Apollonis of Cyzicus

Apollonis (Greek Ἀπολλωνίς Apollōnís) was the wife of Attalus I, the first ruler of Pergamon (now Bergama, Turkey). The dates of her birth and death are unclear; scholars estimate that she was born around 240 BCE.,[1] while estimating her death as any time between 175 and 159 BCE.[2] Apollonis outlived her husband, who was approximately 30 years older than her,[1] by many years.[3]

For the muse, see Apollonis.

Born in Cyzicus (an independent city-state) to an elite/rich[4] but plebeian (demotes;[3] δημότις[5]) family, Apollonis married Attalus around 223 BCE.[5] The lack of noble blood was likely not an area of contention, considering the Attalids’ own plebeian/commoner origins.[6] She was given the title of basilissa (Βασίλισσα)[7] upon her marriage,[8] recognizing her newfound status and reinforcing the prestige and legitimacy of the Attalid dynasty.[9]

Apollonis gave birth to four sons (in order: Eumenes 222/1, Attalus, Philetairos and Athenaios). She was praised for this “exemplary” fertility and her motherhood was thereafter stressed as a fundamental part of her identity,[10] as family virtues were for the whole of the Attalid dynasty. Upon the death of Attalus I in 197 BCE, she remained an influential part of the household in her widowhood, as she was the only woman of authority for many years and saw to her relatively-young sons’[11] education. The brothers were recognised as the sons of not only Attalus I, but Apollonis as well, in the letters, decrees, and inscriptions of allied cities throughout the kingdom,[12] in a departure from the normal patriarchal Hellenistic tradition.

Her main project in life was the expansion of the Sanctuary to Demeter at Pergamon, which was likely made in honour of the birth of her sons[13] and expanded upon the smaller original[14] by Attalus’ ancestor, Philetairos[15] through her own dowry funds.[16][17] She immortalizes herself by including her name on the inscription on the entrance, a prominent place that all visitors would see, which reads: “Queen Apollonis dedicates these stoas and these structures as a thank-offering to Demeter and Kore Thesmophoros.[18]” In financing a place where primarily large amounts of women would gather,[19] she would create a strong sense of gratitude and loyalty towards herself.[20]

Political importance and agency

Apollonis was by no means a passive[21] part of the ruling family. She maintained balance between a public and private[22] household, often using her own reputation as a “perfect” mother to increase her power and importance, or used by others to increase their own by association (as was the case her husband, sons, and daughter-in-law[23]). Indeed, her role as basilissa likely paralleled[24] that of her husband, in that while the king was in charge of military endeavours, she offered a form of “peaceful” conquest through the establishment of a cultural identity[25] and personal connection with the citizens that would engender stronger loyalty throughout the kingdom, through this “empathetic” image of a “queen-mother.[26]” She made herself to be known as the ideal woman, in her devotion to family and religious piety, promoting a few key aspects to create an easily-transmitted-and-digested construct that would come to be known as “homonoia.[27]” Rather than pushing boundaries of expected gender roles,[28] she used the expectation to her advantage to create a political caricature and ensure a favourable lasting memory.

Her origin at Cyzicus would further connect various points of the kingdom, particularly through the reminder of her presence at Pergamon as a publicly-emphasized figure. Rather than marrying into a noble family relatively removed from their citizens, her original middle-class status would reinforce the idea the Attalids were pushing that they epitomized the “traditional family values of the Greek polis,[29]” whilst still presenting themselves as inheritors to great monarchies (i.e. the Ptolemies and Seleukids). The royal ideology thus centered around the commonality of the family and its importance to the citizenry, resulting in Apollonis as a key figure in this political presentation. As a result, she was commonly invoked as a symbolic avatar in diplomacy and propaganda, reinforcing the union between the royals and poleis through spectacle, to the point “the bonds of political loyalty promoted by them were essentially bonds of loyalty to a family.[30]” This was done by making regular appearances in public,[31] both alone and as an essential part of the royal family unit (rather than simply a concubine or one-of-many women vying for favouritism in a polygamic relationship[32]), while also receiving public honours and named recognition from around the Hellenistic world.[33] She also created a reputation for herself as a “benefactress,[34]” particularly for her expansion of the Sanctuary of Demeter at Pergamon.Her importance would continue in the form of a pseudo-dynastic[35] ruler cults,[36] which gave additional ideological legitimacy and a charismatic memory[37] whilst allowing for the involvement of the poleis in establishing expectations for loyalty.[38] Ruler cults mimicked religious rituals[39][40] with an expectation of help from the honoured individual. It was only upon their death that the Attalids would be declared “gods” (theos/theas),[41] in a departure from other dynastic practices,[42] often aligning themselves with a god or goddess favoured by the declarers.[43]

