Tomás Domínguez Arévalo

father

Tomás Domínguez y de Arévalo Romera y Fernández Navarrete was a descendant of two landowner families from the very south and from the very north of Spain. The paternal Domínguez family has been for centuries related to the Andalusian town of Carmona (Seville province). Its first representatives were noted as regidores in the 18th century and intermarried with another distinguished local family, the Romeras.[8] Their descendant was Tomás' father, Tomás Domínguez Romera (1848–1931),[note 4] who inherited the local Campo de la Plata estate.[12] He demonstrated political sympathies hardly typical for the region siding with the legitimists during the Third Carlist War[13] and had to leave the country afterwards.[14] Following the amnesty he returned to Spain and at unspecified date[note 5] he married María de Arévalo y Fernandez de Navarrete (1854–1919),[15] descendant to a Riojan-Navarrese Arévalo family. Her father, Justo Arévalo y Escudero, was a well known conservative politician; in the mid-19th century he served in the Cortes[16] and later as a long-time senator from Navarre (1876–1891).[17] As at the time of the marriage she was already condesa de Rodezno,[18] Tomás Domínguez Romera became conde consorte.

None of the sources consulted clarifies whether the couple initially settled in the Arévalo's Navarrese estate in Villafranca[note 6] or in Madrid.[note 7] In the late 1880s Tomás Domínguez Romera emerged holding major posts within the Madrid Carlist structures. In 1888 he was president of comisión de propaganda of the Madrid Junta Directiva del Circula Tradicionalista de Madrid[22] the same year elected its secretario general,[23] but when unsuccessfully running for the Cortes in the 1890s, he stood in Haro (Logroño province).[1] He emerged triumphant in 4 successive elections between 1905 and 1914, voted in from the Navarrese district of Aoiz.[24] At that time he was already member of the national Carlist executive; in 1912 he entered Junta Nacional Tradicionalista representing Castilla La Nueva,[25][note 8] in 1913 entered comisión de Tesoro de la Tradición[27] and chaired party gatherings interchanging with the likes of Cerralbo, Feliu or de Mella.[note 9]

mother

It is not clear whether Tomás Domínguez Arévalo spent his early childhood in the capital or in Villafranca. He was then educated in the Jesuit Colegio de San Isidoro in Madrid,[30] at unspecified date commencing law studies at the University of Madrid;[31] he followed classes of the then Carlist political leader, Matías Barrio y Mier. It is during his academic years that Domínguez came to know Jaime Chicharro and Luis Hernando de Larramendi, active in Juventud Jaimista but also in literary and artistic circles.[32][33] He graduated in 1904;[34] some authors, contemporary press and the official Cortes service refer to him as "abogado",[35] though none of the sources consulted confirms that he practiced as a lawyer. Urbane and gregarious,[36] in 1917[37] Domínguez married Asunción López-Montenegro y García Pelayo,[38] descendant to a wealthy aristocratic terrateniente family from Cáceres, with its representatives holding prestigious posts in the city and in the province.[39] The couple settled in Villafranca; they had one child, María Domínguez y López-Montenegro.[40] Following the death of his mother in 1919,[41] in 1920 Tomás Domínguez Arévalo inherited the title of conde de Rodezno;[note 10] following the death of his father in 1931 he became marqués de San Martín.[note 11]

Carlist electoral meeting, ca 1910

There is almost no information on Domínguez's public activity in the first decade of the 20th century; he was probably active in Juventud Jaimista and Juventud Hispanoamericana.[note 12] In 1909 he published his first work, a booklet dedicated to medieval rulers of Navarre,[46] followed by articles in scholarly reviews focusing on history of the province[note 13] and short biographical studies, also anchored in history of Navarre.[note 14] Domínguez also tried his hand in Pamplona dailies as a literary critic.[note 15] Some authors claim that his first public assignment was mayorship of Villafranca,[48][49][note 16] but when first running for seat in the Cortes, he was referred to by the press only as "joven abogado y escritor".[50]

