Sing-song girls

Sing-song girls (Chinese: 歌女), also known as flower girls, is an English-language term for the courtesans in China during the 19th century AD.

Origin

Before the founding of modern China in 1911, concubinage was legal. In Chinese custom, males carry the family name and the family's heritage after marriage. To ensure male heirs were produced, it was a common practice for an upper-class married male to have one or more concubines, provided he could support them.[1]

The custom could be invoked without the wife's consent: the husband's actions were protected by law. Concubines would co-exist in the family along with wives and children. A man might choose a courtesan to be his concubine. Many of these courtesans would sing songs to attract potential husbands, hoping to become secondary wives.[1]

Terminology

Western observers in China during the nineteenth century witnessed these women singing but had no idea what to call them since they were not classified as prostitutes. Thus the term "Sing-Song Girls" came about.[1]

There is another theory of the source of the term. According to the 1892 fictional masterpiece by Han Bangqing called Sing-Song Girls of Shanghai (later adapted into the 1998 film Flowers of Shanghai), people in Shanghai called the women who performed in sing-song houses 先生 (pinyin: xiānshēng) in the Wu language. The term was pronounced like "sing-song" in English and the young women always sang to entertain the customers; thus, Westerners called them Sing-Song girls. The word sian sang in this case is a polite term used to refer to an entertainer. The literal meaning of "Sing Song Girl" in English may seem to mean a singing girl or a literal translation of a singing girl, but in reality, it is not. According to Zhang Ailing, "Sing song girl" is a term derived from the Wu language, which also refers to high-end prostitutes as "sir". "sir" can be a polite term for anyone, regardless of gender. In Wu's language, 'sir' is pronounced as' Xisang ', but the English and American people in Shanghai mistakenly thought it was' sing song', and they were required to sing at banquets. Therefore, 'sing song girl' is named after it, not the translated name of a singer girl. Singing girl is a new term from the late 1920s to the 1930s, and it is also after dancing girl.

Classes

Among sing-song girls were actually several subclasses of high-end prostitutes divided by the quality of skill. Over time, these would evolve, beginning with one class, developing into four, and consolidating down to two before becoming obsolete during the Cultural Revolution.

  • Shuyu – Highest class were the Shuyu (storytellers). These were skilled in cultured entertainments such as singing, playing instruments, writing poetry, and performing opera. Additionally, these were picked for beauty, trained in sophisticated conversation, and known for their extravagant dress. Given time, the Shuyu class of entertainer would become assimilated into the Changsan class of prostitutes. At the end of the Qing Dynasty and the beginning of the Republic of China, traditional book allegories existed in name only. Shuyu is a high-end prostitute who also engages in prostitution.[2]
  • Changsan – The Changsan ("long three") were the highest class of prostitutes. The term originally came from them charging three yuan for company and three more to spend the night. They maintained the class and artistry akin to the Shuyu, while still being distinctly part of the sex trade. For instance, their intimate company would require an elaborate period of courtship. Still, however, such relations were neither permanent nor monogamous.[2]
  • Yao'er – The Yao'er ("one two") was the lower tier equivalent of the Changsan. It was named this way because they traditionally charged one yuan for entertainment and two for company. Originally, there was an intermediary class called the Ersan ("two three"). However, over time, these became considered the same class as the Changsan. While Yao'er prostitutes were lower tier than Changsan, they still focused on entertainment as well as sexual services. However, they charged less than the Changsan, and accordingly their beauty, singing, and performances were not as good.[2]

Classes of other sex workers

Below these, fell those whose services were purely sexual. The women serving in the lowest tiers of the sex trade were often there as a result of being sold, mortgaged, kidnapped, or otherwise forced into the industry. (These do not address the women in other industries, such as masseuses and taxi dancers, who part-time sold sexual services.)

  • "Salt pork" – These prostitutes were housed in brothels which focused entirely on selling sexual services. These houses were colloquially named "salt pork shops" for the similarities between the selling of these women's bodies and of the division and selling of salt pork. Unlike the sing-song girls, these women had almost no say regarding their lives and services, as rather than performing, they were simply having their bodies rented.[2]
  • "Pheasants" – The next class of prostitutes were streetwalkers. Being in the streets, they had little protection from law enforcement and thugs, leaving them doubly at risk of arrest or assault. An example of this can be found in the 1934 silent film The Goddess (神女).[3] That said, a majority of "pheasants" did belong to brothels and would bring their customers back to service them.[2] They were called "pheasants" for their gaudy dress and habit of scouring the streets for customers.
  • "Flowers" – Coming from the term "flower-smoke rooms," this and the following were the lowest class of prostitutes. Flower smoke rooms were opium dens where customers could have prostitutes while smoking opium. This class of prostitutes disappeared before the Cultural Revolution Reforms with the ban of opium.[2]
  • "Nailsheds" – These brothels were targeted towards low class laborers such as rickshaw pullers.[2]

