Serbia and Montenegro

On 26 December 1991, Serbia, Montenegro, and the Serb rebel-held territories in Croatia agreed that they would form a new "third Yugoslavia".[21] Efforts were also made in 1991 to include SR Bosnia and Herzegovina within the federation, with negotiations between Miloševic, Bosnia's Serbian Democratic Party, and the Bosniak proponent of union – Bosnia's Vice-president Adil Zulfikarpašić taking place on this matter.[22] Zulfikarpašić believed that Bosnia could benefit from a union with Serbia, Montenegro, and Krajina, thus he supported a union which would secure the unity of Serbs and Bosniaks.[22] Miloševic continued negotiations with Zulfikarpašić to include Bosnia within a new Yugoslavia, however efforts to include the whole of Bosnia within a new Yugoslavia effectively terminated by late 1991 as Izetbegović planned to hold a referendum on independence while the Bosnian Serbs and Bosnian Croats formed autonomous territories.[22] Violence between ethnic Serbs and Bosniaks soon broke out. Thus, FR Yugoslavia was restricted to the republics of Serbia and Montenegro, and became closely associated with breakaway Serb republics during the Yugoslav Wars.

Map of the Yugoslav Wars in 1993

The FRY was suspended from a number of international institutions.[23] This was due to the ongoing Yugoslav wars during the 1990s, which had prevented agreement being reached on the disposition of federal assets and liabilities, particularly the national debt. The Government of Yugoslavia supported Croatian and Bosnian Serbs in the wars from 1992 to 1995. Because of that, the country was under economic and political sanctions. War and sanctions resulted in economic disaster, which forced thousands of its young citizens to emigrate from the country.

FR Yugoslavia acted to support Serbian separatist movements in breakaway states, including the Republic of Serbian Krajina and the Republika Srpska, and sought to establish them as independent Serbian republics, with potential eventual reintegration with FR Yugoslvia.[24][25] However, the Government of FR Yugoslavia would treat these republics as separate entities, and gave unofficial, rather than active, aid by transferring control of units from the JNA to the secessionist movements.[26] In this way, FR Yugoslavia avoided potential accusations of committing acts of aggression against the breakaway republics recognised by the international community.[27][28] Slobodan Milošević, the President of Serbia, did not consider himself to be at war with the breakaway republics of Yugoslavia.

Following the transfer of Yugoslav Army units, the state of FR Yugoslavia ceased to play an important military role in the Yugoslav Wars, barring conflicts on the border with Croatia, such as the Siege of Dubrovnik. It instead provided economic and political aid,[29] to avoid provoking the international community further, and to preserve FR Yugoslavia as the republics of Serbia and Montenegro, rather than 'Greater Serbia.'[30]

In 1995, following Operation Storm, a military offensive by the Croatian Army, and NATO involvement in the Bosnian War, President Slobodan Milošević agreed to negotiate, as the Serbian position within Bosnia had become substantially worse. Under threat of economically crippling the Republika Srpska, he took over negotiating powers for all Serbian secessionist movements, as well as FR Yugoslavia.[31] The ensuing Dayton Agreements, signed between representatives from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Croatia, resulted in each state being recognised as sovereign states. It also provided recognition for Serbian institutions and a rotating presidency within Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the Serbian populated areas of the former Socialist Republic of Bosnia were absorbed into Bosnia and Herzegovina.[5][32][33] Thus the Yugoslav Wars ended, and Western sanctions on FR Yugoslavia were lifted.[34] However, Slobodan Milošević would not achieve his dreams of admitting FR Yugoslavia to the United Nations as the successor state of SFR Yugoslavia, as an 'outer wall' of Western sanctions prohibited this.[34][35]

Following the adoption of economic sanctions by the international community against FR Yugoslavia, its economy experienced a collapse. Sanctions on fuel meant that fuel stations across the country ran out of petrol,[36] and foreign assets were seized. The average income of inhabitants of FR Yugoslavia was halved from $3,000 to $1,500.[3] An estimated 3 million Yugoslavs (Serbs and Montenegrins) lived below the poverty line,[3] suicide rates increased by 22%[37] and hospitals lacked basic equipment. Along with this, supply links were cut, which meant that the Yugoslav economy could not grow, and imports or exports needed for industries could not be obtained, forcing them to close.[38] The crippled state of the Yugoslav economy also affected its ability to wage war, and after 1992, Yugoslavia had an extremely limited military role within the Yugoslav Wars, due to the JNA units being unable to operate without oil or munitions.[39][40]

