Restoration Movement

Interior of the original meeting house at Cane Ridge, Kentucky

In 1801, the Cane Ridge Revival in Kentucky planted the seed for a movement in Kentucky and the Ohio River valley to disassociate from denominationalism. In 1803 Barton W. Stone and others withdrew from the Kentucky Presbytery and formed the Springfield Presbytery. The defining event of the Stone wing of the movement was the publication of Last Will and Testament of The Springfield Presbytery, at Cane Ridge, Kentucky, in 1804. The brief document announces their withdrawal from Presbyterianism and their intention to be solely part of the body of Christ.[38] The writers appeal for the unity of all who follow Jesus, suggest the value of congregational self-governance, and declare the Bible as the source for understanding the will of God. They denounced the "divisive" use of the Westminster Confession of Faith[4]^: 79 and adopted the name "Christian" to identify their group.[4]^: 80

Bust of Barton W. Stone, in cemetery, at Cane Ridge

By 1804 Elias Smith had heard of the Stone movement and the O'Kelly movement by 1808.[33]^: 190 Although not formally merged, the three groups were cooperating and fellowshiping by 1810.[33]^: 190 At that time the combined movement had a membership of approximately 20,000.[33]^: 190 This loose fellowship of churches was called by the names "Christian Connection/Connexion" or "Christian Church."[13]^: 68[33]^: 190

The cornerstone for the Stone movement was Christian freedom.[13]^: 104 This ideal of freedom led them to reject all the historical creeds, traditions and theological systems that had developed over time and to focus instead on a primitive Christianity based on the Bible.[13]^: 104–5

While restoring primitive Christianity was central to the Stone movement, they believed that restoring the lifestyle of members of the early church is essential. During the early years, they "focused more... on holy and righteous living than on the forms and structures of the early church.[13]^: 103 The group also worked to restore the primitive church.[13]^: 104 Concerned that emphasizing particular practices could undermine Christian freedom, this effort tended to take the form of rejecting tradition rather than an explicit program of reconstructing New Testament practices.[13]^: 104 The emphasis on freedom was so strong that the movement avoided developing any ecclesiastical traditions; it was "largely without dogma, form, or structure."[13]^: 104–5 What held "the movement together was a commitment to primitive Christianity."[13]^: 105

Another theme was that of hastening the millennium.[13]^: 104 Many Americans of the period believed that the millennium was near and based their hopes for the millennium on their new nation, the United States.[13]^: 104 Members of the Stone movement believed that only a unified Christianity based on the apostolic church, rather than a country or any of the existing denominations, could lead to the coming of the millennium.[13]^: 104 Stone's millennialism has been described as more "apocalyptic" than that of Alexander Campbell, in that he believed people were too flawed to usher in a millennial age through human progress.[39]^: 6, 7 Rather, he believed that it depended on the power of God, and that while waiting for God to establish His kingdom, one should live as if the rule of God were already fully established.[39]^: 6 For the Stone movement, this millennial emphasis had less to do with eschatological theories and more about a countercultural commitment to live as if the kingdom of God were already established on earth.[39]^: 6, 7 This apocalyptic perspective or world view led many in the Stone movement to adopt pacifism, avoid participating in civil government, and reject violence, militarism, greed, materialism and slavery.[39]^: 6

The Campbell wing of the movement was launched when Thomas Campbell published the Declaration and Address of the Christian Association of Washington in 1809.[4]^: 108–11 The Presbyterian Synod had suspended his ministerial credentials. In The Declaration and Address, he set forth some of his convictions about the church of Jesus Christ. He organized the Christian Association of Washington in Washington County, Pennsylvania on the western frontier of the state, not as a church but as an association of persons seeking to grow in faith.[4]^: 108–11 On May 4, 1811, the Christian Association reconstituted itself as a congregationally governed church. With the building it constructed at Brush Run, Pennsylvania, it became known as Brush Run Church.[4]^: 117 When their study of the New Testament led the reformers to begin to practice baptism by immersion, the nearby Redstone Baptist Association invited Brush Run Church to join with them for the purpose of fellowship. The reformers agreed, provided that they would be "allowed to preach and to teach whatever they learned from the Scriptures."[40]^: 86