Achievements

Ancient praises

Ancient inscriptions and literary sources largely praise Apollonis, although these sources sometimes come under doubt for a potentially artificial construct on the part of the Attalids and their allies.[44] However, it is likely a certain extent was warranted; the praise for her piety is supported by her building project at the Sanctuary of Demeter, and even dynastically motivated propaganda wouldn't survive if there wasn't basic affection between her and her sons, especially if even basic affection was compared to other dynasties witnessed by the same authors. Most praise overlaps with her political identity related to motherhood and religious piety. She received several complementary epithets.[45] Some prominent praises are as follows:

  • Polybius’ The Histories (185 BCE) - 22.20.1-8 [3]
  • Decree of Antiochus IV : Honours for king Eumenes II and his brothers (175 BCE) - OGIS 248[46]
  • Decree of Hierapolis (between 167 and 159 BCE) - OGIS 308[47]
  • Plutarch's Moralia (100 AD)[48]

Unity of family

Her connection to family offered another avenue for her own political gain, in the form of influence over her husband and sons[49] (and by extension, their policies, decisions, etc.) and the connections she had in Cyzicus.

Husband and sons

Although her status was considered “lesser” to her husband and she had no influence in politics stricto sensu, their marriage union provided a strong symbol for dynastic and personal propaganda.[50][51] By departing from the polygamic problems of other dynasties, they strengthened the opinion of the dynasty as a whole via this portrayal of stability.

Her influence was arguably great over her sons. This is seen in her direct involvement with their education[52] as youths[53][54] and her presence as the only parent for a majority of their adult lives,[55] cementing her domestic authority via these mother-child bonds. The political advantages of harmonious sons is seen in the lack of infighting and alleged trust amongst the brothers,[48] which would then be praised by witnesses[56] and contrasted with the violence of other dynasties.[57][58]

Family at Cyzicus

Apollonis’ new court at Pergamon likely resulted in certain positions of power or honour to be given to her family from Cyzicus.[59] She also imparts a piece of her paternal heritage in the naming of her sons; whilst the first three are named after the male ancestors of Attalus I, her youngest is named after her own father,[60] a civic dignitary of Cyzicus.[61] Such connections would further strengthen the bonds of kinship and friendship between the two cities, as her descendants put their own claim of inheritance on the area.[62]

Post-death cult

By the Hellenistic period, ruler cults were a relatively well-established aspect of Greek culture,[63] particularly in the introduction by the polies or by a ruler in honour of a deceased family member.[36] The rulers acted as an avatar, connecting “removed” deities[64] with mortal worshippers and “answering” their prayers via means awarded to them by their own elevated rank.[65] This legitimized a central government[66] via the local traditions and civic memory, working as an ancient form of diplomacy.

Apollonis was deified and celebrated by cults throughout Asia Minor, this status legitimized by the existence of temples[67] or shrines dedicated to her, alongside a dedicated cultic priest and annual celebration, including ritualistic sacrifices and public processions, likely in association with a popular fertility goddesses,[43] such as Aphrodite and Demeter.[68] Hers is a unique situation: it is impossible to tell if her cults are “spontaneous” and unrelated civic cults, or if it was a deliberate attempt on behalf of her sons to establish a kingdom-wide dynastic cult in the name of “spreading the monarchic ideology and gaining the loyalty of subjects far from the centers of power,”[69] in preparation of their own rule and subsequent death cult. This is further complicated by the Attalids’ practice of “limited divine honours”[70] in life and deification only after death, to contrast the practice of the Ptolemies and the Seleucids.[71]

She received honours, consolatory decrees[72] to her surviving family, and deification in various cities throughout the Pergamon kingdom and their allies in Rome and Athens. Notable examples of her cult are located at Teos and Cyzicus. The existence of a cult at Pergamon itself, where her body was entombed by her sons in the Great Temple of Hera,[73] continues to be debated.

Cult at Teos

Relations between the Attalids and Teos often fluctuated,[74] but became relatively stable by the time Apollonis’ cult was established there. The city decreed divine honours and established an altar “in the most conspicuous place,”[75] dedicated to thea Apollonis eusebes apobateria[76] (θεά Απολλωνίς Ευσεβής).[77]  She was declared a divine patroness of motherhood, marriage, and education. The decree is fairly detailed and gives insight into the honours she may have received at other cities. This included a joint priest between Aphrodite and Apollonis, a joint priestess between the goddess Apollonis and the living-queen Stratonice,[78] and an annual festival which involved a chorus of young boys and dance performance by young girls, as well as a sacrifice on her altar[79]

Apollonis was strongly allied with Aphrodite at Teos,[68] known as her synnaos (σύνναος),[80] through their joint association with motherhood.[81]

For the full text, see: Epigraph at Teos (between 166 and 159 BCE) - OGIS 309; Teos 45 [78]

Cult at Cyzicus

Details about the actual cult practices for Apollonis at Cyzicus are less extensive than at Teos, despite the construction of an actual temple devoted solely to her (see Temple of Apollonis). Certain aspects about the Teos cult or her in-life projects likely had parallels in her worship at Cyzicus, particularly in her association with Aphrodite[82] or Demeter, the epithets she received,[83] and the religious celebrations.[84]