Historical use of the term

  • The concept has been around for 2,000 years, as recorded by emperors of the Han Dynasty who needed to provide female entertainment for troop amusement.
  • The English term came from 1911 (see Origin).
  • During the 1930s, Li Jinhui started the Chinese popular music industry with a number of musical troupes. The groups were mostly young women performing and singing. The term Sing-Song-Girls stuck, since the Chinese Communist Party associated pop music with Yellow Music or pornography in the 1940s.[4]

Cultural impact

While even the highest class Changsan could not escape the ignominy of the sex trade, in some ways, that liberated her to flaunt a provocative culture which conservative Chinese tradition would not allow. Traditional views held that once married, a woman had no need to impress anyone. In conjunction with Confucian ideals of the virtues of modesty, this led to a standard of dress aimed to hide the form of the body within. However, sing-song girls, being unburdened by such virtues, unmarried, and perpetually courting were free not only to explore high fashion, but also to adapt it to be more. An example of this can be seen in the cheongsam, which not only became more form fitting, but also became sleeveless with a long slit running up each side.[5]

In general, the fact that sing-song girls were solely focused on entertainment meant that they were able to push the envelope of culture and style. For instance, they often decorated their parlors with expensive decor and modern amenities, making them culturally progressive to the point where there are documented cases of women sneaking into the entertainment houses to catch a glimpse of what the latest decorations and fashions were. Additionally, the fact that the sing-song girls were often courted by prominent individuals in society gave them further attention, even notoriety. For instance, it was not uncommon for famous sing-song girls to be invited to publicly accompany their courters, allowing for them to further flaunt their fashion.[6]

Sing-song girls would also be some of the first individuals in Chinese society to penetrate mass media. For instance, some sing-song girls began to use portraits of themselves as a way to attract business, early business cards. Moreover, the advent of mass advertisement and its use of women to market products resulted in the circulation of images of famous sing-song girls being displayed as the apparent standard of dress and beauty.[7][6]

Fiction

  • Sing-song girls are popularized in the 1892 novel by Han Bangqing called Sing-Song Girls of Shanghai (later adapted into the 1998 film Flowers of Shanghai).
  • Sing-song girls play a minor role in Isabel Allende's Daughter of Fortune (Hija de la fortuna). Tao Chi'en dedicates his work to healing sick girls – although most end up dying – because it is when they are sick that he can sneak them out of the house under the pretext of conducting "experiments". He tries to help those girls who manage to recover to improve their lives so that they no longer need to prostitute themselves. Allende also mentions sing-song girls in her book Portrait in Sepia (Retrato en Sepia).
  • Amitav Ghosh's novel River of Smoke, set in southern Chinese port cities, refers to prostitutes in Canton as "sing-song girls."

See also

References

  1. Morris, Peter Thomas. (1992) Cantonese Love Songs: An English Translation of Jiu Ji-Yung's Cantonese Songs of the Early 19th century. Hong Kong University. ISBN 962-209-284-5
  2. Hershatter, Gail (1989). "The Hierarchy of Shanghai Prostitution, 1870-1949". Modern China. 15 (4): 463–498. doi:10.1177/009770048901500403. ISSN 0097-7004. JSTOR 189241. S2CID 143583224.
  3. The Goddess. Fir. Wu Yonggang. Lianhua Film Company, 1934. Silent Film.
  4. Jones, Andrew F. (2001-06-19). Yellow Music: Media Culture and Colonial Modernity in the Chinese Jazz Age. Duke University Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv120qsw9. ISBN 978-0-8223-8043-6. JSTOR j.ctv120qsw9.
  5. NG, S. Gendered by Design: Qipao and Society, 1911–1949. Costume: Journal of The Costume Society. 49, 1, 55–74, Jan. 2015. ISSN 0590-8876.
  6. YEH, CV. Shanghai love : courtesans, intellectuals, and entertainment culture, 1850–1910. Seattle : University of Washington Press, c2006. pp. 21–95, 2006. ISBN 0295985674
  7. COCHRAN, S. Chinese medicine men : consumer culture in China and Southeast Asia. Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 2006. pp. 62–97, 2006. ISBN 0674021614.
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