Domínguez's entry into politics was facilitated by memory of his late maternal grandfather and especially by standing of his father, one of the most distinguished politicians of Navarre;[note 17] his position is dubbed as "cacicato" and the Aoiz district was considered his personal fiefdom.[53] It is not known why he decided not to renew his mandate in the 1916 campaign. Initially Domínguez Romera was to be substituted as Jaimista candidate by Joaquín Argamasilla, but in unclear circumstances the latter was replaced by Domínguez Arévalo. Argamasilla stroke back with a pamphlet, lambasting alleged alliance with the liberals and charging his substitute with flexibility bordering opportunism.[54] Though resident of another Navarrese district of Tafalla,[note 18] Domínguez Arévalo was also presented as a cuckoo candidate.[note 19] Despite the critique, he was narrowly[note 20] elected;[58] he renewed his ticket, though also marginally, in the 1918 campaign in the same district.[59]

Juan Vazquez de Mella

At that time Carlism was increasingly paralyzed by tension between its top theorist Vazquez de Mella and the claimant Don Jaime; Domínguez was counted among supporters of the former.[note 21] According to some historians[note 22] he considered orthodox Carlism a dead-end street given the Carlist dynasty was already certain to extinguish.[note 23] He shared de Mella's vision of a grand extreme-right coalition, which would be new possibilist reincarnation of Traditionalism;[62] he also considered sort of transfer of legitimist rights to the Alfonsine dynasty.[note 24] However, at the 1919 moment of breakup he decided to stay loyal to Don Jaime,[64][note 25] even given discrepancies between him and his king were already public.[66]

In the 1919 campaign Domínguez Arévalo presented his bid in Aoiz,[67] but lost to a Maurista candidate by the smallest margin possible.[68] In 1920 the same two hopefuls competed in the same district;[69] this time Domínguez, already conde de Rodezno, lost more decisively,[note 26] the visible sign of increasingly loose Carlist grip on Navarre. A mere week after the defeat he presented his candidature to the Senate.[72] As indirect elections to the upper chamber were more about behind-the-stage party dealings rather than about seeking popular vote, the Jaimistas managed to negotiate Rodezno's success.[73] He was also re-elected for the successive term in 1922. His activity as recorded in the Senate archive was insignificant.[74] One of his few interventions referred to tariffs on cork exports,[75] the issue he was personally interested in as there was cork produced on his Andalusian Carmona estate.[76]

Rodezno with knights of the Sovereign Military Order of Malta

Advent of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship suspended Rodezno's parliamentarian career. Having lost his senate mandate he abandoned politics and is not listed as active in any of the primoderiverista institutions, be it either Somatén, Unión Patriotica or any other organization.[note 27] However, he did not withdraw from public life. Rodezno took part in various Christian activities, contributed to cultural initiatives, remained engaged in Carlist structures and pursued his career as author and historian, at the same time dedicating his time to family and business.

A member of the Catholic aristocracy, Rodezno was active in the Sovereign Military Order of Malta and remained on good terms with Spanish hierarchy and the papal nuncio.[78] He forged particularly good relationship with Pedro Segura, welcoming the new bishop in Caceres,[79] 6 years later greeting him as new archbishop of Burgos during the homage celebrations in the same city,[note 28] and in 1928 taking part in Toledo celebrations following Segura's ascendance to the primate of Spain.[81] On the more practical side, adhering to Segura's knack for social action he co-organized Acción Social Diocesana in Caceres[82] and gave lectures during various initiatives like Semana Social, organized by Acción Católica.[83]

Alfonso de Borbon and Miguel Primo de Rivera

Rodezno's cultural activities were strongly flavored by Carlism. In Pamplona he organized anniversary homage celebrations to veterans of the Third Carlist War,[84] in San Sebastián he took part in works of Sociedad de Estudios Vascos when preparing "La exposición de las Guerras Civiles" of the 19th century,[85] and in Madrid he co-organized fundraising and himself donated large sums to the planned monument of Vazquez de Mella.[86] However, he became most noted for his historical effort. Apart from inedita,[87] in 1928 he published La princesa de Beira y los hijos de D. Carlos[note 29] and in 1929 Carlos VII, duque de Madrid, monographs dedicated to already mythical Carlist figures; both books were widely discussed on literary pages of the Spanish press of the day.[88] Though they pursued a personal approach of the author, both remain quoted and referenced also by present-day scholars.[note 30]