Notes
  1. Van Looy, Herman (1976). "Apollonis Reine de Pergame". Ancient Society. 7: 153.
  2. OGIS 248 lines 56–7 indicates she was still alive in 175. Bielman 2003 and Van Looy 1976 both agree with the range of 175-159. Müller and Wörrle 2002 date an inscription to 168-64 describing her as ‘thea,’ putting the latest date, according to Mirón 2018a:41, at 164 BCE. Mirón further argues for this date based on an inscription at Andros dated to 166 mentioning her under her “living” title of “basilissai.”
  3. Polybius (1922). The Histories. Translated by Paton, William R. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. pp. 443–445.
  4. Zanon 2009 argues against the idea that she was a “simple girl from Kyzikos” like Kosmetatou 2003:168 had done, citing her financing of the Demeter sanctuary at Pergamon as evidence of a wealthy paternal household. Van Looy 1976:151, Bielman 2003:48 and Ballestrazzi 2017:129 also describe her as a “fille de riches bourgeois,” “riches mais dépourvus de lignage prestigieux,” and “borghesia cizicena,” respectively.
  5. Ballestrazzi, Chiara (2017). "Gli Stylopinakia e il tempio della regina Apollonide di Cizico. Una revisione letteraria e archeologica del terzo libro dell'Anthologia Palatina". Rivista di Filologia e di Istruzione Classica. 145 (1): 129. doi:10.1484/J.RFIC.5.123424.
  6. The first in the dynasty, Philetairos, was from a “non-noble family” who “seized independent power, though under the Seleukid sphere of influence, in the modest site of Pergamon and the surrounding territory” (Mirón 2020:210). The dynasty was unorthodox beyond its lack of Macedonian nobility; before Attalus I and Apollonis, power was transferred from uncle to nephew (Zanon 2009:143). Furthermore, the mothers of these prior Attalids also had “a geographical and social background far different from that of the Macedonian noble women who usually served as influential Hellenistic royal women” (Mirón 2020:210), but were no less important to collective memory on account of their birthing of kings, as evidenced by the preservation of their names in prominent inscriptions, temples, etc.
  7. Exact translation of this term is debated (c.f. Mirón 2020, Carney 2011); it is the female counterpart of the male basileus (βασιλεύς) which means “king.” Basilissa is often translated as “queen” as a result, but can refer to any royal woman (i.e. princess, sister, royal concubine, etc.).
  8. Polybe V 43.4; Justin XXIV 3.1 (cf. Van Looy 1976:163); Kearsley 2005:98-9 argues against the title being seen as a “gift” of power, stating: “...the titles of a female are frequently said to have accrued only because she shared office with a male relative. The plausibility of such a view is undermined by the frequent reliance on sources which emanate from a variety of cultural traditions outside Asia Minor. Account must be taken of differences now recognised to exist between specific regions within the empire or, indeed, between individual cities within a single region such as Asia Minor.”
  9. Bielman 2003:51-2 writes: “...il indique que l'on ne naissait pas reine, mais qu'on le devenait par l'union avec un roi. [...] De toute façon, le titre conférait à celles qui le portaient une véritable dimension publique, même s'il ne signifiait pas (en tout cas pas immédiatement) une extension des pouvoirs effectifs des reines : l'attribution du titre royal à l'épouse d'un roi servait prioritairement les intérêts de ce dernier en renforçant son prestige et en légitimant la descendance issue du couple royal.”
  10. Mirón 2020:212 writes: “Consequently, Apollonis was a successful queen who fulfilled her fundamental mission of ensuring the easy transmission of royal power by providing the dynasty with heirs. But she would also become a model of motherhood in the context of Greek ideology, where having male offspring was the vital goal of every free woman. This fruitful motherhood would have been significant both in terms of her prestige within the royal family and in the construction of her public image. At the same time, it elevated the whole dynasty and its self-representation as a paradigm of family virtues.” She continues on 215: “There were fertile royal mothers in other dynasties, like Laodike III, but even when their status as mothers was present in their public image, motherhood did not play the central role observable for Apollonis, nor was affection between mother and children so highly emphasized.”
  11. Eumenes was 25 and Attalus was 18; Philetairos and Athenaios were thus even younger, Athénaios born at the latest in 215 BCE (Van Looy 1976:155-6).
  12. IIasos 6 honours her as some form of benefactress in 182 BCE: “...since king Eumenes, the son of king Attalos and queen Apollonis, who is, like his ancestors, a friend and well-wisher and benefactor of the people…” ; FD_3.3.40 in 182 BCE also recognises her alongside her children but interestingly not her late husband (likely due to his deification by this point): “...therefore it is resolved by the Aetolians to praise king Eumenes and his brothers Attalos, Philetairos and Athenaios and their mother queen [Apollonis] and the people of Pergamon, for their piety towards the gods…” ; IvO_312 in 174 BCE: “The people of Athens dedicated this statue of Philetairos of Athens, the son of king Attalos and queen Apollonis, who is their benefactor.” ; ClaraRhod_2.172 in 184 BCE: “...given the good things that have occurred, the priests and priestesses shall open all the temples and pray that victory and power should be given to king Eumenes both by land and sea in the future too, 20 and also to his mother queen Apollonis and his brothers…”
