Ferdinand II of Aragon

Ferdinand was born on 10 March 1452, in the town of Sos del Rey Católico, Aragon, as the son of John, Duke of Montblanc, and Joanna Enríquez, 5th Lady of Casarrubios del Monte.[5] He was a nephew of King Alfonso V of Aragon, and the largest foreign landholders of feudal Castile, the infantes Henry, Duke of Villena, and Peter, Count of Albuquerque. Ferdinand grew in the shade of his headstrong mother, whom her much older husband loved and indulged. From the very beginning, she seemed to have brought up her son to ascend to the throne of Aragon. It began by her putting off his baptism for nearly a year until King Alfonso named his brother John as regent, thus making it possible to hold Ferdinand's baptism in the Cathedral-Basilica of Our Lady of the Pillar in the capitol city of Zaragoza with all the pomp afforded to an Aragonese Infante. The child was named after his paternal grandfather, Ferdinand I, the first Trastamara king of Aragon. King Ferdinand I was the foremost Iberian hero of the wars against the Moors in recent memory.[6][7] In 1458, Ferdinand's uncle died with no legitimate children and his father became King John II of Aragon.[8]

Ferdinand's father hailed him as a child prodigy. It is said that by the time Ferdinand was eight years old, he managed to beat his parents, his mentor Joan Margarit i Pau, and other members of the court every single time they played chess or checkers.[9] As a child, he excelled at many of the physical activities required of a royal prince. In the words of Hernando del Pulgar: "[Ferdinand] was a very good equestrian, jouster and lance thrower, and did all the things that a Prince ought to with such ease and with such skill, that no one his age, in all his kingdoms, did it better."[9] From a very young age, he seemed to have developed a great sense of humility and respect toward people of "low birth" (especially his constant servants).[10]

Ferdinand's armour

Ferdinand the Catholic

The prince had marvelously beautiful eyes, which were large, almond-shaped, and laughing; thin eyebrows, very sharp nose, of such size and form that were demanded for a good-looking face; mouth and lips slightly large; and since youth is, by its nature, very prone to laugh, in this prince, the joy of the heart was written on his face, and thus as it always happens, mouth is then of more open features. His whole face was white, cheeks were red-colored, the beard at the time, given the tender youth, was small and very well set, in such place where it fitted best; he had brown straight and flowing hair, cut in keeping with the fashion of the times; his neck was well formed, fitting the stature of his body, which was medium, neither tall, nor small, but of such size, where smart and refined clothes fitted well; his legs were very handsome and well-chiseled; his entire appearance, face, and body were of a gallant, on whom the royal or modest garments looked better than on any other man of his court, to such extent, that he was seen as both an elegant man and king. He was a great rider of the bridle and the jennet, great lance thrower as well as other things in everything he did, he had very good skill and grace.

— Zuan Badoer[23]

A young man of twenty-two years, nine months and twenty-three days of age, of medium and well-composed stature; his face is serious, white and handsome; he has brown hair, light eyes with lively gravity; his nose and mouth are small; his cheeks and lips are red-colored, his neck and back are well formed; he has clear and calm voice, walks and rides a horse very energetically.

— Diego de Colmenares[24]

This King was a man of middle stature, of well-proportioned members and well-composed features of his face, of laughing eyes, straight and dark hair; he was a well-built man. When he spoke he did not do it either too quickly or too slowly. He was of good understanding, very moderate in both eating and drinking, and in the way, he moved because neither rage nor pleasure altered him greatly. He was a keen hunter of birds, a man of good effort and very hard-working and resilient on wars. Through his natural condition, he was inclined to administer justice, and he was also pious, he took pity on those miserable people who he saw were in distress. He had so singular a grace that everyone who talked to him, came to love him, and wanted to serve him because he was of very friendly communication. He likewise paid attention to the advice, especially that coming from the Queen, his wife, because he knew her great competence and discretion. Since childhood, he was raised at wars, where he went through many labors and dangers. And because all his income was spent on wars he had, he was in constant need. We can not say that he was generous. He was a man of truth, although the great need in which wars put him made him sometimes deviate. He liked to play all the games; such as checkers, chess and ball games; and when he was a young man, he spent on it more time than he ought to. Although he loved the Queen, his wife greatly, he gave himself to other women. He likewise was a man who took time to change things at times, but more because of petitions and inopportuneness of others that because of his own interest and will. He was a man who treated everyone very well, particularly his constant servants.

— Hernando del Pulgar[9]

The King is a man of medium stature, his countenance is between serious and smiling, he is of great intelligence, healthy complexion, and 44 or 45 years old. After having his kingdoms calmed and the governance of the land put on a good way, he occupies himself a great deal with religious needs, restoring ruined temples and building new ones. He likes to hunt, for it’s a beneficial exercise for the body and preserves health for a long time.