Rodezno and his wife held land estates scattered across Spain: in Navarre, inherited from his mother; in Extremadura, brought into the marriage by his wife; and in Andalusia, inherited from his father. Some authors refer to him as "grande terrateniente"[90] "cacique terrateniente",[note 31] "grandee proprietor"[92][note 32] or "prominent landowner", an exemplary case of link between landownership and power,[note 33] though exact size of his holdings is unclear and probably did not exceed 500 ha combined.[note 34] He was head of Federacion Catolico Agraria de Navarra,[100] co-founder of Asociación de Terratenientes de Navarra[101] and member of Asociacion de Propietarios de Alcornocales.[102] On behalf of some of these pressure groups he held talks with various ministers,[note 35] publishing also analytical studies on agricultural credit[105] and land ownership.[note 36] In his opinion in terms of rural property the Navarrese structure was close to ideal, almost reaching the objective "que todos los agricultores fueran propietarios";[107] later in the republic he defended the arrendamiento structure.[93]

Don Jaime

Though mostly dormant in times of the dictatorship, during Dictablanda Carlism assumed more active stance. In June 1930 the new Navarrese junta with Rodezno its member was set up, an attempt to enforce more cautious policy towards Basque nationalism and to shift focus from foral to religious issues.[108][109] The move might have backfired following declaration of the Republic, as the Carlists decided to forge electoral coalition with PNV; when concluded as "lista católico-fuerista"[109] it enabled Rodezno, elected from Navarre, to resume his parliamentary career in 1931.[110][note 37] In the Cortes he was the least-Basque minded among Carlist deputies;[note 38] he ceased to support the autonomy draft when it turned out that it would not allow autonomous religious policy[114] and started to toy with the idea of an exclusively Navarrese statute.[115]

Already in the late 1920s advocating reconciliation with the Mellistas,[116] Rodezno more than welcomed re-unification of three Traditionalist streams in the new organization, Comunión Tradicionalista.[117] Early 1932 he was appointed to its Supreme National Junta, intended to assist the ailing Jefe Delegado, marqués de Villores.[118] After his death in May that year Rodezno was nominated its president,[119] effectively becoming the Carlist political leader.[120]

Rodezno was acutely sensitive to threat of revolution and convinced that democracy could not contain it; he responded warmly to the mood of authoritarian nationalism, covering in his opinion a broad spectrum from fascist Mussolini regime to MacDonald’s National Government.[121] Hostile especially to militant republican secularism[122] and agrarian reform,[123] he remained vehement opponent in the parliament and was once hit by a flying glass in return.[124] Touring the country[125] he boasted that “Carlist shock troops are ready to defend society against Marxist threat”.[126] However, he was not among those pressing an insurgent strategy. Aware of the planned Sanjurjo coup he steered clear of direct collaboration,[127] which did not spare him expropriations administered by the government afterwards.[128]

Rodezno at Carlist meeting, 1932

Rodezno's term as the leader emphasized politics and propaganda rather than organization and militancy;[129] some scholars claim that obsolete structures of Communión, favoring "placentera y anárquica autonomia",[130] could not bear the weight of dynamically growing movement.[129][131] This, combined with internal protest against pro-Alfonsist advances and his "tactica transaccionista y el gradualismo",[132] brought about a major challenge. When former Integrists suggested that Manuel Fal become president of the Junta, Rodezno proposed he rather become personal secretary to the claimant.[133] As Don Alfonso Carlos at that time decided to abandon plans of dynastic reconciliation,[note 39] in April 1934 Rodezno agreed to step down from leadership.[135] He remained the local Navarrese jefe.[136]

requetés in captured Donostia, 1936

Though Rodezno's supporters complained about "fascistización" of the Communion under the new leadership of Fal,[137][note 40] Carlism firmly changed course from political negotiations to organizational build-up.[note 41] Rodezno was not appointed head of any of the newly created sections,[140] nominated to Consejo de Cultura instead.[141][142] Fal initially considered Rodezno an acceptable leader and insisted on changing structures rather than people. He criticised Rodezno rather for lack of faith.[note 42] Re-elected to the Cortes in 1933[144] and 1936,[145] Rodezno became chairman of the 10-men Carlist minority.[146] He was permitted to pursue talks with the Alfonsinos on the private business basis; in 1936 these contacts started to take shape of negotiating a joint insurgency.[note 43] According to one source he was on the target list of the hit-team which, in his absence, shot Calvo Sotelo instead.[148]