On top of this, starting in 1992 and until 1994, the Yugoslav dinar experienced a major hyperinflation, leading to inflation reaching 313 million percent,[41] the second worst hyperinflation in history. Many parts of FR Yugoslavia, including all of Montenegro, adopted the Deutsche Mark and Euro currencies instead of the Yugoslav dinar.[42] Western sanctions crippled the Yugoslav economy, and prevented it from playing an active role in aiding Serb breakaway republics. Following the Dayton Agreement, the UN Security Council voted to lift most sanctions, but they were reissued following the outbreak of an Albanian insurgency in Kosovo. The lasting economic impact can be attributed to the eventual downfall of FR Yugoslavia and Slobodan Milošević's government, as well as a deeper desire in Montenegro to leave Yugoslavia.[43]

In the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija, a growing desire for independence emerged among the Albanian majority population. Already, an unrecognised Republic of Kosova had emerged with underground institutions.[44] In 1996, the Kosovo Liberation Army, an Albanian militia promoting Kosovar independence, launched attacks against Serbian police stations, killing at least ten Serbian policemen in direct attacks between 1996 and 1998.[45][46] The low level insurgency eventually escalated. After Slobodan Milošević was elected President of Yugoslavia in 1997, having served his maximum two terms as President of Serbia, he ordered JNA units to move into Kosovo to aid in the suppression of the insurrection. The governments of FR Yugoslavia and the US declared the Kosovo Liberation Army a terrorist organisation, following repeated deadly attacks against Yugoslav law enforcement agencies.[47][48][49] US intelligence also mentioned illegal arms sources of the Kosovo Liberation Army, including conducting raids during the course of the Albanian Civil War, and drug dealing.[6][50] Despite this, substantial evidence now shows that the CIA had aided in training units of the KLA,[51] although not necessarily providing them with arms and funding.

In 1998, the Kosovo War began, following increased open combat with Yugoslav police and JNA units deployed by Milošević. The KLA found itself heavily outnumbered and outgunned in open combat, and had to use guerrilla tactics.[52] Serbian police and JNA units attacked KLA outposts, attempting to destroy them, as KLA units attempted to avoid direct confrontation and use terrorist attacks, including bombings and ambushes, to weaken Yugoslav control.[53] Although unable to gain a strategic advantage, Yugoslav Army units found themselves in a tactical advantage against KLA units which lacked proper training. JNA units themselves lacked morale, and attacks were often directed against civilian targets rather than military targets.[54][note 1] 863,000 Albanian civilians were forcibly expelled between March and June 1999 from Kosovo.[55] 169,824 Serb and Romani civilians were estimated by the UNHCR's Belgrade office to have fled from Kosovo to Serbia and Montenegro by 20 June 1999.[56] Out of 10,317 civilians, 8,676 Albanians, 1,196 Serbs and 445 Roma, Bosniaks, Montenegrins and others were killed or went missing in connection with the war between 1 January 1998 - 31 December 2000.[57] The Serbian government attributed 1,953 Serbian, 361 Albanian and 266 other civilian deaths or disappearances from 1 January 1998 - 1 November 2001 to “Albanian terrorism in Kosovo-Metohija”.[58]

The international community was quick to respond, issuing a peace proposal to Yugoslavia in 1999. The agreement was seen as an essential ultimatum[59][60] by NATO to Yugoslavia, and this rejected by the Yugoslav government. NATO responded in March 1999 by ordering airstrikes against Yugoslav military targets and infrastructure, including roads, railroads, administrative buildings and the headquarters of Radio Television Serbia.[61] NATO's bombing campaign was not approved by the UN Security Council, for fear of a veto by Russia, which would cause controversy as to its legality.[62][63] The UN Security Council adopted United Nations Security Council Resolution 1160, renewing arms and oil sanctions against FR Yugoslavia, and thus crippling its economy. The effects of continuous aerial bombardment and sanctions cost the Yugoslav economy hundreds of billions of USD[64] and eventually forced Milošević's government to comply with an agreement put forward by an international delegation. United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 led to substantial autonomy for Kosovo, and the establishment of a UN mission to Kosovo, as well as the complete withdrawal of units of the Yugoslav National Army.[65][66] As such, Kosovo remained an Autonomous Province of Serbia, but politically and economically independent. The damage to FR Yugoslavia was immense, with the government estimating $100 billion in infrastructure damage,[64] as well as 1,200 Serbian and Albanian civilians or soldiers confirmed dead. Economists have estimated at least $29 billion in direct damages caused by the bombings.[67]