— Jeronimo Munzer[25]

King Ferdinand was of medium stature, all his members were well proportioned. He was fair with very gracious luster, with a happy and glowing aspect; his hair was straight and of nearly light chestnut color; his eyebrows were of the same color as the hair, and separated one from another; his eyes were light and nearly smiling; the nose was small and well-formed, fitting other features of the face; his cheeks were like red roses; his mouth was small and good-looking; he had red-colored lips, which resembled coral; his teeth were white and small; his beard was venerable and of much authority, the nape was neither fat, nor thin, neither long, nor short; he had high-pitched voice; his way of speaking was poised and gracious; of great intelligence and wit, and of good judgement; of kind and liberal spirit; very prudent in advice; affable in his habits, without any grief, he walked and moved like a great lord and true King. He was very serious in his acts and speeches; his appearance was of marvelous dignity. Marvelously, he was never seen angry or sad. He was very temperate in eating and drinking. Because neither he ate many times, nor drank more than twice during the meal. He never ate (even if he was on the road) without attending the mass first, and always a prelate or priest blessed his table, and he thanked God after the meals. He was very neat in all the things. He used modest clothes, at times; particularly on solemn occasions and during great festivities, he wore a necklace or golden chain, decorated with pearls and other precious stones. He enjoyed horse riding because since childhood he was a good rider of the bridle and the jennet. He exercised in jousting and games of cañas, in which he surpassed many other strong Caballeros, who were experienced in this discipline of chivalry. He was a great thrower and well trained in military art. He was of enormous endurance at work, both at war and business. He favored justice and demanded a very tight account from those who exercised it. He showed clemency and humanity around those who were distraught and miserable. He was also very gracious and affable with women and his children. He greatly loved and honored wise and virtuous men, and willingly paid attention to their advice, and he loved the Caballeros no less, particularly those of his household. When he was a youngster he dedicated himself to games such as ball game and chess, and he also played cards towards the end of his days. He also had an inclination to hunting, in which he found great delight; but he preferred hunting birds to other animals.

— Lucio Marineo Siculo[26]

Many lords spiritual and temporal, also many knights, attend upon the King. He rises before 6, and by 8 hath heard two masses, after which he goes to dinner, where every man may see him. Is a good feeder, and drinks two great draughts of wine and water; never sits more than half an hour at table, and none sit with him. After he hath dined all the lords and others go to their own lodgings to dine.

— James Braybroke, Francis Marsin and John Stile[27]

His actions, words, habits, as well as opinion that exists today, prove that he is a prudent and very private man, who speaks of important matters only when it is necessary; also one can not be more patient than he is, he lives in great order, spending his time on all difficult and most relevant matters of the kingdom, and everything goes through his hands, to a great extent he is the one who resolves all the matters and gives orders. He is thought to be a fan of profit, which reduces expenses when it can be done. He is skillful with weapons, and he had proved it before he became king, and afterward; he appears to be very religious, speaking of God with great respect, and relating everything to Him, he shows great religiosity in the godly solemnities and ceremonies, which is certainly common for the entire nation. He is not a man of letters but he is kind, and it is easy to obtain audience with him, and his answers are selfless and very careful, and only a few leave displeased, at least upon his words, but it’s said many times he does not keep his promises, because he believes that when situations that occur make him change the goals, therefore he does not consider keeping his promises; it seems to me that he knows how to camouflage himself more than other people, but I don’t know if it is true or imputed defect, for as we can notice, the fame acquired by some prudent men always is accompanied by suspicion; in a word, he is a very esteemed king, with great and many talents; he is accused of not being liberal enough, and of not keeping his word, but in all other matters his kindness and prudence shine; he is not a big-head and ill-conceived words that would be improper for prudent and fair man never come from his mouth.

— Francesco Guicciardini[28]

Unless Ferdinand throws off his appetites he must soon go the way of all flesh. He is 63, besides his asthma, it is now winter, and the country is very cold, yet he talks like a young man of going to the mountainous country of Leon, because he hears that bears are to be found there. If he does not part with one rib, he will lose all. Charon will carry in his boat both him and Louis if they are not careful.

— Peter Martyr Vermigli[27]

Ferdinand always appeared happy in front of the ambassadors, and no part of him was displeased, and he was loved as if he were Emperor Vespasian himself.

— Alvaro Fernandez de Cordova[29]

Emulating what the ancient Kings of Aragon did with their newly acquired Muslim communities (especially in Valencia),[54][4] Ferdinand imposed the extremely liberal Treaty of Granada (1491) on Granada during its capitulation. The treaty proved extremely favourable to the Muslims who got to retain their faith, customs, and attires. The new Archbishop of Granada, Hernando de Talavera, was an ardent supporter of the treaty and much like the King, he wanted to win hearts and minds which would result in a slow but resolute process of conversion. This all changed when the Archbishop of Toledo, Francisco Jimenez de Cisneros, settled in Granada in 1499. He carried out a policy of heavy-handed forced conversion which was in gross violation of the initial treaty.[3][4] This resulted in the Rebellion of the Alpujarras (1499–1501) which saw swaths of Muslim communities up in arms. As King, Ferdinand crushed the rebellion with brutal efficiency and in that same year he, along with Isabella I, issued an edict of conversion.[4] All Muslims residing in the Crown of Castile were to convert to Christianity or face expulsion. Most did convert nominally while the remaining few emigrated to North Africa. Muslims residing in the Crown of Aragon were safe under Ferdinand,[54] but they too suffered the same fate under his grandson in 1526.[4][55]