Alexander Campbell

Thomas' son Alexander came to the U.S. to join him in 1809.[13]^: 106 Before long, he assumed the leading role in the movement.[13]^: 106 The Campbells worked within the Redstone Baptist Association during the period 1815 through 1824. While both the Campbells and the Baptists shared practices of baptism by immersion and congregational polity, it quickly became clear the Campbells and their associates were not traditional Baptists. Within the Redstone Association, some of the Baptist leaders considered the differences intolerable when Alexander Campbell began publishing a journal, The Christian Baptist, which promoted reform. Campbell anticipated the conflict and moved his membership to a congregation of the Mahoning Baptist Association in 1824.[4]^: 131 In 1827, the Mahoning Association appointed Walter Scott as an evangelist. Through Scott's efforts, the Mahoning Association grew rapidly. In 1828, Thomas Campbell visited several of the congregations formed by Scott and heard him preach. Campbell believed that Scott was bringing an important new dimension to the movement with his approach to evangelism.[4]^: 132–3

Alexander used The Christian Baptist to address what he saw as the key issue of reconstructing the apostolic Christian community in a systematic and rational manner.[13]^: 106 He wanted to clearly distinguish between essential and non-essential aspects of primitive Christianity.[13]^: 106 Among what he identified as essential were "congregational autonomy, a plurality of elders in each congregation, weekly communion and immersion for the remission of sins."[13]^: 106 Among practices he rejected as non-essential were "the holy kiss, deaconesses, communal living, footwashing and charismatic exercises."[13]^: 106

Walter Scott

Several Baptist associations began disassociating congregations that refused to subscribe to the Philadelphia Confession.[41] The Mahoning Association came under attack. In 1830, The Mahoning Baptist Association disbanded. The younger Campbell ceased publication of the Christian Baptist. In January 1831, he began publication of the Millennial Harbinger.[4]^: 144–5

The Age of Enlightenment had a significant influence on the Campbell movement.[13]^: 80–6 Thomas Campbell was a student of the Enlightenment philosopher John Locke.[13]^: 82 While he did not explicitly use the term "essentials" in the Declaration and Address, Thomas proposed the same solution to religious division as had been advanced earlier by Locke and Edward Herbert: "[R]educe religion to a set of essentials upon which all reasonable persons might agree."[13]^: 80 The essentials he identified were those practices for which the Bible provided: "a 'Thus saith the Lord,' either in express terms or by approved precedent."[13]^: 81 Unlike Locke, who considered the earlier efforts by Puritans to be inherently divisive, Thomas argued for "a complete restoration of apostolic Christianity."[13]^: 82 Thomas believed that creeds served to divide Christians. He also believed that the Bible was clear enough that anyone could understand it and, thus, creeds were unnecessary.[42]^: 114

Alexander Campbell was also deeply influenced by Enlightenment thinking, in particular the Scottish School of Common Sense of Thomas Reid and Dugald Stewart.[13]^: 84 This group believed that the Bible related concrete facts rather than abstract truths, and advocated a scientific or "Baconian" approach to interpreting the Bible. It would begin with those facts, arrange the ones applicable to a given topic, and draw conclusions from them in a way that has been described as "nothing less than the scientific method applied to the Bible."[13]^: 84 Alexander reflected this Baconian approach when he repeatedly argued that "the Bible is a book of facts, not of opinions, theories, abstract generalities, nor of verbal definitions."[13]^: 84 Just as a reliance on facts provides the basis for agreement among scientists, Alexander believed that if Christians limited themselves to the facts found in the Bible they would necessarily come to agreement.[13]^: 84 He believed that those facts, approached in a rational and scientific manner, provided a blueprint or constitution for the church.[13]^: 85 Alexander was attracted to this scientific approach to the Bible because it offered a reliable basis for Christian unity.[13]^: 84