Rodezno played vital role in negotiating Carlist role in the military coup. Talks between Mola and Fal stalled as both failed to reach a compromise on terms of the Carlist access;[note 44] at that point the general opened parallel talks with Navarrese leaders, headed by Rodezno.[150][151] Bypassing Fal and ready to confront him if needed,[note 45] they suggested that Navarrese issues are discussed locally and offered requeté support in return for usage of monarchist flag and assurance that Navarre would be left as Carlist political fiefdom.[155][156][157] Facing sort of internal rebellion, Fal considered dismissing the entire Navarrese junta.[148][note 46] He was finally outmaneuvered when Rodezno and the Navarros assured conditional support of claimants' envoy, Don Javier;[note 47] Mola and Fal decided to act together on the basis of a vague letter, sent by pre-agreed leader of the insurgency, general Sanjurjo.[note 48]

During the coup Rodezno was in Pamplona, the city easily captured by insurgents. Though Fal considered him disloyal, in late August he had no option but to include Domínguez in Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra, a newly constituted Carlist wartime executive; within this body he entered Section of General Affairs heading Delegación Política, a sub-section entrusted with handling relations with military junta and local authorities.[153][161][162] Rodezno settled in the emergent military headquarters in Salamanca,[note 49] but went on pursuing independent policy engineered by a local Navarrese executive, transformed into Junta Central Carlista de Guerra de Navarra.[note 50] Following death of the claimant and assumption of regent duties by his successor Don Javier, the so-called Rodeznistas[166] were visibly disappointed with Fal's confirmation as political leader in October 1936.[167][note 51]

Carlist standard

The Carlists, who initially imagined their position as equals of the military, within few months acknowledged that they were being reduced to junior role, especially that despite mobilization of their supporters, Falange attracted far more recruits.[note 52] Their attempt to safeguard autonomous standing crashed in December 1936, when following Fal's decision to set up a Carlist military academy he was summoned to Franco's headquarters and presented with the choice between firing squad and exile abroad.[note 53] Some authors speculate whether the unusual overreaction of Franco was not intended to get rid of Fal and replace him with complacent Rodezno.[171][172][173] At the Carlist emergency meeting the Rodeznistas enforced the decision to comply with the exile alternative,[174][note 54] though later Rodezno himself visited Franco trying to get Jefe Delegado re-admitted.[note 55]

Francisco Franco

With Fal on exile and party leadership assumed by France-based Don Javier, Rodezno emerged as "maxima figura carlista en España";[178] Fal was not happy about Rodezno's pre-eminence and when on exile intended to send him abroad, possibly on a diplomatic mission to Vatican.[173] Starting January 1937 he and other party bigwigs were approached by the military and the Falangists about forming a monopolist state party;[note 56] the pressure started to mount later on. The Carlist leaders met 3 times to address the challenge: in Insua (February), in Burgos (March) and in Pamplona (April), all attended by Rodezno.[note 57] He and the faction he headed advocated compliance with political amalgamation, pressed by the military;[note 58] they were confronted by the Falcondistas, opting for intransigence.[note 59] As the formal party executive Junta Nacional was getting decomposed and theoretically local, Rodeznista-dominated Junta Central assumed a key role,[note 60] the balance tipped towards unification. The fusion was presented as means to build a new state, Catholic, regionalist,[note 61] social and ultimately formatted as Traditionalist monarchy.[188][175][189][note 62]

On April 22 Rodezno was nominated to Secretariado Político[note 63] of the new party, Falange Española Tradicionalista,[192] one of 4 Carlists[note 64] within the 10-member body.[193][194][195][196] The Falangists like Giron were extremely unhappy about its performance and composition, with very few members "fielmente el espiritu de nuestro Movimiento".[197] He and other Carlists learned of the party program only once its 21 points were announced and immediately demonstrated some unease.[note 65] His relations with Fal and Don Javier remained extremely tense, though falling short of total breakup; both considered him a fronding rebel;[199] he was held among, "maximos responsables de la actitud de rebeldia mantenida por el carlismo navarro frente a la autoridad de don Javier".[200] Rodezno's efforts to elicit authorization from the regent produced no effect.[201] During the next few months he presided over absorption into Falange rather than a fusion,[note 66] bombarded with queries and protests from Carlist rank-and-file about total predomination and arrogance of camisas azules.[203][note 67] Possibly as a result of complaints about the Falangists' lack of give and take in October 1937 Franco called up theoretically governing structure of the party, the National Council;[note 68] Despite Fal's calls to decline, Rodezno accepted the seat and in December 1937 Don Javier expulsed him from Carlism;[209] Rodezno did not take notice.[201] Some authors claim he was expulsed already in the spring, following accepting post in Secretariado.[210]

