Vladislav Inozemtsev

Vladislav Leonidovich Inozemtsev (Russian: Владислав Леонидович Иноземцев; born 10 October 1968, Gorky, Soviet Union) is a Russian academician who is the director of the Moscow-based Centre for Research on Post-Industrial Societies, a nonprofit think tank.[1] He is a professor and the chair at the Department of World Economy, Faculty of Public Governance, Moscow State Lomonosov University.[1] Inozemtsev is also Russian Media Studies Project Special Advisor at the Washington-based Middle East Media Research Institute[2]

Vladislav Inozemtsev in 2011

Career

Since November 2012, Inozemtsev has been chairman of the High Council of the Civilian Force, a Russian "center-liberal", pro-European political party.[1] He authored Mikhail Prokhorov's presidential program, when the candidate ran third to Putin in the March 2012 elections.[1]

He has been published in Foreign Affairs with Alexander Lebedev and with Ivan Krastev[3] and in Russia in Global Affairs with Ilya Ponomarev, with Vladimir Ryzhkov and with Yekaterina Kuznetsova.[4] His articles have also been published in M.NEWS.[5][6]

Signature

In spring 2018 he concluded that the new Cold War between Russia and the West was based on the complete absence of rationality within Russian foreign policy. He could not see where Putin was aiming, except to become a dictator in a land that doesn't even try to keep up appearances of being a democracy. Trying to re-erect the Soviet Union wouldn't seem promising.[7]

In 2021, Inozemtsev concluded that Putin became even more anti-western. The reason for this were personal incompatibilities with his western counterparts; Putin was "neither politician nor a military person″ but a spy instead, believing not in institutions and hirarchies, but in loyalty, trust and networks: "Putin believed that the world is being reigned by people instead of institutions".[8]

In spring 2022 Inozemtsev claimed that Putin fulfilled "immaculately the catalog of what matters to be called fascism" according to the following four pillars:[9]

  1. Irredentism and militarization
  2. statization of the Russian economy (by bureaucratisation),
  3. restructuration of the administration towards an absolute hierarchical crackdown of power
  4. symbolism and propaganda in Russia.

Regarding the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, Inozemtsev said that sanctions would not convince Russians to get rid of Putin, as most of them really believed that Ukraine was a part of their country. The West should aim to have Putin charged for war crimes with a prospect to the elites, to end sanctions as soon as Putin and his generals would be transferred to the International Court of Justice. Russia had become a classical dictatorship.[10]

References
  1. huffingtonpost.com: "Vladislav Inozemtsev"
  2. https://www.memri.org/reports/it-wests-interest-invest-central-asias-modernization-rather-leaving-region-china
  3. foreignaffairs.com: "Home - Authors - I - Vladislav Inozemtsev"
  4. eng.globalaffairs.ru: "All articles - Vladislav Inozemtsev"
  5. Суверенитет как гарантированное право на отсталость (Sovereignty as a guaranteed right to backwardness) // M.NEWS, 19.12.2019
  6. Насколько устойчив путинский режим? Прогноз на ближайшие годы (How stable is the Putin regime? A forecast for the coming years) // M.NEWS, 27.12.2019
  7. Санкции навсегда, snob.ru, March 30th 2018 (russian).
  8. Warum verlor der Westen Russland? – Gewiss gab es strategische Fehler, entscheidend aber war das politische Naturell des KGB-Mannes Wladimir Putin; NZZ, November 12th 2021
  9. Wladislaw Inosemzew. "Der Faschismus ist das, was folgt, nachdem sich der Kommunismus als Illusion erwiesen hat – Wladimir Putin ist ein gelehriger Schüler Benito Mussolinis". Gastkommentar, NZZ.ch.
  10. Früherer Kremlberater Wladislaw Inosemzew: »Russland ist eine klassische Diktatur«, Spiegel, March 20th 2022
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