Thomas Campbell combined the Enlightenment approach to unity with the Reformed and Puritan traditions of restoration.[13]^{: 82, 106} The Enlightenment affected the Campbell movement in two ways. First, it provided the idea that Christian unity could be achieved by finding a set of essentials that all reasonable people could agree on. Second, it also provided the concept of a rational faith that was formulated and defended based on facts derived from the Bible.[13]^: 85, 86 Campbell's solution to achieve Christian unity combined forsaking the creeds and traditions, which he believed had divided Christians, and recovering the primitive Christianity, found in scripture, that was common for all Christians.[13]^: 106

Alexander Campbell's millennialism was more optimistic than Stone's.[39]^: 6 He had more confidence in the potential for human progress and believed that Christians could unite to transform the world and initiate a millennial age.[39]^: 6 Campbell's conceptions were postmillennial, as he anticipated that the progress of the church and society would lead to an age of peace and righteousness before the return of Christ.[39]^: 6 This optimistic approach meant that, in addition to his commitment to primitivism, he had a progressive strand in his thinking.[39]^: 7

The Disciples do not have bishops; they have elders

— early movement historian William Thomas Moore[53]

From the beginning of the movement, the free exchange of ideas among the people was fostered by the journals published by its leaders. Alexander Campbell published The Christian Baptist and The Millennial Harbinger. Stone published The Christian Messenger.[45]^: 208 Both men routinely published the contributions of persons whose positions differed radically from their own. Following Campbell's death in 1866, the journals were used to keep the discussions going. Between 1870 and 1900, two journals emerged as the most prominent. The Christian Standard was edited and published by Isaac Errett of Cincinnati. The Christian Evangelist was edited and published by JH Garrison from St. Louis. The two men enjoyed a friendly rivalry and kept the dialog going within the movement.[45]^: 364

The Gospel Advocate was founded by the Nashville-area preacher Tolbert Fanning in 1855.[54] Fanning's student William Lipscomb served as co-editor until the American Civil War forced them to suspend publication in 1861.[55] After the end of the Civil War, publication resumed in 1866 under the editorship of Fanning and Lipscomb's younger brother David Lipscomb; Fanning soon retired, and David Lipscomb became the sole editor.[56] While Lipscomb was the editor, the focus was on seeking unity by following scripture exactly, and the Advocate's editorial position was to reject anything that is not explicitly allowed by scripture.[57]

The Christian Oracle began publication in 1884. It was later known as The Christian Century and offered an interdenominational appeal.[45]^: 364 In 1914, Garrison's Christian Publishing company was purchased by R.A. Long. He established a non-profit corporation, The Christian Board of Publication" as the Brotherhood publishing house.[45]^: 426

The Christadelphians, Church of the Blessed Hope, and Church of God (General Conference) also have roots in the restoration movement, but took their own direction about this time.

In 1832 Walter Scott baptised John Thomas, an English doctor who had emigrated to the United States. Thomas was a strong supporter of Alexander Campbell and the principles of the Disciples movement, and he quickly became a well-known leader and teacher. In 1834, however, Thomas took a contrary position to Campbell on the significance of baptism which led to a sharp conflict between the two men. While Campbell believed baptism by immersion to be very important, he recognised as Christians all who believed Jesus of Nazareth to be Messiah and Lord, and recognised any prior baptism. For this reason, members of Baptist churches who joined the Disciples movement were not required to be baptised again. Thomas, on the other hand, insisted that a baptism based on a different understanding of the gospel to that held in the Disciples movement was not a valid baptism, and he called for rebaptism in his periodical, the Apostolic Advocate. Campbell viewed this as sectarianism, which cut across the fundamental commitment of the Disciples movement to "the union of all Christians," and rejected "anabaptism." The two men became estranged.

Thomas began to refuse to share prayer, worship, or communion with those he considered not to be validly baptised Christians. His theological views also continued to develop. By 1837 he was teaching annihilationism, and he debated a Presbyterian clergymen, Isaac Watts. Campbell interpreted this as materialism and believed that it undermined the biblical doctrine of the resurrection, and he reacted strongly. In the Millennial Harbinger Campbell announced that he could no longer consider Thomas a brother. Many congregations of Disciples took this as an indication that they should withhold fellowship from Thomas, and he found himself on the margins of the movement. Thomas continued to have supporters among the Disciples but moved further from Christian orthodoxy. In 1846 he published a "Confession and Abjuration" of the faith he held at his baptism, and he arranged to be baptised again. Despite this, when he toured the United Kingdom to give prophetic lectures in 1848–1850 he played down his separation from the Disciples movement, in an endeavour to access congregations in Britain. But his true position was discovered by James Wallis and David King, and the movement closed ranks against him.

