the government previously banned, was now free to operate.[19] The Daily News newspaper re-appeared again on March 18, 2011, with its first article questioning whether Robert Mugabe should continue to rule at the age of 87.[20]