  13. Zanon 2009:141-3 argues convincingly for this early building date, citing that the “thanksgiving” inscription to a mother-goddess in celebration of “a gift that ensured the continuation of the Attalid dynasty and promised prosperity to the kingdom as a whole” would be appropriate “at Pergamon where there had been difficulty securing the line of succession,” and “if the renovation was carried out at a later date, when her sons were grown, Apollonis would likely not have given it as a thank-offering but, perhaps, in memory of her late husband or as a gift to the city of Pergamon. Conversely, her sons might then also have dedicated the buildings in her honor, as Philetairos I and Eumenes I did a generation earlier or as Eumenes II and Attalos II themselves did at Cyzicus,” thus establishing it being done in her lifetime.
  14. She added an additional courtyard and seating area that could hold approximately 800-850 people, along with several stoas, altars, a larger and more elaborate entrance (propylon), bathing basins, additional rooms for storage or the preparation of offerings, and a terrace connected to subterranean rooms (megara) which were likely for the secret performance of the thesmophoria ritual.
  15. The original inscription sets a precedent for the site and the Attalids as a whole: “Philetairos and Eumenes dedicate [this] to Demeter on behalf of their mother Boas.” Thus, in honouring the mother, you further the honour of the family as a whole.
  16. Etienne, Roland (1992). "Autels et sacrifices". In Schachter, Ariela (ed.). Le Sanctuaire grec. Geneva: Fondation Hardt. p. 297.
  17. Another reference to her origin at Cyzicus is the choice of deities at the sanctuary, suggesting that she imported the cult of Kore (the chief deity of her birthplace) (Zanon 2009:141), alongside decorative elements that do not have a precedent in the area (Van Looy 1976:155)
  18. Zanon 2009:139 writes: “Apollonis’ dedication in the Demeter Sanctuary was also not a unique case of female architectural patronage; on the contrary, this kind of participation in public life and generosity toward the city was likely expected of a woman of her status.”
  19. As a gathering space for women and young girls to undergo the thesmophoria (a type of secret rite-of-passage for girls to learn “how” to express emotions in a patriarchal society and celebrate fertility of the earth and motherhood—aspects essential for the “peaceful” continuance of Greek society), Apollonis likely would become a form of adoptive or symbolic mother, with the ritual highlighting importance practices of motherhood (the pain of giving birth, loving a child, grieving a child, etc.). Thus, whilst she had no biological daughters, she would be associated with this mother-daughter practice and thus influence the social lives of the participants. The citizens of her kingdom would thus come to a conclusion of her presence in their lives as a “queen-mother,” whether you are a man living vicariously through her born-sons, or a woman living vicariously through her religious-daughters. Her eventual cultification as a mother goddess would then cement this idea. Gautier 1985:74-5 and Carney 2011 both note that queens served as a role model for the female population.
  20. The sanctuary is a political project, foremost. She creates a space by women, for women, trusting that her own fame and reputation is great enough to preserve her own individual legacy, rather than that of the family as a whole. Merely mentioning her title (basilissa) is enough to establish her status and social importance.
  21. Mirón 2018a writes: “...the agency of a Greek Hellenistic Queen, Apollonis [...] in the construction of the dynastic image as a harmonious loyal family, and in the settlement of bonds of friendship and loyalty between monarchy and cities, inside and outside the kingdom. [...] In this sense, bonds of loyalty favored by Apollonis were at the same time dynastic and political, and her actions must be understood as political.”
  22. Savalli-Lestrade 2003:65 writes: “La Βασίλισσα n’est tantôt rien ďautre que la femme du roi, [...] elle demeure alors pour ainsi dire dans l'ombre et intervient dans les coulisses, grâce précisément à sa fonction d'épouse et de mère de rois —, tantôt [. . .] elle est l'équivalent "féminin" du βασιλεύς, reconnue comme détentrice du pouvoir royal ; elle occupe alors le devant de la scène.” Mirón 2018a:32 also writes: “Public and private are intertwined in royal families, as they are “private” institutions within which the political system is reproduced. Much of what happens in a royal family, even if it does not have public visibility, has political relevance, starting with the very fact of giving birth and raising political leaders.”
  23. Stratonice married Eumenes II sometime around 174 BCE (Mirón 2018a:41); OGIS 308 praises the good relationship between Apollonis and Stratonice; Mirón 2020:215-6 writes: “As for Stratonice, she was not associated with figures of early times, but with the new goddess Apollonis, who was once a mortal. [...] ...the figure of the new queen was shaped by the model of the queen mother, in solidarity and continuance with her.”