In 1864 he coined the name "Christadelphian" for those who shared his views and sought to register as conscientious objectors to military service. The name was adopted by Robert Roberts, the Scottish protege of Thomas, for the periodical which he had just begun to publish in Birmingham; and the sect began to grow rapidly.

Benjamin Wilson left the Disciples about the same time as Thomas, but split with Thomas in 1863 over disagreements about eschatology, forming the Church of God of the Abrahamic Faith. During the American Civil War his followers also sought to register as conscientious objectors. Some congregations were unable to register this name because of local regulations and chose an alternative name, Church of the Blessed Hope; but the two names referred to the same sect. The sect divided in 1921, and the Church of God (General Conference) was formed by the larger grouping.

In 1849, the first national convention was held at Cincinnati, Ohio.[45]^: 245 Campbell had concerns that holding conventions would lead the movement into divisive denominationalism. He did not attend the gathering.[45]^: 245 Among its actions, the convention elected Campbell its president and created the American Christian Missionary Society (ACMS).[45]^: 247 By the end of the century, the Foreign Christian Missionary Society and the Christian Woman's Board of Missions were also engaged in missionary activities. Forming the ACMS did not reflect a consensus of the entire movement, and these para-church organizations became a divisive issue. While there was no disagreement over the need for evangelism, many believed that missionary societies were not authorized by scripture and would compromise the autonomy of local congregations.[58]

The ACMS was not as successful as proponents had hoped.[59] It was opposed by those who believed any extra-congregational organizations were inappropriate; hostility grew when the ACMS took a stand in 1863 favoring the Union side during the Civil War.[59][60] A convention held in Louisville, Kentucky, in 1869 adopted a plan intended to address "a perceived need to reorganize the American Christian Missionary Society (ACMS) in a way that would be acceptable to more members of the Movement."[59] The "Louisville Plan," as it came to be known, attempted to build on existing local and regional conventions and to "promote the harmonious cooperation of all the state and District Boards and Conventions."[59][61] It established a General Christian Missionary Convention.[61] Membership was congregational rather than individual.[59][61] Local congregations elected delegates to district meetings, which in turn elected delegates to state meetings.[59] States were given two delegates, plus an additional delegate for every 5,000 members.[59] The plan proved divisive and faced immediate opposition.[59][61] Opponents continued to argue that any organizational structure above the local congregational level was not authorized by scripture, and there was a general concern that the board had been given too much authority.[59] By 1872 the Louisville Plan had effectively failed.[59][61] Direct contributions from individuals were sought again in 1873, individual membership was reinstated in 1881, and the name was changed back to the American Christian Missionary Society in 1895.[59][61]

Melodeon

The use of musical instruments in worship was discussed in journal articles as early as 1849, but initial reactions were generally unfavorable.[62]^: 414 Some congregations, however, are documented as having used musical instruments in the 1850s and 1860s.[62]^: 414 An example is the church in Midway, Kentucky, which was using an instrument by 1860.[62]^: 414 A member of the congregation, L. L. Pinkerton, brought a melodeon into the church building.[62]^: 414[63]^: 95, 96[64]^{: 597–598} The minister had been distressed to his "breaking point" by the poor quality of the congregation's singing.[63]^: 96 At first, the instrument was used for singing practices held on Saturday nights but was then incorporated into worship on Sundays.[63]^: 96 One of the elders of that assembly removed the first melodeon, but it was soon replaced by another.[63]^: 96

Both acceptance of instruments and discussion of the issue grew after the Civil War.[62]^: 414 Opponents argued that the New Testament provided no authorization for their use in worship, while supporters argued on the basis of expediency and Christian liberty.[62]^: 414 Affluent urban congregations were more likely to adopt musical instruments, while poorer and more rural congregations tended to see them as "an accommodation to the ways of the world."[62]^: 414