Falangist standard

Rodezno's motives are unclear; apart from partisan claims that he traded Carlist principles for a few Navarrese alcaldias,[note 69] there are many conflicting interpretations offered. According to one, he feared that internal divisions within the Nationalist camp might lead to defeat in the war.[212][note 70] According to another, he has never been a genuine Carlist and is better described as a conservative monarchist.[note 71] Some scholars claim that he was a possibilist, who realized that Traditionalism was unable to seize power single-handedly and needed coalition partners;[note 72] one more clue might have been that perceiving Carlism as rooted in family and regional values, he downplayed the issues of organization and structures.[218] Others underline that he considered the emerging system largely in line with the Carlist vision and did not think it worthwhile to be marginalized for the sake of defending second-rate discrepancies.[219] Finally, there are authors who believe that he realized neither gravity of the moment nor totalitarian nature of the new party; Rodezno – the theory goes – imagined the structure either as a new incarnation of Unión Patriotica or as a loose alliance, both permitting Carlism to maintain its proper identity;[220] immediately following announcement of the FET programme, largely a copy-paste from the original Falange 27 points, Rodezno visited Franco to voice his disgust;[221] following three months he ceased to attend sittings of the FET secretariat, considering it pointless.[222]

prison, Spain

In January 1938 Rodezno entered the first regular Francoist government as Minister of Justice.[223] At this position he commenced work on revoking the Republican laws, focusing mostly on the laic legislation. Though the task was completed by his successor, it was Rodezno who ensured that the Church re-took a key role in a number of areas, especially education, and that intimate Church-state relations were restored.[223][224] When setting the direction he had to overcome the Falangist resistance and outmaneuver its key exponents, Jordana and Yanguas;[225] in 1942 Rodezno managed to defeat "serranistas" drafting the future legislation.[226] He is best remembered, however, for his role in Francoist repressions. Wartime purges rested on most tortured juridical basis and produced some 72,000 executions;[227] it is difficult to tell to what extent Rodezno might be held liable, especially that most of them were carried out under military jurisdiction and before he assumed office. According to some sources, he was "responsable de la firma de unas 50.000 penas de muerte";[228] according to scholars, there were some 51,000 death sentences administered during the first few years after the War;[229] most of that time it was Esteban Bilbao holding the post of Minister of Justice. He started to replace the chaotic practice by laying the foundations of the repressive Francoist judicial system, including massive purges in the judiciary.[230] Its first pillar, Ley de Responsabilidades Políticas, retroactive to 1934, was adopted in 1939,[note 73] supplemented by many other laws and regulations. One of them required all persons of legal age to hold a personal ID card, obligation introduced for the first time in Spanish history.[232] There were some 100,000 political prisoners[233] before he stepped down as minister in August 1939.[234] None of the sources consulted provide information on the mechanism of Rodezno leaving the office, especially whether he resigned or was dismissed.