In the aftermath of the Kosovo War, a low level insurgency continued in parts of Southern Serbia, which had Albanian minorities. However, this insurgency lacked international support, and the Yugoslav Armed Forces were able to put down the insurgency.

The string of defeats, as well as a complete collapse of the Yugoslav economy, led to mass unpopularity of the essential dictatorship of Slobodan Milošević and his allies in the Socialist Party of Serbia. In September 2000, amongst accusations of electoral fraud, large scale protests struck the nation. Milošević was eventually removed from power, as his Socialist Party of Serbia lost in the federal elections to the Democratic Opposition of Serbia.[68] In the aftermath, a new government in Yugoslavia negotiated with the United Nations, accepting that it was not the sole legal successor to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and was allowed to join the UN.[69] Milošević would later be put on trial for corruption and war crimes,[70] especially during the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia,[71] although he died in prison before his trial could end in 2006.[72][73] His culpability, especially of the charges brought against him in the context of the ICTY, remains a subject of controversy within Serbia.

In 2002, Serbia and Montenegro came to a new agreement regarding continued co-operation, which, among other changes, promised the end of the name Yugoslavia (since they were part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia). On 4 February 2003, the Federal Assembly of Yugoslavia created a loose state union or confederacy—the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, although Yugoslavia was still commonly used. A new constitutional charter was agreed to provide a framework for the governance of the country.

On Sunday, 21 May 2006, Montenegrins voted in an independence referendum, with 55.5% supporting independence. Fifty-five percent or more of affirmative votes were needed to dissolve the confederation and Yugoslavia. The turnout was 86.3% and 99.73% of the more than 477,000 votes cast were deemed valid.

The subsequent Montenegrin proclamation of independence on 3 June 2006 and the Serbian proclamation of independence on 5 June ended the confederation of Serbia and Montenegro and thus the last remaining vestiges of the former Yugoslavia.

The territorial organisation of the Republic of Serbia was regulated by the Law on Territorial Organisation and Local Self-Government, adopted in the Assembly of Serbia on 24 July 1991. Under the Law, the municipalities, cities and settlements make the bases of the territorial organization.[77]

Serbia was divided into 195 municipalities and 4 cities, which were the basic units of local autonomy. It had two autonomous provinces: Kosovo and Metohija in the south (with 30 municipalities), which was under the administration of UNMIK after 1999, and Vojvodina in the north (with 46 municipalities and 1 city). The territory between Kosovo and Vojvodina was called Central Serbia. Central Serbia was not an administrative division on its own and had no regional government of its own.

In addition, there were four cities: Belgrade, Niš, Novi Sad and Kragujevac, each having an assembly and budget of its own. The cities comprised several municipalities, divided into "urban" (in the city proper) and "other" (suburban). Competences of cities and their municipalities were divided.

Municipalities were gathered into districts, which are regional centres of state authority, but have no assemblies of their own; they present purely administrative divisions, and host various state institutions such as funds, office branches and courts. The Republic of Serbia was then and is still today divided into 29 districts (17 in Central Serbia, 7 in Vojvodina and 5 in Kosovo, which are now defunct), while the city of Belgrade presents a district of its own.

Montenegro was divided into 21 municipalities.

FR Yugoslavia, later Serbia and Montenegro, was considered by FIFA and UEFA to be the only successor-state of Yugoslavia.[83][84][85] Football was experiencing major success during the 1980s and early 1990s; however, due to the imposed economic sanctions, the country was excluded from all international competitions between 1992 and 1996. After the sanctions were lifted, the national team qualified for two FIFA World Cups—in 1998 as FR Yugoslavia and in 2006 as Serbia and Montenegro. It also qualified for Euro 2000, as FR Yugoslavia.