The Encyclopedia of the Stone-Campbell Movement notes that Restoration Movement historians have tended to interpret the controversy over the use of musical instruments in worship in ways that "reflect their own attitudes on the issue."[62]^: 414 Examples are given of historians from different branches of the movement interpreting it in relation to the statements of early Restoration Movement leaders, in terms of social and cultural factors, differing approaches to interpreting scripture, differing approaches to the authority of scripture, and "ecumenical progressivism" versus "sectarian primitivism."[62]^: 414–5

The early 19th-century Restoration Movement encompassed very different views concerning the role of clergy: the Campbell branch was strongly anti-clergy, believing there was no justification for a clergy/lay distinction, while the Stone branch believed that only an ordained minister could officiate at communion.[51]

Early leaders of the movement had a high view of scripture and believed that it was both inspired and infallible.[65] Dissenting views developed during the 19th century.[65] As early as 1849, Pinkerton denied the inerrancy of the Bible.[64][65] According to the Encyclopedia of the Stone-Campbell Movement Pinkerton is "sometimes labeled the first 'liberal' of the Stone-Campbell Movement."[64] In addition to rejecting the plenary inspiration of the Bible and supporting the use of instruments in worship, Pinkerton also supported "open membership" (recognizing as members individuals who have not been baptized by immersion)[66] and was a strong supporter of the temperance and abolition movements.[64] As the 19th century progressed, the denial of the inerrancy of the Bible slowly spread.[65] In 1883 the editor of the Christian Standard, Isaac Errett, said "Admitting the fact of inspiration, have we in the inspired Scriptures an infallible guide?... I do not see how we can answer this question affirmatively."[65] Others, including JW McGarvey, fiercely opposed these liberal views.[65]

Disagreement over centralized organizations above the local congregational level, such as missionary societies and conventions, was one important factor leading to the separation of the Churches of Christ from the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ).[58] After the Civil War more congregations began using instruments, which led to growing controversy.[62]^: 414 The greatest acceptance was among urban congregations in the Northern states; very few congregations in the Southern United States used instruments in worship.[62]^{: 414–415} While music and the approach to missionary work were the most visible issues, there were also some deeper ones, such as basic differences in the underlying approach to Biblical interpretation. For the Churches of Christ, any practices not present in accounts of New Testament worship were not permissible in the church, and they could find no New Testament documentation of the use of instrumental music in worship. For the Christian Churches, any practices not expressly forbidden could be considered.[4]^: 242–7 The Civil War exacerbated the cultural tensions between the two groups.[68]

As the 19th century progressed, a division gradually developed between those whose primary commitment was to unity and those whose primary commitment was to the restoration of the primitive church.[39]^: 5, 6 Those whose primary focus was unity gradually took on "an explicitly ecumenical agenda" and "sloughed off the restorationist vision."[39]^: 6 This group increasingly used the terms "Disciples of Christ" and "Christian Churches" rather than "Churches of Christ."[39]^: 6 At the same time, those whose primary focus was restoration of the primitive church increasingly used the term "Churches of Christ" rather than "Disciples of Christ."[39]^: 6 Reports on the changes and increasing separation among the groups were published as early as 1883.[4]^: 252

The rise of women leaders in the temperance[69]^{: 728–729} and missionary movements, primarily in the North, also contributed to the separation of the unaffiliated Christian Church/Church of Christ congregations. In the Christian Churches, many women spoke in public on behalf of the Christian Woman's Board of Missions and Woman's Christian Temperance Union. In contrast, the Churches of Christ largely discouraged women from joining activist women's organizations and speaking in public about any issue.[70]^{: 292–316} In 1889 the Erie, Illinois, Christian Church confirmed the leadership role of women by ordaining Clara Babcock as the first known woman Disciple preacher.[71]^: 47–60

The United States Census Bureau began a religious census in 1906.[72][73] Special Agents were used to collect information on those groups which had little or no formal organizational structure, such as the churches associated with the Restoration Movement.[72][73] Officials working on the census noticed signs that the movement was no longer unified: the Gospel Advocate appeared at times to distance itself from the Disciples of Christ, and the Bureau had received at least one letter claiming that some "churches of Christ" were no longer affiliated with the "Disciples of Christ."[72][73]