Francoist Spain, 1939

It is not clear whether Rodezno's departure from the government was related to tension between the Falangists and the Carlists, though he was on rather poor terms with Serrano Suñer. Serrano described Rodezno in his memoirs as follows: "era alto, de rostro afilado, con un gesto entre triste y burlón; con su ademán mezclado de solemnidad, indolencia y cortesía. Era puntillosamente leal a sus tradiciones, aunque políticamente parecía más consecuente que creyente..."[235] The two clashed especially on issues related to centralisation and regional rights. Serrano intervened to make sure the address of Rodezno, delivered when accepting the hijo predilecto title from Navarrese diputación, is not distributed.[236] Already in early 1938 heavily disappointed with the new party, in April 1938 Rodezno complained to Franco about marginalisation of Carlism and apparently managed to extract from caudillo a fairly frank opinion; the generalissimo valued the Carlists higher than the Falangists, yet noted that they were "pocos y sin atractivo pasa los masas", while Falange enjoyed "capacidad proselitista y captadora",[237] and the emering regime in general. Rodezno admitted that "no dejaba de sentirse cierta tristeza por el desengaño y la decepción que producía la disparidad entre el esfuerzo aportado y el rumbo amenazador de las cosas para el porvenir".[238] In 1939 he moved back to Navarre. Though expelled from formally illegal Comunión Tradicionalista he was eager to take part in the movement, e.g. in 1939 he took part in the first Montejurra ascent, riding all the way to the summit on the horse.[239][240] Some authors consider him leader of Rodeznistas, the informal collaborative faction,[241][242] other scholars prefer to name him leader of Navarrese Carlism[243] or even of Spanish Carlism altogether.[244] In the immediate post-war period he tried to support Carlist cultural outposts, either preventing their amalgamation in the Francoist machinery,[note 74] or creating the new ones.[note 75] Some orthodox Carlists considered him indispensable, as it was with their support that Rodezno was elected vice-president of Navarrese Diputación Provincial in 1940.[249] At this post he took part in provincial battle for power against the Falangists[note 76] and clashed with some of their leaders also on the national level; in June 1939 Rodezno clashed with the Falangist pundit Gimenez Caballero, who in accused Navarre of historical disobedience and lambasted the fueros as sinister separatism. Rodezno as minister prevented the publication of his harangue in the press except Arriba, firmly controlled by Falange.[252] It is partially thanks to his efforts that Navarre was, together with Álava, the only province which retained some regional establishments. According to his account of Esteban Bilbao, he was supported by Rodezno when objecting to homogenisation designs of Minister of Economy.[253]

Though apparently overwhelmed fascistoid nature of the emerging regime[note 77] and by actual shape of the unification - up to contributing to its failure in Navarre[note 78] - Rodezno kept pursuing the collaborative line even when it became painfully evident that Carlism was entirely marginalized in the new state party.[256] In 1943 Rodezno resigned from the Navarrese government to enter the Francoist quasi-parliament, Cortes Españolas;[257] he was ensured its mandate as member of Consejo Nacional.[258] The term lasted three years and was not renewed in 1946, which suggests that at that time he had already dropped out from the Falangist executive. None of the sources consulted provides information as to if and when Rodezno ceased as member of Consejo Nacional and Junta Politica. Auto of judge Garzon raises charges based on Rodezno's role in FET between April 20, 1937 (coincides with the day of his nomination to Secretariado) and 1951 (no daily date).[259]

Don Javier on the cover of a Carlist periodical

Already in the 1910s Rodezno timidly advanced the idea of transferring legitimist rights to an appropriate Alfonsist candidate once the Carlist dynasty would extinguish;[64] also during the Republican years he was the most enthusiastic supporter of rapprochement within the monarchist camp and in 1935 proposed that Don Alfonso Carlos names Don Juan his legitimate heir.[134] When the last direct Carlist claimant indeed died in September 1936 Rodezno was the last to acknowledge the regency of Don Javier. At that time he was already considering another regency, this of Franco on behalf of Don Juan,[260][175] whom he held well familiar with Traditionalist ideas. It is not clear when the two first met; during the Civil War Rodezno and the Alfonsist prince already exchanged friendly correspondence. Rodezno was in touch with Don Juan since 1937 and considered him knowledgeable of Traditionalist ideas.[261]

In the early 1940s Rodezno turned into an open advocate of Don Juan as a future Carlist king, especially once the latter inherited the Alfonsist title after his late father in 1941. Theoretically this support did not breach the rules of Don Javier's regency, which permitted forming factions around prospective candidates; in practice this mattered little, as Rodezno was already expulsed from the Comunión.[262] When the new Alfonsist claimant was assembling a team of collaborators, José María Oriol travelled to meet him in Lausanne to suggest (in vain) that Rodezno is nominated the official Alfonsist representative in Spain.[263][264][265] In the mid-1940s Fal mounted an offensive offering various Carlist regentialist solutions to Franco;[266] in December 1945 Fal also wrote to Don Juan asking him to acknowledge the regency of Don Javier.[267] As a response, in April 1945 Rodezno travelled to Portugal[note 79] to meet Don Juan and prepare ground for his Carlist legitimization.[269] The initiative bore fruit in February 1946, when the Alfonsist claimant signed a Rodezno co-drafted document, intended to confirm his Traditionalist spirit. Known as "Bases institucionales para la restauracion de la monarquia" or simply as "Bases de Estoril", it outlined the basics of the future monarchy.[270] They very much resembled the Traditionalist principles, though the document fell short of declaring Don Juan the legitimate Carlist claimant.[note 80]

