Society of the Friends of the Blacks

Brissot decided at the outset that he would publish written works to influence the public and politicians.[10] and this he did in profusion. The Society published French translations of British abolitionist literature, and also works written by Brissot ("Mémoire sur les Noirs de l'Amerique septentrionale"[11][12]), written in the midst of the French Revolution. It also published work by other members of the Amis des Noirs, such as Étienne Clavière ("De la France et des Etats-Unis" – co-written with Brissot[13]) and Condorcet ("Réflexions sur l'esclavage des negres"[14][15]). Members gave lectures to other societies as well, such as the Amis de l'humanité,[16][17] and the Société des Amis de la Constitution.[18][19] It was a reflection of not only the "Philosophe upbringing" of the Society members, but also of their efforts to be active participants in the moulding of the revolutionary government.

La Société des Amis des Noirs was most active distributing its anti-slavery literature in and around Paris, due to the lack of a stable and reliable communications network, particularly as the French Revolution proceeded. The Society did make attempts to convey its message to those living outside Paris. For instance, in 1791, the society gained assistance from its Jacobin friends: "The Friends of the Blacks had several meetings with their friends in Jacobin clubs in provincial cities and sent to every city government a lengthy pamphlet exposing the injustices done to people of color."[20]

"Mortals are equal, it is not birth, but virtue alone that makes the difference".

The political activities of the Friends of the Blacks included addresses to the National Assembly, for instance, speeches promoting the abolition of the slave trade were made in February and April 1790.[21] Another address was delivered a few months later.[22][23] Four months later, a discourse was presented concerning the violence in Saint Domingue, which had broken out in a struggle for rights by free people of color and slaves.[24][25] In July 1791, Clavière addressed the National Assembly's commercial interests, discussing trade relations between France and its colonies.[26][27]

The Society also directly appealed to government individuals such as Antoine Barnave, a member of the Committee on Colonies, and Jacques Necker, France's Controller-General of Finance. Although Necker acknowledged that slavery was inhumane, he would not sanction emancipation in French colonies unless the practice of slavery and the slave trade were halted simultaneously in every country. He believed that this was needed to maintain the existing economic balance among nations.[28] In a 1789 letter the Society urged Necker to form a committee similar to the one in England, and expressed hopes that the actions of the English parliament might have a positive effect on the Estates-General.[29][30] Other Society addresses denounced individuals in the colonies. One such incident occurred in 1791, when the Amis des Noirs responded to criticism written by pro-slaver Arthur Dillon, Député de la Martinique,[31][32] and owner of a large plantation.

In 1789, the royal government had requested petitions of grievances from all parts of the country. During the election of representatives to the Estates-General, Condorcet asked for a demand for abolition of the slave trade to be included in these cahiers de doléances.[33] Out of the 600 cahiers assembled, fewer than 50 called for an end to the slave trade and slavery.[34]

Society member Abbé Grégoire recommended in the fall of 1789 that two deputies to the Assembly be chosen from the population of free people of color.[35] This was accepted by the Committee on Verification of Credentials in the National Assembly. Gregoire's was unable to present his proposal to the National Assembly because every time he rose to speak, he was shouted down by the colonists (usually planters) in the Assembly.[36] In March 1790, Grégoire questioned the article on voting rights in the National Assembly, urging that free men of colour be given the franchise. The colonial deputies persuaded the National Assembly to close discussion of the matter.[37] During that same month Barnave, a pro-slavery advocate, delivered his report on maintaining the slave trade. When Mirabeau, a member of the Society, advanced to the rostrum to protest, he was drowned out by cries of the opposition.[38]

Focusing on the rights of free men of colour, abbé Grégoire and Jerome Pétion warned the Assembly on 15 May 1791 that if these people were not given their rights, violence would ensue in the colonies.[39] Because of the increasing conflict in the colonies, as well as the growing influence of free men of colour with some deputies, Barnave felt that the members of the Society could not be ignored: "We can't win against the influence of the Friends of the Blacks."[40]

On 15 May the Assembly decreed that all men of colour would be granted equal rights if they were born of free parents.[41] Further legislation passed on 4 April 1792 (with influence from La Société des Amis des Noirs), stated that every free man of colour now enjoyed equal rights.[42]

The Committee on Colonies was formed in March 1790 to deal with escalating problems arising from slavery unrest in the colonies. Its resolution of the problem leaned heavily in favour of the colonists, and its membership generally had little sympathy for conditions of slaves. The members of the committee included colonial landowners (who were usually slaveholders), other slave owners, lawyers and merchants, and all were advocates of French commercial interests.[43] The final report of the Committee did not alleviate any of the problems relating to slavery. It stressed that it did not wish to interfere in the commercial interests of the colonies: "The National Assembly declares that it had not intended to innovate in any branch of commerce direct or indirect of France with its colonies..."[44]