Wedding portrait of Ferdinand and Isabella

The latter part of Ferdinand's life was largely taken up with disputes with successive kings of France over control of Italy, the Italian Wars. In 1494, Charles VIII of France invaded Italy and expelled Alfonso II, who was Ferdinand's first cousin once removed and step nephew, from the throne of Naples. Ferdinand allied with various Italian princes and with Emperor Maximilian I to expel the French by 1496 and install Alfonso's son, Ferdinand II, on the Neapolitan throne. In 1501, following Ferdinand II's death and accession of his uncle Frederick, Ferdinand signed an agreement with Charles VIII's successor, Louis XII, who had just successfully asserted his claims to the Duchy of Milan, to partition Naples between them, with Campania and the Abruzzi, including Naples itself, going to the French and Ferdinand taking Apulia and Calabria. The agreement soon fell apart and, over the next several years, Ferdinand's great general Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba fought to take Naples from the French, finally succeeding by 1504.

The King of France complains that I have twice deceived him. He lies, the fool; I have deceived him ten times and more.

— Ferdinand the Catholic[56]

Some time before 1502 Andreas Palaiologos, the last surviving male heir of Emperor Constantine XI Palaiologos, bestowed his titles and rights to the Byzantine throne to Ferdinand in his last will. This move was primarily influenced by Ferdinand's successful military campaigns against the Ottoman Empire in Otranto and Cephalonia.[57] But Ferdinand never used the titles during his lifetime, feeling that they would obligate him to launch an expensive crusade.

Isabella dictating her last will while Ferdinand sits beside her

On 12 October 1504, Ferdinand's wife and queen proprietor of Castile; Isabella I, had her last will drafted and notarized, in which she stipulated their daughter Joanna as "the true queen, natural lady and universal successor". On 23 November that same year, she signed a codicil in which she stipulated that if Joanna was not physically present in the Kingdom or "being in them, she does not want to or cannot attend the governorship" it was to pass over to Ferdinand and no other, who in turn was to set up a regency headed by him for their grandson; Prince Charles, until he reached the legal age of 20. With this, Isabella set up a contingency plan in case Joanna's diagnosis was accurate and also sidelined her son-in-law; Archduke Philip, who was already bitter about Isabella outright rejecting his request of being afforded the same title as her husband: de jure uxoris King of Castile. The will made it crystal clear that Philip was simply Prince-consort of Castile with no position in the line of succession or any hand in Castile's government.[58] This was all on paper, while the real situation was anything but this clear-cut. 3 days after signing the codicil, Isabella died and since Joanna was in Flanders, thus started the 1st regency of Ferdinand.

Regardless of what the will stipulated, Ferdinand's position in Castile was precarious. Despite having become King of Castile even before he became King of Aragon, and having channeled a good portion of his prime (35 years in total) for matters pertaining to Castile (the skirmishes with Henry IV, the War of the Castilian Succession, the pacification of Galicia, the Granada War, Columbus' expeditions etc...), he was still legally a foreigner. And after Isabella's death, his legal role in Castile was limited to temporarily presiding over the government until Joanna's arrival. Since Ferdinand was the one who spearheaded the centrist policies that saw a good chunk of the castilian nobility deprived of their feudal lands, rights and privileges,[59][7][60] from their perspective this was the ideal time for payback. And it was in their best interest to swiftly replace this seasoned monarch with a novice while they had the law on their side. Coincidentally, these were all the same nobles that joined the anti-Isabelline faction during the War of the Castilian Succession. They, led by Diego Lopez de Pacheco, Marquess of Villena, Pedro Fernandez de Cordoba y Pacheco, Marquess of Priego, Juan Alonso Pérez de Guzmán, Duke of Medina Sidonia and Juan Téllez-Girón, Count of Ureña demanded Ferdinand immediately vacate Castile. This was when the Marquess of Villena uttered the most infamous words: "¡Viejo Catalanote, vuélvete a tu tierra!" (Old Catalan, go back to your country!).[61][62]