Juan de Borbón

The 1946 "Bases de Estoril" was the last major Rodezno's initiative and little is known either about his political views or about his public activity in the very last years of his life. In 1944 he entered Real Academia de Jurisprudencia y Legislación.[271] He remained leader of informal but very significant collaborative and pro-Juanista faction of Carlism, the movement which as a whole was rapidly disintegrating into even more branches.[note 81] Though most Carlist rank-and-file remained utterly hostile to the despised Liberal dynasty, many if not the majority of Carlist pre-war leadership inclined towards accepting Don Juan.[272] Also after Rodezno's death they kept pursuing the idea of Alfonso XIII's son assuming the Carlist title. Named Rodeznistas, Juancarlistas, Juanistas or Estorilos they officially declared Don Juan the legitimate Carlist heir in 1957, the act considered climax of the earlier Rodezno's policy. In 1957 around 70 Carlist politicians travelled to Estoril and declared Don Juan the legitimate Carlist heir. The late Rodezno was considered "principal promoter" of the initiative.[273] Some authors even claim that Rodezno was present at the ceremony.[274][275] In historiography the term "Rodeznistas" is last applied to the year 1959.[276]

old banner (now unused)[note 82]

During Francoism Rodezno was honored by a number of prestigious orders, like Cruz de Isabel la Católica or Cruz de San Raimundo de Peñafort; in the mid-1940s he entered Real Academia de Jurisprudencia y Legislación[277] and Real Academia de la Historia,[278] named also hijo predilecto by the province of Navarre and by his native town of Villafranca.[279] Posthumously Franco conferred upon him Grandeza de España, title currently born by his descendants.[280] Some streets and plazas were named upon him, the most prestigious one in Pamplona.

After transition to democracy the perception of Rodezno changed dramatically. In the current Spanish public discourse he is associated mostly with the most repressive phase of Francoism.[281] Naming of the Pamplona plaza was subject to heated public debate in Navarre and elsewhere following adoption of ley de Símbolos de Navarra and ley de Memoria Histórica. The 2008-2009 discussion, involving present-day political parties and related to some present-day political issues,[note 83] has eventually led to renaming the plaza to "Conde de Rodezno", an aristocratic title formally not associated with any individual,[note 84] until in 2016 it was renamed to "Plaza de la Libertad".[286] The former Pamplona mausoleum erected during Francoism to honor the fallen requetés has been renamed to "Sala de exposiciónes Conde de Rodezno"[287] but in public it prefers to be named "Sala de exposiciónes". In unrestrained cyberspace Rodezno is at times referred to as "fascist to the core".[288] In 2008 Audiencia Nacional, the Spanish high tribunal, launched formal bid to acknowledge Rodezno as guilty of crimes against humanity during his tenure as Minister of Justice and afterwards, but the motion bore no fruit due to procedural reasons.[289] Judge Baltasar Garzón was later charged with perversion of justice for launching the bid, which was defined as an error by the Supreme Court of Spain.[290] In 2010 a group of authors associated with a Pamplonese Ateneo Basilio Lacort published a vehemently militant work which presents Rodezno as a criminal.[291]

former placard (now removed)

In Traditionalist historiographical narration Rodezno is one of the black characters, among the likes of Rafael Maroto, Alejandro Pidal or Don Carlos Hugo. He is charged with blatant political miscalculation at best and with treason of principles and kings at worst. His vacillating stance during the Mellista crisis in 1914-1919, rapprochement towards the Alfonsinos in the Republic years or bypassing Carlist command when pushing for almost unconditional adherence to the generals' coup of 1936 are less of an issue; it is Rodezno's stance on unification and pro-Juanista lobbying which earned him most hostility from works of Partido Carlista sponsored socialismo autogestionario supporters.[note 85] Though scholars speculate on his different motives, the opinion which gained particular popularity is that he has never been a genuine Carlist, adhering to the movement mostly out of respect for his father.[note 86] None of the currently existing organizations claiming Carlist identity, be it either those pursuing a socialist path (javierocarlistas, Partido Carlista) or those attached to Traditionalist values (tronovacantista CTC, sixtinos, carloctavistas) admits deference to his name.