To resolve the question, Census Director Simon Newton Dexter North wrote a letter to David Lipscomb, the editor of the Advocate.[72][73] He asked:

I would like to know: 1. Whether there is a religious body called "Church of Christ," not identified with the Disciples of Christ, or any other Baptist body? 2. If there is such a body, has it any general organization, with headquarters, officers, district or general conventions, associations or conferences? 3. How did it originate, and what are its distinctive principles? 4. How best can there be secured a complete list of the churches?[73]

Lipscomb summarized the early history of the movement, described the "general organization of the churches under a missionary society with a moneyed membership" and the "adoption of instrumental music in the worship" as "a subversion of the fundamental principles on which the churches were based," and then continued:[73]

There is a distinct people taking the word of God as their only and sufficient rule of faith, calling their churches "churches of Christ" or "churches of God," distinct and separate in name, work, and rule of faith from all other bodies of people.[72][73]

The 1906 U.S. Religious Census for the first time listed the "Churches of Christ" and the "Disciples of Christ" as separate and distinct groups.[4]^: 251This, however, was simply the recognition of a division that had been growing for years, with published reports as early as 1883.[4]^: 252 The process that led to this separation had begun prior to the Civil War.[74]^: 17–8

For Lipscomb, an underlying theological concern was the adoption of German liberal theology by many among the Disciples wing of the Restoration Movement.[75] He saw them as taking a direction very different from the principles enunciated by Thomas and Alexander Campbell.[75] Lipscomb's response to the Census Bureau, and its official listing of the two groups in 1906, became another source of friction between the groups.[72][73] James Harvey Garrison, editor of The Christian-Evangelist, accused Lipscomb of "sectarianism." Lipscomb said that he had "done nothing to bring about the present condition of affairs," the Census Bureau had started the discussion, and he had simply answered the question they brought to him.[72][73]

Movement historian Douglas Foster has summarized the events this way:

The data reflected what had already happened (and what continued to happen for at least another decade). The Census Bureau itself had noticed a rift between Churches of Christ and Disciples of Christ, and in the interest of reliable data collection tried to ascertain if that was true. Lipscomb agreed that it was accurate to list the two separately; Garrison did not. The division did not begin or happen in 1906 — it was nearing its end. The government did not declare the division; the Census Bureau simply published data it received.[72]

When the 1906 U.S. Religious Census was published in 1910 it reported combined totals for the "Disciples or Christians" for comparison to the 1890 statistics on the movement, as well as separate statistics for the "Disciples of Christ" and the "Churches of Christ."[52] The Disciples were by far the larger of the two groups at the time.[52]^{: 28, 514}

Generally speaking, the Disciples of Christ congregations tended to be predominantly urban and Northern, while the Churches of Christ were predominantly rural and Southern. The Disciples favored college-educated clergy, while the Churches of Christ discouraged formal theological education because they opposed the creation of a professional clergy. Disciples congregations tended to be wealthier and constructed larger, more expensive church buildings. Churches of Christ congregations built more modest structures and criticized the wearing of expensive clothing at worship.[51]^: 109 One commentator has described the Disciples "ideal" as reflecting the "businessman," and the Church of Christ "ideal" as reflecting "the simple and austere yeoman farmer."[51]^: 109

Churches of Christ have maintained an ongoing commitment to purely congregational structure, rather than a denominational one, and have no central headquarters, councils, or other organizational structure above the local church level.[76]^: 214[5]^: 449[42]^: 124[77]^: 238[78]^: 103[79]

After the separation from the Churches of Christ, tensions remained among the Disciples of Christ over theological liberalism, the nascent ecumenical movement and "open membership."[80]^: 185 While the process was lengthy, the more conservative unaffiliated Christian Church/Church of Christ congregations eventually emerged as a separately identifiable religious body from the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ).[80]^: 185 Some commentators believe divisions in the movement have resulted from the tension between the goals of restoration and ecumenism, and see the Churches of Christ and unaffiliated Christian Church/Church of Christ congregations resolving the tension by stressing restoration while the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) resolve the tension by stressing ecumenism.[76]^: 210[5]^: 383