Ferdinand only had a handful of nobles, albeit powerful, on his side. They included: Fadrique Álvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alba, Íñigo López de Mendoza, Count of Tendilla, Fadrique Enríquez, Admiral of Castile, Bernardino Fernández de Velasco, Constable of Castile and Diego Fernández de Córdoba y Mendoza, Count of Cabra.[63] With their backing, he sought to empower the regency clause stipulated in Isabella's will by having Joanna declared "incapable of governing the realm" in front of the Castilian Cortés convened at Toro. This didn't go as planned but a curious opportunity presented itself that proved greatly beneficial to Ferdinand's political aspirations: it seems Joanna's mental state had worsened while in Flanders, thus preventing Philip from immediately sailing over to Castile and establishing himself via his wife because up until then, Joanna's mental health issues were merely rumor. But if the castilian nobles were to witness first hand her true state, everything could go wrong for Philip.[64] On top of all this, Philip was forced to attend to the plight of Guelders, which was then occupied by Charles of Egmont. But all through this, Philip always had one staunch ally; his father, the Emperor Maximilian. But for whatever reason, Philip opted to also ally himself with Maximilian's enemy; Louis XII of France (possibly to incentivize him into threatening Ferdinand in the pyrenees front) early that year by signing the 1st Treaty of Blois on 24 September 1504, in which Philip recognized Louis' claims to the Duchy of Milan. The treaty also included a marriage between Philip's son; Charles, and Louis' daughter; Claude.[65] This infuriated Maximilian and also forced Ferdinand to make an alliance of his own.

On 12 October 1505, Ferdinand and Louis signed the 2nd Treaty of Blois, which was an alliance strengthened by marriage. This treaty basically overwrote the aforementioned 1st treaty with Philip, and it stipulated that Ferdinand would marry Louis' niece; Germaine of Foix and restore the ceased assets and titles of the Angevin party of Naples, and in return, Louis would transfer his disputed claims to Southern Italy and the throne of Jerusalem to her while also ensuring any military action taken by the Archduke and/or the Emperor against either Ferdinand or Louis would have to overcome a joint French-Aragonese force.

This devastated Philip, who in just one day, had lost both his allies (Maximilian and Louis) and possibly the Crown of Aragon (because any male children born to Ferdinand and Germaine would bypass Joanna). This wasn't all beneficial to Ferdinand either. His second marriage, to a French princess no less, cost him the approval of Castile's majority population, who unlike the nobility, had lauded Ferdinand as their King. The people saw it as a blatant betrayal of Isabella. Ferdinand basically handed his political opponents material to further discredit him. But in the end, it was Philip who was mauled. So he entered into fresh negotiations with Ferdinand.[66]

On 24 November 1505, a concord was signed between Ferdinand and Philip (represented by Filiberto de Veyre) at Salamanca. In it, Ferdinand recognized Joanna's and by extension, Philip's, right to rule in Castile. While the couple would be invested as de jure uxoris King and Queen proprietor of Castile, Ferdinand would run the realm's everyday affairs as "Governor". The royal income would be split in half between the couple and Ferdinand. Isabella's half of the Indies would pass over to the couple while Ferdinand retained his half as per the solemn papal bull, while royal appointments were to be agreed upon by both parties.[67][68] This treaty didn't last long and finally, on 8 January 1506, Philip and Joanna set sail from Flanders towards Castile.

Ferdinand receiving the traditional kissing of the hand by the Juntas Generales after having been sworn in as Lord of Biscay under the Guernica

The nobles that sided with Ferdinand tried to convince him to confront Philip on the battlefield. As did those that sided with Philip (especially the Duke of Medina Sidonia). The couple initially planned to land in Seville to meet up with the Duke of Medina Sidonia and march into Northern Castile at the head of an army. But Juan Manuel, Lord of Belmonte (who would soon go onto be the de facto Prime Minister of Castile under Philip) discouraged Philip from taking any such rash action.[67] After a brief shipwreck in England, where Philip was forced to make concessions to Henry VII in return for his freedom, he initially planned to land in Biscay, which strongly rebuffed him saying "the land is loyal to the one sanctioned under the tree; the Lord of Biscay",[7][69] so he opted for Corunna instead. He landed there at the head of an army of German mercenaries on 26 April 1506. The castilian nobility was quick to flock to him. A curious event was Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros, Archbishop of Toledo, switching sides from Ferdinand to Philip. Nobody knew at the time this was orchestrated by Ferdinand himself.

Ferdinand faces Philip's entourage alone and unarmed

Both parties agreed to settle their disputes in a peaceful manner with the Archbishop serving as mediator. On 20 June 1506 both men met for the first time (since 1504) at Remesal where Ferdinand promised to give up all "claims and aspirations" to the Castilian throne. And on the 27 and 28, the Treaty of Villafáfila was ratified in Benavente and Villafáfila respectively. In it, Ferdinand politically ceded to Philip, who was recognized as "King and Governor of Castile" and also "Lord of the Indies" although the rents and legal ownership of the Indies were split equally between Ferdinand and Philip. Most importantly, they agreed to keep Joanna away from running the Kingdom and if any tried to change this, both men would prevent it. With this, Philip's position in Castile was solid and Ferdinand departed Castile for the Crown of Aragon.[70] Philip was invested by the Cortés of Valladolid as Philip I of Castile, and the nobles that sided with Ferdinand were forced to take oaths of fealty. But the Grand Tendilla vehemently refused, claiming that Mendozas couldn't and wouldn't serve "a pretender".[67][71][72]

After Ferdinand departed Castile, and Philip established himself there by making huge concessions to the nobility that supported him, it seemed as if the makeup of the Iberian peninsula had turned into what it was prior to 1475. Castile and Aragon were again, two separate realms, ruled by two separate monarchs who were hostile towards each other. Although Philip's reign was short (just shy of 3 months), a lot happened in that short timeframe that threatened to eradicate everything Ferdinand and Isabella had worked for 29 years.