  24. Bielman 2003:60 writes: “La royauté féminine grecque présente, par plusieurs aspects, un étroit parallélisme avec la royauté masculine : comme les rois, les reines séleucides et attalides se caractérisaient par des privilèges, des titres, des actes diplomatiques et évergétiques spécifiques ; comme les rois, les reines étaient des personnages publics et leur univers domestique revêtait nécessairement une coloration politique ; comme les rois, les reines participaient activement à la construction de l'idéologie dynastique et de la propagande royale.”
  25. Zanon 2009:151 writes: “Monuments like the Sanctuary of Athena and the Great Altar at Pergamon, or the Stoa of Attalos II at Athens have been discussed as representatives of a new, Pergamene, building style — first formulated in the second century and with the intent to advance the dynasty and to communicate notions of royalty and prosperity, history and longevity.”
  26. This idea of a “queen-mother” was further established by locals, who would connect her to goddesses and historical/mythical mothers popular in Asia Minor.
  27. Ballestrazzi 2017:129 writes how she was at the center of political policy called “ὁμόνοια” (homonoia) which de Mauriac 1949:106 translates as “being of one mind together.”
  28. The realms of motherhood and religion were largely the only spheres in which a woman could participate and hold power in the Hellenistic world.
  29. Mirón, Dolores (2020). "Royal Mothers and Dynastic Power in Attalid Pergamon". In Carney, Elizabeth; Müller, Sabine (eds.). The Routledge Companion to Women and Monarchy in the Ancient Mediterranean World. Abingdon: Routledge. p. 212.
  30. Mirón, Dolores (2018). "From Family to Politics: Queen Apollonis as Agent of Dynastic/Political Loyalty". In Dunn, Caroline; Carney, Elizabeth (eds.). Royal Women and Dynastic Loyalty: Queenship and Power. London: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 38.
  31. Van Looy 1976:155 mentions a visit to the temple of Apollo Klarios with her sons ; Polyb 22.20 recounts her visit to her hometown of Cyzicus after 184 BCE.
  32. Bielman 2003:47 writes: “Dans les systèmes monarchiques polygames hellénistiques, la procréation de fils, d'héritiers, constituait un facteur déterminant pour la position de la reine. Toutefois, la forte mortalité infantile, combinée avec la polygamie, donnait aux épouses des rois un sentiment d'insécurité puisqu'elles pouvaient en tout temps à la fois perdre leur(s) fils et supporter une ou des rivale(s) susceptible(s) de mettre au monde d'autres enfants mâles. La polygamie générait, en outre, des systèmes familiaux amphimétriques, source de rivalités et de conflits. [...] Apollonis est présentée implicitement comme l'exact opposé des autres reines hellénistiques, certes dotées de sang royal, mais remariées au gré des alliances politiques et prêtes à assassiner leur mari ou leurs enfants pour gagner des parcelles de pouvoir.” Kosmetatou 2003:168 similarly stresses that the power that the Attalids gained was in large part due to “the construction of leaders who possessed qualities that their contemporary rulers lacked. These were, of course, the proverbial Attalid family values. [...] This practice was sharply contrasted to the infamous family feuds that repeatedly broke out in other Hellenistic monarchies.”
  33. Bielman 2003:52-3 writes: “Les fastes de la cour et les honneurs offerts aux monarques par des cités constituaient autant de signes de prestige. Les mariages royaux étaient ainsi l'occasion de fêtes luxueuses dont le but était de mettre à l'honneur la nouvelle souveraine autant que son époux. [...] Les visites officielles de souverains étaient l'occasion de bains de foule pour la reine comme pour le roi, accueillis par un cortège des habitants de la cité, notables en tête.”
  34. Euergesia ; religious benefaction
  35. Walbank 1993:216 argues that there is “no evidence for an official dynastic cult in Pergamum but they were given cult recognition in many cities.” This ambiguity extends to Apollonis; her post-death cults are in too many places to which she had political ties to be entirely random civic cults, but not large enough to qualify as a formal dynastic cult.
  36. Chaniotis, Angelos (2003). "The Divinity of Hellenistic Rulers". In Erskine, Andrew (ed.). A Companion to the Hellenistic World. Oxford: Blackwell. pp. 431–445.
  37. Walbank 1993:217 writes: “...the incorporation of the king and his wife and ancestors among the city cults did not, to be sure, change the legal relationship between king and city, but did often create ties of goodwill and sentiment.”
  38. Chaniotis 2003:440 writes: “The relevant inscriptions suggest that the royal cult was an instrument used by the poleis in order to establish a close relationship with a monarch and directly express both their gratitude for past and their expectation of future benefactions. The narration of the relevant decrees explains the cult not as recognition of superhuman, godlike achievements, but as recognition of past services.”
  39. That is to say, they did not see the living rulers as gods (yet), but rather capable of sponsoring extensive aid similar to a godly miracle. Thus, they received “isotheoi timai” or “honours equal to the gods,” subtly asserting that the monarch is not god but still deserves respect (Chaniotis 2003:433).