All of the three major U.S. branches of the movement share the following characteristics:

• A high view, compared to other Christian traditions, of the office of the elder; and[81]^: 532
• A "commitment to the priesthood of all believers".[81]^: 532

The term "restoration movement" has remained popular among the Churches of Christ and the unaffiliated Christian Church/Church of Christ congregations.[9]^: 551 Because of the emphasis it places on the theme of restoration, it has been a less comfortable fit for those whose primary focus has been on the theme of unity.[9]^: 551 Historically, the term "Disciples of Christ" has also been used by some as a collective designation for the movement.[9]^: 551 It has evolved, however, into a designation for a particular branch of the movement—the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ)—as a result of the divisions of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.[9]^: 551

The movement as a whole grew significantly over the course of the 20th century, and the relative size of the different groups associated with the movement shifted as well.[82]

The International Churches of Christ (ICOC) had their roots in a "discipling" movement that arose among the mainline Churches of Christ during the 1970s.[97]^: 418 This discipling movement developed in the campus ministry of Chuck Lucas.[97]^: 418 In 1967, Chuck Lucas was minister of the 14th Street Church of Christ in Gainesville, Florida (later renamed the Crossroads Church of Christ). That year he started a new project known as Campus Advance (based on principles borrowed from the Campus Crusade and the Shepherding movement). Centered on the University of Florida, the program called for a strong evangelistic outreach and an intimate religious atmosphere in the form of soul talks and prayer partners. Soul talks were held in student residences and involved prayer and sharing overseen by a leader who delegated authority over group members. Prayer partners refers to the practice of pairing a new Christian with an older guide for personal assistance and direction. Both procedures led to "in-depth involvement of each member in one another's lives," and critics accused Lucas of fostering cultism.[98]

The Crossroads movement later spread into some other Churches of Christ congregations. One of Lucas' converts, Kip McKean, moved to the Boston area in 1979 and began working with the Lexington Church of Christ.[97]^: 418 He asked the congregation to "redefine their commitment to Christ," and introduced the use of discipling partners. The congregation grew rapidly and was renamed Boston Church of Christ.[97]^: 418 In the early 1980s, the focus of the movement moved to Boston where McKean and the Boston Church of Christ became prominently associated with the trend. With the national leadership located in Boston, during the 1980s it commonly became known as the "Boston movement."[97]^: 418

In 1990 the Crossroads Church of Christ broke with the Boston movement and, through a letter written to The Christian Chronicle, attempted to restore relations with the mainline Churches of Christ.[97]^: 419 By the early 1990s some first-generation leaders had become disillusioned by the movement and left.[97]^: 419 The movement was first recognized as an independent religious group in 1992 when John Vaughn, a church growth specialist at Fuller Theological Seminary, listed them as a separate entity.[99] Time magazine ran a full-page story on the movement in 1992 calling them "one of the world's fastest-growing and most innovative bands of Bible thumpers" that had grown into "a global empire of 103 congregations from California to Cairo with total Sunday attendance of 50,000".[100]

A formal break was made from the mainline Churches of Christ in 1993 when the movement organized under the name "International Churches of Christ."[97]^: 418 This designation formalized a division that was already in existence between those involved with the Crossroads/Boston movement and "mainline" Churches of Christ.[5][97]^: 418 Other names that have been used for this movement include the "Multiplying Ministries" and the "Discipling Movement".[98]

• Rice Haggard (1769–1819)[113]
• Abner Jones (1772–1841)[114]
• Thomas Campbell (1763–1854)[115]
• Elijah Martindale (1793–1874), active in Indiana[116][117]
• Amos Sutton Hayden (1813–1880)[118]
• James A. Garfield (1831–1881), first Restoration Movement member to be elected United States President, the others being Lyndon B. Johnson (1908–1973) and Ronald Reagan (1911–2004)
• Marshall Keeble (1878–1968) His successful preaching career notably bridged a racial divide in the Restoration Movement prior to the American Civil Rights Movement.[119][120]

• Caroline Neville Pearre
• John Oakes (apologist)