The conflict started with Ferdinand publicly renouncing every concession he had made in the Treaty of Villafáfila as soon as he was back in Aragon. He said he was "coerced" into making them and contrary to what the treaty says, his daughter Joanna is the one and only Monarch of Castile and he will staunchly defend his daughter's god-given rights if any were to impede on them. This was the signal for the nobles who had sided with Ferdinand early on to start rebelling from inside Philip's government. The Admiral of Castile (a cousin of Ferdinand) and the Constable of Castile pressured Philip to let Joanna accompany him at every public event and co-sign every one of his decrees since she was the legal "reina propietaria". Turns out, Philip's grasp on Castile wasn't as secure as he thought. But he wasn't going to take this lying down.[67][73]

Philip started with refusing to extradite Cesare Borgia, who was imprisoned at the time in the Castle of La Mota, to Aragon despite him being an Aragonese POW. He then barred merchants from the Crown of Aragon from dealing with the Casa de Contratación in Seville or from sponsoring direct expeditionary fleets into the Indies. This was basically a trade blockade. Ferdinand replied in kind by sponsoring privateer raids from Biscay targeting Flemish merchant vessels. He also expelled Castilians from the Kingdom of Naples. A notable one being the Grand Captain (although Ferdinand and him remained life-long friends and Ferdinand bestowed on him with the most number of ducal titles held by any one man in all of Spain). Philip was being pressured on all sides but things were not over yet.[72][67]

A grain shortage hit Castile in 1506, coincidentally corresponding with the time Philip was invested as King. A deficiency in harvest was there since 1501 but this was the culmination of poor harvests and hoarding. In 1486, as part of his overall agrarian reforms, Ferdinand imposed a ceiling price of 124 maravedis per fanega on wheat.[74] This was revoked by Philip in 1506 as part of the aforementioned concessions made to the nobility. Little did he know the nobles had started to buy what little wheat was left and hoard it to artificially inflate the prices. This spiraled into a famine and the entire country was restless. But Philip wouldn't be alive to see that.[74]

On 16 September 1506, Philip had fallen dangerously ill after drinking a glass of cold water following a game of ball. It is recorded he did get better and went about his affairs comparatively well until he suddenly fell dead on 25 September while residing at the Casa del Cordón in Burgos. A rumor spread that the owner of the aforementioned residence; the Constable of Castile (who also happened to be Ferdinand's son-in-law), had poisoned the King at the behest of Ferdinand. An autopsy was carried out that put these rumors to rest.[75] Immediately following Philip's death, Joanna became beyond delirious, even prohibiting Philip's remains from being interred. After his last rites, a regency council was created presided over by the Archbishop of Toledo. He in turn sent word to Ferdinand to return and take over the regency as was stipulated in Isabella's will. Ferdinand refused until the request was co-signed by the Cortés of Castile, which it was. Thus started the 2nd regency of Ferdinand.

When the Cortés of Castile sent word for Ferdinand to take over the regency, he was in Naples undertaking much needed reform in the new Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and its accompanying island-states (like Malta). As such, he endorsed Joanna to rule the best she could until he came over. The situation in Castile was not looking good. Apart from the aforementioned famine, the nobles having been emboldened by Philip's concessions, had set out to carve out semi-autonomous states of their own at the expense of the central government. Ferdinand sent over one of his most trusted military commanders; Pedro Navarro, Count of Oliveto to assess the situation and take necessary countermeasures. By 1507, after having limited the nobles to Seville, Navarro was to kickstart the long anticipated "La Empresa de África" campaign with the end goal being the Spanish standard flying over the Holy Land.

In 1508, Ferdinand set his eyes on the newly established Kingdom of Bardis, which had gained its independence from the Kingdom of Fez in January that year with the help of the Venetians. Bardis was a corsair state that was accused of raiding the coastline of Granada and this was the casus belli Ferdinand intended to use. On 23 July 1508, a fleet led by Count Navarro conquered Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera. The Wattasid Sultan besought the neighbouring Muslim kings to intervene on his behalf but none did. But there was one that was furious at this blatant attempt at conquest; Ferdinand's son-in-law Manuel, King of Portugal, because this was rightfully the Portuguese area of influence as was established in the Treaty of Tordesillas. Ironically, the Wattasid Sultan managed to bring the Spaniards and the Portuguese together when he tried to bite more than he could chew by besieging Asilah in 1508, which was at the time, part of the Portuguese Maritime Empire. Navarro was quick to send reinforcements from Vélez de la Gomera to break the siege.