A group of National Assembly deputies who were either colonists or slave trade merchants lobbied the French chambers of commerce and city governments to maintain the slave trade and slavery, proclaiming that economic disaster would result from its abolition. The deputies argued their point so effectively that members of La Société des Amis des Noirs feared abolition would cause chaos.[45] One such pro-slavery group was composed of the lobbyists for the French chambers of commerce, who designated themselves as the "Deputies Extraordinary of Manufactures and Commerce."[46] Their main efforts focused on influencing the Committee on Agriculture and Commerce to maintain slavery and the slave trade. Since revenue from the colonies was collected mainly from the sale of slaves and crops, the committee was investigating the economic ramifications should this source of income cease to exist. Historian Quinney wrote in 1970 that Barnave's non-committal report to the National Assembly resulted from him learning that the Committee on Agriculture and Commerce "had already decided to advise the National Assembly to retain the trade and slavery."[44]

A pro-slavery organization called the Massiac Club, headquartered in Paris, was composed of colonial planters living in Paris and throughout France. The club had its main headquarters in Paris, with chapters located in the provinces.[47] Realizing that success was related to political influence, the club proceeded to systematically contact government officials.[lower-alpha 2]

The Massiac members opposed any type of abolition legislation, and communicated with each colonial deputy to ensure that pro-slavery interests were maintained. Mirabeau stated that when he attempted to sway the deputies in favour of abolition, every official he spoke to had already been approached by a member of the Massiac club.[46] The Massiac group published and distributed literature, responding in toto[48] to practically every idea the Amis des Noirs had put forward.[49]

In a leaflet distributed to members of the Comité de Commerce de l'Assemblée Nationale, the Massiac accused the Amis des Noirs of being involved in subversive activity.[50] The Massiac Club published a handbill that said the abolitionists were not truly humanitarian philanthropists, but rather an organization attempting to subvert social order. They claimed the Amis des Noirs should be viewed as counter-revolutionaries, and pro-British.[51] The pro-slavers also distributed leaflets specifically denouncing individuals: Brissot, Grégoire and Pétion.[52] They supported the slave trade in debates held in district assemblies within Paris,[53] and attempted to influence voting in these districts when the question of the slave trade was introduced.[54]

Historians have concluded that the Society was virtually impotent due to its organization, strategy, and membership criteria. In terms of organization, Quinney refers to the group's ineffective operations, stating that the government, which contained pro-slavery elements, had a nationwide propaganda network, while the Society was mainly Paris-based.[55] Resnick concurs when he states: "Both leadership and membership at large were drawn heavily from the Paris area, with no established network of regional filiations."[7]

In addition, they held meetings irregularly, without full membership present. Even in 1789, Thomas Clarkson commented upon the poor attendance at the meetings.[56] The lack of organization and continuity was shown by the departure of Brissot in June 1789 for the United States to meet abolitionists, although he had organized the Society's first meeting in February 1789.[57] He did not become active in the Society until the spring of 1790,[57] when he again became the Society's president. The Society required presidents to serve only three months; they shared responsibility, but the short tenure hindered continuity of effort within the organization.[58][59] The Society decided that a "General Assembly" would be elected from within. This body would not only represent the Society and make the rules, but would also hold exclusive voting rights in the election of the officials.[58][60] Hence, from the organization's inception, rank and file membership were excluded from participating in the Society's operations.

Analysis of the membership list of the Society reveals a predominance of elite individuals. Although they possessed great influence, they had most of their power in Paris. There was a lack of popular participation, which reflected the structure of government and society. The founding members of the Society included such notables as Brissot, Condorcet, Lafayette, La Rochefoucauld, and Clavière.[61] The Society began with a handful of abolitionists, increased to ninety-five by 1789, and would swell to a maximum of 141[62] associates in later years.

Of the 141 members, twenty-five percent were government employees, twenty-nine percent were nobility, and thirty-eight were professionals; the total of elitist membership made up 92% of all members.[63] Cohen observed: "It [the Society]... concentrated on having important, well-connected members, rather than large members ... The members [were] drawn from the French social elite ..."[51]

The Society restricted members to those who could pay dues and be recommended by four other men. There were different fee scales: two Louis per year for those who lived in Paris, and 24 livres per year for those living in the provinces.[58][64] The membership practices of La Société des Amis des Noirs both hampered its attempt at increasing in size, and affected its ability to become a credible and effective entity.

Perroud states that Brissot's trip to London in November 1787 prompted him to form an identical chapter in France.[65] The English society had been formed only a few months earlier, in May 1787.[51] A group of abolitionist friends in Paris discussed how the London society encouraged others to join its cause, and noted that France and England had a commonality with respect to abolishing slavery.[66][67]

The Society translated and published English anti-slavery literature. Brissot, shortly after founding the Society, wrote to Quaker James Philips, an original member of the English abolitionist society. Brissot stated his intention for the Amis des Noirs to translate and publish English anti-slavery works for distribution to the French public.[68][69]

Many French citizens believed that the Society was an offshoot of the British abolitionist movement, and some suspected the British were paying them to promote their cause.[70] This resulted in a loss of credibility in the eyes of the French public. Britain and France had historically been antagonistic towards each other for decades. Britain had defeated France in the Seven Years' War and taken over much of its territory in North America. Influences from Britain were seen as "dealing with the enemy." This view extended to encompass the activities of the Society. The perception that it was a vehicle for British infiltration into French matters overshadowed its intentions.