  40. Van Nuffelen 1998:175 writes: “Une astuce empruntée aux rois orientaux par leurs successeurs hellénistiques, visant à canaliser les sentiments religieux des sujets vers eux-mêmes, un moyen de stabiliser leur pouvoir en le sacralisant, voilà l'opinion générale.”
  41. Walbank, Frank (1993). The Hellenistic World. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. pp. 216–217.
  42. The Seleucids, etc.; Bielman 2002:45 states: “...ils ont cherché à accentuer encore cette différence en insistant sur leur stabilité familiale et leur attachement mutuel, en refusant les honneurs divins de leur vivant et en ne tolérant que quelques sacrifices officiels ou processions solennelles lors de leurs anniversaires.”
  43. Van Nuffelen 1998:189 writes: “Puisqu'il dépendait de la religion, le culte des souverains était conservateur. Il n'a jamais révolutionné la religion grecque. Il s'est greffé sur les traditions et les divinités populaires dont la religion grecque montre une telle abondance. Sur l'arbre de la religion grecque, qui poussa un peu dans tous les azimuts, il s'est fixé comme du gui, cherchant les branches qui lui offriraient les meilleures conditions de vie. Mais ne soyons pas dupe: son fond était plus innovateur - la déification d'hommes vivants.”
  44. Many Roman or pro-Roman sources present a positive image of Apollonis, in line with the fact that the Attalids and the Romans were war allies and maintained good relations (Hansen 1971;120-8). Apollonis matched or may have even inspired the idea of a Roman matron and “ideal” mother (Mirón 2018b:168).
  45. Van Looy 1976:156 mentions “εὐσεβής” (eusebes) meaning “the Pious” and “σωφροσύνη” (sophrosune) for her prudence; she also received “θείᾱ” (thea) upon her death to represent her “godly” ascension.
  46. Austin, Michel (2006). Hellenistic World from Alexander to the Roman Conquest : A Selection of Ancient Sources in Translation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 370–371.
  47. Hansen, Esther (1971). The Attalids of Pergamon. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. p. 456.
  48. Plutarch (1939). "De fraterno amore". Moralia, Volume VI. Translated by Helmbold, W. C. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. p. 259.
  49. Mirón 2018b:159 writes: “Regardless of the manner and the extent to which their proximity to power materialises in practice, women fulfill a key political role: to transmit royal power and produce heirs to the throne. Providing and raising future political leaders is a political act in itself.”
  50. Some scholars allege that they married for love rather than political reasons, unheard of for such high-ranking individuals. Such a claim is debated among modern historians, but simply having this debate in modern times proves the attractiveness of its use in propaganda, regardless of its veracity.
  51. Bielman 2003:47 writes: “Le lien unissant le roi à son épouse la reine titulaire - mère du ou des héritier(s) - était important pour la stabilité de la dynastie et relevait de la propagande royale. [...] L'affection de la reine pour son époux constituait donc un motif officiel de la reconnaissance du roi. [...] Les Attalides ont fait de la glorification du rôle conjugal et maternel de la reine l'un des piliers de leur propagande dynastique.”
  52. OGIS 248 praises both Attalos and Apollonis for their role in their sons’ education.
  53. Whilst this is not the basis of a formal study, one could argue that Cyzicus’ value on education transmitted itself through Apollonis’ involvement in guaranteeing them an excellent education (OGIS 248), which may have been what ultimately inspired her sons to sponsor the creation of the Library of Pergamon.
  54. Mirón 2018b:165 writes: “Apollonis’ role as educator was one of the aspects that had public resonance and recognition. Education was one of the elements that prepared princes for accession to the throne, and, thus, was important for all the Hellenistic royal dynasties. But, in the case of the Attalids, education, and especially moral education, was also central in their self-representation. They were also the only dynasty where the educational role of the queen enjoyed international recognition.”
  55. Considering the many wars and disputes Attalos I was involved in, it’s likely that she was also a prominent figure in the home and her sons’ childhood whilst he was away.
  56. Fehr 1997:51 writes: “The popular and deeply-rooted conviction that harmony and solidarity between blood relatives were indispensable for the coherence, safety, and prosperous future of a society could be supported particularly by citing the authority of Hesiod: in his works and Days, discord and strife between brothers, or between children and parents, are characteristics of a society perishing because of its lack of justice and shame.”
  57. Schneider 1967:633 writes: “In a period when fraternal strife and assassination weakened both Macedonia and Syria, [...] the stability and harmony of the Attalid leadership was a notable asset for Pergamům.”
  58. Whilst it is likely that the true extent of this harmony was exaggerated, it is true that they avoided sibling conflict: for example, when Eumenes II is thought to be dead after a war battle, Attalus II takes the throne and marries his widow. However, upon his recovery, Attalus peacefully steps down and returns his wife.