This unofficial alliance was made official by both Ferdinand and Manuel in 1509 by signing the Treaty of Sintra. The treaty established that, on the one hand, Portugal desist from any idea of conquest of the rock of Vélez de la Gomera and the rest of the territories that extended to the east, which would correspond to Spain because it was in the jurisdiction of the Kingdom of Fez, thus leaving Melilla (already in Spanish hands since 1497) and Cazaza protected against any Portuguese claims. On the other hand, Spain recognized Portuguese sovereignty over the North African territories between Vélez and Cape Bojador (on the Atlantic coast). Additionally, it was agreed that whoever violated the terms of the treaty should pay a fine of 100,000 gold doubloons. This treaty was never violated or amended even with the 1529 Treaty of Zaragoza. This was basically the green light for the Spanish conquest of North Africa.

An Aragonese armada under the command of Admiral Ramón de Cardona (rumoured to have been a bastard son of Ferdinand), carrying a joint Castilian-Aragonese army under the command of Diego Fernández de Córdoba y Arellano, Marquis of Comares, all under the spiritual guidance of Cardinal Cisneros had already conquered Mers El Kébir, which was then a part of the Kingdom of Tlemcen, on 13 September 1505. This was to serve as a launchpad into the Kingdom of Tlemcen. All was ready for the Spanish conquest of Oran (1509).

On 16 May 1509, a large fleet carrying a total of 16,000 fighting men, that cost Ferdinand a whopping 40 million maravedis, set sail from Cartagena to Mers El Kébir. From there, the Spanish under the command of Pedro Navarro, launched an amphibious assault on the city of Oran which was quickly followed by an all-out ground assault on the 18th. The city fell within a day and on the 20th, Cardinal Cisneros entered the city amidst jubilation. This was followed by a string of victories at Béjaïa, Algiers, Tunis, Tlemcen, and Tripoli. By 1510, Ferdinand was master of a network of presidios along a 2,500-mile stretch of Maghribi coastline, from Cape Bojador on the Atlantic to Tripoli on the Mediterranean. The Italian humanist; Peter Matyr wrote:

"From now on, nothing will be difficult for the Spaniards; they will undertake nothing in vain. They have sown panic throughout Africa."[76]

On 8 September 1510, Emery d’Amboise, Grandmaster of the Order of the Knights Hospitaller, based at Rhodes, wrote to Ferdinand congratulating him on his recent victories in the African cities of Bougie and Tripoli. The Knights of Saint John had ordered solemn processions to mark the conquest of Tripoli, he related, and he expressed confidence that the Spanish would soon reach Mamluk Egypt, where Amboise's military order would join forces with them to “liberate” the Holy Land. He wrote:

"May it please God that all Christians, following Your Majesty’s example, take up arms against the infidels who have afflicted the Christian nation for so long. And in their lands may we raise the banner of the cross and recover the Holy Land. May God Almighty carry out Your Majesty’s wishes and allow you to proceed with and complete the conquest of Africa as far as Egypt, where we hope to join forces with Your Highness’s army and serve God in this worthy endeavor."[77]

Much like the Grandmaster, some Spaniards (most notably Cardinal Cisneros) did hold evangelizing aspirations in Africa and worked towards that end.[78] And Ferdinand was happy to represent his African conquest as a crusade, as a war undertaken for the faith and one that led inevitably toward a Christian recovery of the Holy Land. This, of course, allowed him to make use of the funds that were raised through the cruzada levy. For at least fifteen years, this continued to be the light in which Ferdinand's African enterprise was cast. In March 1510 Pope Julius II issued the solemn papal bull "Sacrosanctae Romane", in which he praised Ferdinand's efforts “to bring an end, through blood and fire, to the perfidious sect of Islam.” Julius went on to express optimism that the African expedition that Ferdinand was planning for that summer would lead, eventually, to the ultimate “destruction of all vestiges of the impious superstition [Islam]".[79]

Pope Julius's words do not indicate whether he envisioned the conversion of African Muslims and the salvation of their souls or merely their death or subjugation as the geographical boundaries of Christendom were extended. For all the lip service Ferdinand paid to the ideals of crusade and (possibly) evangelization, in practice on the ground the King proved flexible and pragmatic, ever willing to work out an ad hoc system to preserve his conquered territories, even if that entailed abdicating the evangelical responsibilities imposed by a papal bull. Two months following Julius's Sacrosanctae Romane, Ferdinand wrote to Pedro Navarro, giving the commander instructions on how to negotiate terms with Muley Abdallah, the emir of recently conquered Bougie. What Ferdinand proposed was a condominium of sorts: he suggested that he would populate the African cities along the coast with Christians, but that the defeated emir would be allowed to control as much of the hinterland as he desired, maintaining control over his subjects, as well as all “rents, goods, and jurisdiction” (rentas, bienes, jurisdicción), while the coast should belong to Ferdinand and his successors. Along the coast, Ferdinand would enjoy complete jurisdiction over both the Christian and Muslim populations.[80][81] Ferdinand would now be "Imperator totius Africa". In recognition of his vassalage, the Muslim ruler would pay an annual tribute to Ferdinand. The arrangement allowed for the possibility of Ferdinand's acquiring new Muslim subjects. While Spanish men of the cloth may have held evangelizing aspirations in Africa, such a mission does not appear to have been a priority for Ferdinand. If one were to look for Iberian analogues to this arrangement, it might be useful to think of Muley Abdallah as a ta’ifa king entering into a relationship of vassalage with Ferdinand.