Supporters of the national football team during the 2006 FIFA World Cup

The 1998 World Cup appearance in France was accompanied with plenty of expectation and quiet confidence as the team was considered to be one of the tournament's dark horses due to being stacked with proven world-class players such as 29-year-old Predrag Mijatović, 33-year-old Dragan Stojković, 29-year-old Siniša Mihajlović, 28-year-old Vladimir Jugović, and 31-year-old Dejan Savićević, as well as emerging 19-year-old youngster Dejan Stanković, and tall 24-year-old target forwards Savo Milošević and Darko Kovačević. Another reason for heightened expectations was that this was the country's first major international appearance following the UN-imposed exile. However, the squad never managed to hit top gear—although it did make it out of the group, it got eliminated by the Netherlands via an injury-time goal in the round-of-16. Two years later at Euro 2000, nearly the same team again made it out of the group and was again eliminated from the tournament by the Netherlands, this time convincingly, 1–6, in the quarter finals.

The country was also represented at the 1996, the 2000, and 2004 Summer Olympics, and at the 1998, 2002, and 2006 Winter Olympics.

Serbia and Montenegro were represented by a single national team in the 2006 FIFA World Cup tournament, despite having formally split just weeks prior to its start. The final squad was made up of players born in both Serbia and Montenegro.

They played their last ever international on 21 June 2006, a 3–2 loss to Ivory Coast. Following the World Cup, this team has been inherited by Serbia, while a new one was to be organized to represent Montenegro in future international competitions.

The senior men's basketball team dominated European and world basketball during the mid-to-late 1990s and early 2000s, with three EuroBasket titles (1995, 1997, and 2001), two FIBA World Cup titles (1998 and 2002), and a Summer Olympic Games silver medal (1996).

The national team started competing internationally in 1995, after a three-year exile, due to a UN trade embargo. During that time, FR Yugoslavia was not allowed to compete at the 1992 Summer Olympics in Barcelona, the 1993 EuroBasket, and also the 1994 FIBA World Championship, which was originally supposed to be hosted by Belgrade, before being taken away from the city and moved to Toronto, Canada.

Mascot of the EuroBasket 2005, hosted by Serbia and Montenegro

At the 1995 EuroBasket in Athens, its first international competition, the hungry and highly motivated FR Yugoslav team, which was led by head coach Dušan Ivković, featured a starting five full of world-class talent, with established European stars at positions one through four — 27-year-old Saša Đorđević, 25-year-old Predrag Danilović, 29-year-old Žarko Paspalj, 22-year-old Dejan Bodiroga — capped off with 27-year-old Vlade Divac, the starting center for the LA Lakers at the five position. With a bench that was just as capable — with experienced Zoran Sretenović (the only player over 30 in the team), Saša Obradović, talisman power forward Zoran Savić, and up-and-coming young center Željko Rebrača — the team rampaged through its preliminary group, which featured medal contenders Greece and Lithuania, with a 6–0 record. At the first direct elimination stage, the quarterfinals, FR Yugoslavia scored 104 points to destroy France, thus setting up a semifinal clash with the tournament hosts Greece. In the highly charged atmosphere of the OAKA Indoor Arena, the FR Yugoslav team demonstrated its versatility, using defensive prowess in that game to pull off a famous eight-point win, in a tense, low-scoring 60–52 game. In the final, FR Yugoslavia played against the experienced Lithuanian team, which was led by basketball legend Arvydas Sabonis, in addition to other world class players like Šarūnas Marčiulionis, Rimas Kurtinaitis, and Valdemaras Chomičius. The final became a classic game of international basketball, with the crafty Yugoslavs prevailing, by a score of 96–90, behind Đorđević's 41 points.

They were represented by a single team at the 2006 FIBA World Championship as well, even though tournament was played in mid/late-August and early-September of that year, and the Serbia–Montenegro breakup had occurred in May. That team was also inherited by Serbia after the tournament, while Montenegro created a separate senior national basketball team afterwards, as well as their own national teams in all other team sports.