• Carlism
• Electoral Carlism (Restoration)
• Navarrese electoral Carlism (Restoration)
• Francoist Spain
• Carlo-francoism
• White Terror (Spain)
• Institución Príncipe de Viana
• Condado de Rodezno

• Alcalá, César (2001). D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980). Barcelona. ISBN 8493109797.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
• Juan-Cruz Alli Aranguren, Los inicios del franquismo en dos obras inéditas del conde de Rodezno, [in:] Huerte de San Juan. Geografía e Historia 30 (2023), pp. 217-249
• Blinkhorn, Martin [in Spanish] (2008). Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939. Cambridge. ISBN 9780521086349.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
• del Burgo, Jaime (1992). Un episodio poco conocido de la guerra civil española. La Real Academia Militar de Requetés y el Destierro de Fal Conde.
• del Burgo, Jaime (2013). El carlismo y su agónico final.
• Canal, Jordi (2000). El carlismo. Madrid. ISBN 8420639478.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
• Calleja, Eduardo; Aróstegui, Julio (1994). La tradición recuperada: el Requeté Carlista y la insurrección.
• Clemente, Josep Carles [in Spanish] (1977). Historia del Carlismo contemporaneo. Barcelona. ISBN 9788425307591.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
• Clemente, Josep Carles [in Spanish] (1999). Seis estudios sobre el carlismo. Madrid. ISBN 8483741520.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
• Clemente, Josep Carles [in Spanish] (2011). Breve historia de las guerras carlistas. Madrid. ISBN 978-8499671710.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
• Conde de Rodezno. La justicia al revés, Iruña-Pamplona 2010, ISBN 9788476816332
• Agustín Fernández Escudero (2012). "El marqués de Cerralbo (1845-1922): biografía politica" (PDF). Madrid.
• Jesús María Fuente Langas, Elecciones de 1916 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 51 (1990), pp. 947–957
• Pavón, Jesús (1954). Semblanza del Conde de Rodezno.
• Payne, Stanley G. (1987). The Franco Regime. London. ISBN 9780299110741.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
• Manuel Martorell Pérez, Retorno a la lealtad; el desafío carlista al franquismo, Madrid 2010, ISBN 9788497391115
• Martorell Pérez, Manuel [in Spanish] (2009). La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil (Thesis). Valencia.
• Jesús Pabón, Elogio academico del Conde de Rodezno, [in:] Jesús Pabón, Dias de ayer, historias e historiadores contemporáneos, Barcelona 1963, pp. 67–71
• Ramón de Andrés Martín, Juan (2000). El cisma mellista. Historia de una ambición política. Madrid. ISBN 9788487863820.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
• Martínez Sánchez, Santiago (2002). "El Cardenal Pedro Segura y Sáenz (1880-1957)" (PDF). Pamplona.
• Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul, Estella 2013, ISBN 9788423533657
• Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, Juan Carlos (1996). El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación. Madrid. ISBN 9788487863523.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
• Pérez-Nievas Borderas, Fermín (1999). Contra viento y marea. Historia de la evolución ideological del carlismo a través de dos siglos de lucha. Pamplona. ISBN 8460589323.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
• José María Toquero, El carlismo vasconavarro y Don Juan de Borbon. La influencia del conde de Rodezno, [in:] Euskal herriaren historiari buruzko biltzarra 7 (1988), pp. 261–274
• Vallverdú i Martí, Robert (2008). El Carlisme Català Durant La Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936. Barcelona. ISBN 978-8478260805.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
• Aurora Villanueva Martínez, El carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo, 1937-1951, Madrid 1998, ISBN 9788487863714
• Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organizacion, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 19 (2003), pp. 97–117

former Plaza Conde de Rodezno

• Princesa de Beira by Rodezno Archived 2018-08-13 at the Wayback Machine
• Rodezno by a Basque encyclopaedia
• Rodezno by a Francoist site
• Rodezno by a Navarrese encyclopaedia
• Rodezno's obituary
• Rodezno charged with crimes against humanity
• Institucion Principe de Viana website
• Por Dios y por España; contemporary Carlist propaganda on YouTube