Seven months later, in December of the same year, Ferdinand wrote to Navarro again, this time giving him instructions to execute an attack on Tunis the following summer (1511). Ferdinand expressed hope that Navarro's expedition might conquer a large swath of land stretching into the interior. In the event that that should occur, wrote the king, he would "receive the Muslims of the interior as mudéjar subjects".[82] This represented a significant departure from the injunctions to evangelize that were present in Sacrosanctae Romane and the earlier "Ineffabilis et summi". It seems that, by late 1510, Ferdinand had opted for a more traditionally medieval Iberian custom of allowing ongoing Islamic practice, by a mudéjar population now subject to a Christian ruler. As Tlemcen was incorporated into the Crown of Aragon, Ferdinand's policy vis-à-vis Muslim subjects was really no different from his policy within the Crown of Aragon proper. That region of eastern Iberia would have a Muslim population up until his grandson; Charles I, applied the edict mandating conversion or exile in 1526.[83][84] Even as it accorded with his policy in Aragon, Ferdinand's approach in Africa stands in sharp contrast to the policies being simultaneously implemented in Granada.

In 1511, Pedro Navarro was restationed to Italy with the Holy League declaring war on France. With that came the end of "La Empresa de África". The campaign was a massive success and although this process of Mediterranean expansion is less well known today than the contemporaneous incursions into the Americas, in the early sixteenth century it occupied a position of utmost importance in royal policy and, not unlike its American counterpart, Spain's Mediterranean expansion required legal buttressing in order to fend off European competitors and this would later serve as the blueprint for the Scramble for Africa.

This notion was pushed into the mainstream by Pope Julius II, who behind Ferdinand's back, addressed him as "the Marrano King". Ferdinand's inner circle that was predominantly made up of conversos certainly didn't help mitigate the accusations. But it is known that Julius was pretty prejudicial towards all Iberians and he often used such sobriquet to describe them in general. Another notable person he addressed as such would be his predecessor; Pope Alexander VI. In Ferdinand's case, however, there was some truth to it. Everything seems to point to the fact that he did indeed possess Jewish ancestry, albeit remote, from his mother's side.[99]

Ferdinand's mother; Queen Joanna Enríquez, was a Trastámara as well, although unlike her husband, she belonged to a junior cadet branch of the dynasty: the House of Enríquez. This famous and powerful Castilian clan was founded by her grandfather; Alfonso Enríquez, Admiral of Castile. He was one of the bastard sons of Frederick of Castile, who was in turn the twin brother of King Henry II of Castile (both were two of many bastard children of Alfonso XI of Castile and his mistress Eleanor de Guzmán).

The supporters of Peter I of Castile (Frederick's half-brother) claimed Alfonso was the fruit of an adulterous relationship between Frederick and Peter's wife; Queen Blanche of Bourbon in an attempt to justify Peter's cruelty towards her. But even though scholars have not reached a consensus as far as the identity of Alonso's mother is concerned, it seems he was indeed the son of a converso woman. There is an anecdote about how Alfonso's Jewish roots proved an obstacle in obtaining the hand of a Castilian noblewoman; Juana de Mendoza. Galíndez de Carvajal in his additions to 'Generaciones y semblanzas' by Fernán Pérez del Pulgar, relates the famous instance of which Alfonso slapped his future bride after she declined his proposal in public, saying: "Never! Never! Doña Juana de Mendoza will never marry the son of a Jewish woman!"[99]

There is another piece of evidence pertaining to Alfonso's descent from conversos. An anonymous author in a plea to Lope de Barrientos, Bishop of Cuenca, protesting against looting and slaughter of Jews that happened in Toledo in 1449, describes the lineages related to Jews and conversos: "Going further up, it is not necessary to recount the children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren of the noble gentleman and of great authority, the admiral Don Alonso Henriquez, who on one side descends from Don Alfonso [Alfonso XI of Castile] and Don Henrique el Viejo [Henry II of Castile], and on the other side, comes from this [Jewish] lineage."[99]