  59. Van Looy 1976:154 writes about Apollonis’ family receiving priesthoods: “...plusieurs membres de la famille d'Apollonis occupèrent des fonctions sacerdotales tandis que Sosandros [Apollonis’ relative] porta le titre de σύντροφος et ἀναγκαϊοςdu souverain régnant et fut chargé de plusieurs missions.” Hasluck 1910:176 claims another Athenaeus, “a Cyzicene citizen of Apollonis' family, was presented to the important priesthood of Dionysus Kathegemon at Pergamum.”
  60. Van Looy 1976:154 writes: “Tandis que les trois premiers fils d'Attale I et d'Apollonis, Eumène, Attale et Philétairos, portaient des noms propres à la dynastie des Attalides, le cadet reçut le nom de son grand-père maternal, ce qui fut certainement apprécié à Cyzique et probablement aussi en Grèce.”
  61. Iossif, Panagiotis P. (2012). Apollonis, wife of Attalos I. Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell. p. 1.
  62. Two letters from Attalus II and Eumenes II further claim this side of their mother’s family as their own, with Attalus calling Sosandros his “kinsmen” (OGIS 315 VI) and Eumenes considering himself related to Miletus, the metropolis of Cyzicus, through his mother (Welles 1934:63-5). Dana 2014:210 also connects Apollonis’ brother’s great-grandson Athenaios with Attalus III, supporting the multi-generational connection through Apollonis.
  63. Caneva, Stefano (2012). "Queens and Ruler Cults in Early Hellenism: Festivals, Administration, and Ideology". Kernos. 25: 75–101. doi:10.4000/kernos.2104.
  64. “291 BCE: “For the other gods are either far away, or they do not have ears, or they do not exist, or do not take any notice of us, but you we can see present here; you are not made of wood or stone, you are real.” (Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae VI.253b-f; Burstein 7; trans. Austin 2006:94)”
  65. Caneva 2012: 77 writes: “This status suits someone whose acts have shared the same effectiveness as divine interventions against dangerous crises: having rescued individuals, temples and cities from problems whose solution exceeded their individual and social energies, the benefiting ruler may be thought to deserve godlike treatment.”
  66. Such a legitimacy is represented by the cultic priests; Van Nuffelen 1998:176 writes that “comme les titres auliques le pullulement de prêtres a évolué vers un système dont chaque changement nous indique un ébranlement de l'équilibre du pouvoir.” Chaniotis 2003:437 adds: “When the Attalids took over the largest part of Asia Minor (188/187 ) they retained the institution of the high priest for their own dynastic cult (SEG 47.1519).”
  67. Chaniotis 2003:438 clarifies: “An important difference between ruler cult and the cult of the gods is that temples (naoi) were rarely dedicated to rulers, either living or dead; only literary sources refer to temples of kings (of Alexander in Athens, of Seleukos I in Lemnos, of Ptolemy II in Byzantion) and only in the context of the polis cult.”
  68. Aphrodite was strongly aligned with Apollonis in several cults, likely due to her association with the Greek woman’s role to procreate, as well as Apollonis’ origin in a port city, which she would visit by sea, placing her under Aphrodite’s oceanic protection. The association of Demeter with motherhood and fertility has previously been mentioned. The Great Altar of Pergamon also connects her to the mythical mother Auge, as well as the dynastic mother of the Attalids, Boas. Identification of Apollonis with other popular goddesses in Asia Minor (such as Athena and Artemis) is largely refuted by Van Nuffelen 1998 on the basis of contrary ideology, whilst her possible connection to Hera through queenhood/wifehood is debated due to Hera’s reputation as a non-maternal wife versus the account of Apollonis’ son’s creation of a temple to Hera Basileia, a cult that had previously not been celebrated in Pergamon (Fehr 1997:53), along with Apollonis’ burial at this site rather than at her own dedicated temple in Cyzicus. It is possible the image of Hera was solely associated with Stratonice, in representative of “the most important protectress of the rising generation of Pergamum” (Fehr 1997:53), but this continues to circle around to Stratonice’s modeling after Apollonis.
  69. Bielman, Anne (2003). "Régner Au Féminin. Réflexions Sur Les Reines Attalides Et Séleucides". Pallas. 62: 53.
  70. I.Perg. 246; OGIS 332; IG 22885
  71. Van Looy, Herman (1976). "Apollonis Reine de Pergame". Ancient Society. 7: 151–152.
  72. For Hierapolis, see OGIS 308; Eumenes II named a city after her in ancient Lydia, located halfway between Pergamon and Sardis (Strabo 13.3.3-5), as well as an Attic demos (Suda s.v. “Apollonieis”); Attalus II had a statue of her erected in Pergamon (OGIS 307; Hansen 1971:100)
  73. Hansen 1971:457 argues for the existence of a post-death cult for Apollonis at Pergamon: “Suidas, s.v. Ἀπολλωνιὰς λίμνη states that Attalus enshrined his mother, "after she had changed her abode, in the largest shrine at Pergamon, which he had built himself." The only temple which we can assign to the reign of Attalus II is that of Hera Basileia above the gymnasium. Since the socle of the base for the cult statues had a triple division, a statue of Apollonis might well have stood to the right of Hera, with that of her son to the left. Also, if Apollonis was the synnaos of Hera, it is evident why the temple was dedicated to Hera the Queen.” He also mentions her allusion at the Great Altar of Pergamon on page 456: “...as to the worship of Apollonis in Pergamon itself, one suggestion is that in the time of Eumenes II and of Attālus II the cult of the ancient Meter Basileia came to be regarded as that of the apotheosised queen and mother, and' that the figure seated under the Doric aedicula on the Telephus freeze depicted both the goddess and the queen.” Van Looy 1976:164 points out such a conclusion is unable to be proven, and Ballestrazzi 2017:128 throws doubt upon the veracity of Suida as a source, calling their passage “contradictory.” Mirón 2020 supports her having a cult at Pergamon.