The Portuguese chronicler Fernao Lopes was one of the first ones to put forward a theory generally accepted by modern historians: that the Admiral was the son of a Jewish woman called 'Paloma'. Doña Paloma was apparently a converso born in Guadalcanal, who also happened to be a concubine of Frederick of Castile. Other scholars such as Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga contest her place of birth as having been Llerena. According to Dr. Mario Sabán, Paloma's full name was Yonati "Paloma" Bat Gedaliah and she was the daughter of Shelomo Ha Zaken Ben David.[99]

There is also a recorded instance where while Ferdinand was engaged in Falconry, his falcon started pursuing a heron and flew out of sight before giving up to start chasing after a dove. Ferdinand, having lost track, inquired one of his accompanying nobles; Martín de Rojas, as to the whereabouts of his falcon, to which he responded "Señor, there it goes after our grandmother" ("dove" in Spanish is "paloma"). It was generally regarded that most of the then Castilian nobility were descendants of Paloma. "There is almost no gentleman who is not descended from Doña Paloma" happened to be a common ballad at the time. Another most notable house attached to Doña Paloma was the Ducal House of Alba. Frederick Álvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alba (a cousin of King Ferdinand and grandfather of the famous Iron Duke), was also thought to have had Jewish ancestry.[99]

With his first wife, Isabella I of Castile (whom he married on 19 October 1469), King Ferdinand had seven children:

1. Isabel of Aragon (1470–1498), Princess of Asturias and Girona (1497–1498). She married first Afonso, Prince of Portugal, then after his death married his uncle Prince Manuel, the future King Manuel I of Portugal. She died giving birth to her son, Miguel da Paz, Crown Prince of Portugal and Spain who, in turn, died in infancy.
2. A son, miscarried on 31 May 1475 in Cebreros.
3. Juan of Aragon (1478–1497), Prince of Asturias (1478–1497) and Girona (1479–1497). He married Margaret of Habsburg. He died of tuberculosis and his posthumous child with Margaret was stillborn.
4. Juana of Aragon (1479–1555), Princess of Asturias (1500–1504) and Girona (1500–1516) and Queen of Castile (1504–1555) and Aragon (1516–1555). She married Archduke Philip and was the mother of King Charles I of Spain (also known as Charles V). Due to her mental instability, she was confined to the Palace of Tordesillas indefinitely by her father and son.
5. Maria of Aragon (1482–1517). She married King Manuel I of Portugal, the widower of her elder sister Isabella, and was the mother of King John III of Portugal and of the Cardinal-King Henry I of Portugal.
6. The stillborn twin of Maria (sex disputed). Born on 1 July 1482.
7. Catalina of Aragon (1485–1536). She married first Arthur, Prince of Wales, son and heir of King Henry VII of England. After Prince Arthur's death, she married his brother Henry, Duke of York, who also became Prince of Wales and then King Henry VIII. By marriage, she was Queen of England, and was the mother of Queen Mary I of England.

With his second wife, Germaine of Foix (whom he married on 19 October 1505), King Ferdinand had one son:

1. Juan of Aragon, Prince of Girona, who died hours after being born on 3 May 1509.

He also left several illegitimate children, two of them were born before his marriage to Isabella:

With Aldonza Ruiz de Iborre y Alemany, a Catalan noblewoman from Cervera, he had:

• Alonso of Aragón (1469–1520). Archbishop of Zaragoza and Valencia.

With Joana Nicolaua, a Valencian noblewoman from Xàtiva, he had:

• Juana of Aragón (1469 – 1510). Countess of Castilnuovo and by marriage to Bernardino Fernández de Velasco, 1st Duke of Frías, Countess of Haro and Duchess of Frias.

With Luisa de Estrada, an Asturian noblewoman from Llanes, he had:

• Alonso de Estrada (1470-1530). Duke of Aragón, Treasurer and Governor of the Viceroyalty of New Spain.

With Toda de Larrea, a Basque noblewoman from Álava, he had:

• Maria Blanca (1477 – 1537). Prioress of the Monasterio de Nuestra Señora de Gracia in Ávila.[100]

With Juana Pereira, a Portuguese noblewoman from Alcântara, he had:

• Maria Esperanza (1480 - 1548). Abbess of the Monasterio de Nuestra Señora de Gracia in Ávila.[101]

With Nazari Aixa bint Muhammad, daughter of the last Nasrid Sultan, Muhammad XII of Granada, he had:

• Miguel Fernandez (1494 – 1575). Knight of Granada, titular Prince of the Kingdom of New Granada and Secretary to Francesco Melzi, Niccolò Machiavelli and Pope Adrian VI.

• Knight of the Order of the Fleece
• Knight of the Order of the Collar
• Knight of the Order of the Garter
• Grand Master of the Order of the Jar
• Grand Master of the Order of Santiago
• Grand Master of the Order of Calatrava
• Grand Master of the Order of Alcantara
• Grand Master of the Order of Montesa

• Catholic Monarchs
• Spanish Empire

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Ferdinand II of Aragon.

• Azcona, T. (20 July 1998). "Ferdinand II, king of Spain". Encyclopædia Britannica.