  74. During the time of Attalus I, Teos was forced to ally with Pergamon in exchange for hostages and tribute payments until their liberation by Antiochus III of the Seleucids; this ended in 188 BCE when Antiochus lost against Eumenes II and was annexed into the kingdom of Pergamon (Mirón 2018a:35). This instability and oftentimes antagonistic relationship makes any honour for Apollonis a surprise, proving their fondness for her independently from her family, likely on account of her lack of participation in military endeavors and “kindly’ diplomatic visits, as well as being a declaration of wellbeing towards the Attalids as a whole.
  75. This is likely the agora nearest to the port; Hansen 1971:456 hypothesized that this location was where she would disembark by boat. Robert 1970:19 agrees that she would have a dedicated altar on the agora at the port, rather than one inside the Temple of Aphrodite
  76. The epithet “apobateria” can be translated as “one who disembarks,” alluding to Apollonis’ prior royal visit(s) to Teos where she arrived by boat. Similar epithets allude to this award based on royal visits, such as kataibates (“who descends”), epibaterios (“who embarks”) or embaterios (“who enters”). See Robert 1970:314–6. Iossif 2012 translates this title to English as: “Apollonis the divine, the pious, the one who disembarks.”
  77. Robert, Louis (1970). Etudes anatoliennes: recherches sur les inscriptions grecques de l'Asie mineure. Amsterdam: A. M. Hakkert. pp. 9–20.
  78. Bielman, Anne (2002). "7. Instauration du culte de la reine Apollonis". Femmes en public dans le monde hellénistique, IVe-Ier s. av. J.-C. Paris: SEDES. pp. 42–46.
  79. Hansen 1971:456 notes the number of high-ranking civic and temple officials involved in this sacrifice (a priest, a priestess, “the prytanis, the overseers of the temples, and the rest of the magistrates”) and their annual practice, as well as the youths involved: “After the prayers, libations, and sacrifices, the free boys sang a song beside the altar, and maidens chosen by the paidonomos sang a hymn and took part in a choral dance.” Mirón 2018b:166 further clarifies that the youths were “selected by the paidonomos, the official responsible for supervising the education of youths” and that “the Greek choruses of adolescents had a ritual educational function. In the case of boys, it was to assume their future roles as citizens, whereas for girls, it consisted of assuming their role as wives and mothers of citizens,” continuing Apollonis’ reputation as an educator. Bielman 2002:42 notes such a sacrifice would also require the services of “les timouques et les stratèges” to calculate the yearly cost.
  80. Can loosely be understood as a temple-sharing partner ; OGIS 309 ; c.f. Louis Robert, Etudes anatoliennes, 9-20.
  81. Such an association was not rare (but as a major goddess, no less significant); Aphrodite was the preferred representative of motherhood in Hellenistic Greece, amongst both the Attalids and the Seleucids. Carney 2000:30-34 notes that she played a major role in female-oriented cults since the end of the 4th century BCE Bielman 2002:43 also states: “Aphrodite était considérée fréquemment comme déesse de la maternité ; en établissant un lien cultuel étroit entre ces deux figures féminines, ce sont les qualités maternelles d’Apollonis que l’on entendait souligner. Un parallèle s'établissait également entre la figure maternelle d'Aphrodite, protectrice des humains, et la reine Apollonis, patronne bienveillante de ses sujets, garante de la fécondité et de la prospérité du royaume.” C.f. Caneva 2012:94, Van Looy 1976:164.
  82. As Cyzicus was another port city that she visited by boat in her lifetime, certain scholars believe a similar connection to the Marine Aphrodite is possible, including the lost location of the temple as being somewhere near the harbour (see Hasluck 1910:174-6, Massa-Pairault 1981-2:164-7; however, both these scholars’ arguments are based on little evidence and largely doubted). The association of Aphrodite and motherhood would also apply here. It is possible that an association with an already-existing goddess wasn’t necessary, as such a spontaneous deification would likely be wildly popular in her hometown, rather than seen as a foreign power forcing worship.
  83. The epithets of thea and eusebes were likely extended to Cyzicus, considering their occurrence in various cities, and thea as a common term to refer to a deified ruler.
  84. Greek worship, while accounting for regional variations, largely had similar practices for ruler cults, including an annual ritualistic sacrifice, a procession, and athletic or musical performances and/or competitions. C.f. Chaniotis 2003 & Walbank 1993.

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