Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia

The 5th Congress, held on 21–28 July 1948, amended the party statute. According to Ranković, the statute adopted "was by and large a copy of the Statute of the Soviet Communist Party".[1] Like its Soviet counterpart, the Yugoslav party centralised most decision-making at the expense of lower-level organs.[2] The 6th Congress, held on 2–7 November 1952, amended the statute. These amendments weakened the central committee. The statute of the 5th Congress had bestowed on the central committee the right to appoint and dismiss party organisers in special areas. This right was now deemed undemocratic and harmful to party development. Moreover, the position of "Candidate of the Central Committee", where the officeholder had "no right except an advisory vote", was abolished. If, by any chance, central committee vacancies were reduced to a third of those elected at the previous congress, an extraordinary congress was to be convened to elect members to fill the remaining spots.[3] The 6th Congress also sought to democratise and make the party more transparent in its activities. For instance, the proceedings of the 3rd Extraordinary Session of the Central Committee of the 6th Congress were publicly broadcast and made public in written form in Komunist, which was in contrast to the Soviet Central Committee which kept its activities mostly secret.[4] These changes remained in force until the 8th LCY Congress, held on 7–13 December 1964.[5]

The 8th LCY Congress sought to clarify in the statute the accountability of the LCY Executive Committee to the central committee.[5] According to scholar April Carter, "Despite the stated intention of the new Statute to subordinate the Executive Committee to the wider body of the Central Committee, no real change appears to have occurred [...] although there was an indication, made in a brief aside at the Fifth [Session] in October 1966, that attempts had been made earlier to invigorate the Central Committee through reorganisation".[5] Critiques of Ranković claimed that he had created a machine within the LCY Central Committee that was neither accountable to the sessions of the central committee nor its executive committee.[6] Ranković defended himself, saying that he barred the other secretaries from discussing issues outside their scope of responsibilities.[7] Others, such as the Montenegrin LCY Central Committee member Budislav Šoškić, criticised the 8th LCY Congress for passing a statute he described as "a half-way measure" which contained "a fair amount of compromise solutions".[8]

The institutional framework established at the 8th Congress lasted until the 5th Session of the Central Committee of the 8th Congress on 4 October 1966.[9] Earlier, at the 4th Session of the Central Committee of the 8th Congress on 1 July 1966, the LCY had purged Tito's presumed heir apparent Ranković, the Vice President of Yugoslavia and the head of the State Security Administration, for allegedly bugging Tito's bedroom.[10] In a bid to reform the party structure, the fifth session established the Commission for the Reorganisation and Further Development of the LCY (CRFD–LCY), headed by Mijalko Todorović and composed of 40-members, to recommend party organisational reform.[11] The main problem was perceived to be the central committee's failure in holding its executive organs to account. This was now blamed on Ranković, who had stiffled debate both at the federal level but also within the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia (LC Serbia), according to LCY and SKS Central Committee member Dragi Stamenković, "as soon as we get to the lobbies real discussion begins. We have often heard, or made jokes, about this. If the debates in the lobbies had taken place in the conference hall, every Central Committee meeting would have been lively and what a meeting of the Central Committee is supposed to be."[12]

Rejecting calls to convene an extraordinary congress of the LCY, the fifth session abolished the secretariat and the executive committee and replaced them with a presidency and a new executive committee. The executive committee was to be held accountable to the presidency, while the presidency was given the right to convene central committee sessions, set the agenda for central committee sessions and review its work.[13] Furthermore, stipulations were made to clarify that commissions of the LCY Central Committee worked independently and reported on their to the sessions of the central committee in a bid to weaken the executive committee's meddling in their affairs.[14] Despite these changes, the executive committee still managed to relegate the central committee, as it did at the 9th Session of the LCY Central Committee on 16 July 1968. At the session, the executive committee proposed abolishing the central committee altogether and delegating its functions to a new institution, the "Conference of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia", and others to the LCY Presidency. The ninth session adopted the proposal. Apparently, the main reason for pressing these changes was the executive committee's perception that reorganising the central party bodies would make rejuvenating the LCY's leadership organs easier.[15]

The 10th Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, held on 27–30 May 1974, reestablished the LCY Central Committee and sought to recentralise power by emphasising democratic centralism. The presidency and executive were accountable to it.[16] Tito argued in favour of reestablishing the central committee, telling the congress, "The League of Communists needs a strong, dynamic and influential leadership, or to be more precise, that kind of ideological-political centre—the central committee with its executive organs—which, with its organised and timely action, with its political positions and decisions, will secure unity of leadership and unity of action of the entire League of Communists, will steer its activities towards the solving of the vital issues of the socialist self-management development of the Yugoslav community."[17] The statute adopted at the congress referred to the central committee as "the highest organ of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia between two congresses".[18] Rules regarding membership was clarified on 20 March 1978 at the 6th Session of the Central Committee of the 10th Congress, which decided to institute a fixed formula of branch representation. Each republic was to be represented by 20 members in the LCY Central Committee, of which 19 were elected and one member, the president of the presidency of the republican branch in question, serving ex officio. The party branches in the autonomous provinces and in the army were represented by 15 members, of which 14 were elected, and one served ex officio. Combined, this would total 165 members. Additionally, the LCY Central Committee president also served as ex officio, bringing the membership to 166.[19] From then on, the republican parties were equally represented in the LCY Central Committee. Dane Ćuić, the President of the Presidency of the Committee of the League of Communists Organisation in the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA), explained the system the following way, "The Leagues of Communists of the republics and provinces are equally represented in the LCY Central Committee and its Presidency, and on that basis it is impossible to have outvoting and the imposition of anyone's views".[20]

Not long after the 11th Congress, at the 2nd Session of the Central Committee of the 11th Congress on 19 December 1978, the presidency adopted the "Rules of Procedure on the Organisation and Working Method of the Central Committee" to institute and protect collective leadership. The rules of procedure were adopted unanimously and stated that the LCY Central Committee was the highest decision-making body of the LCY between the two congresses. It responsibilities regarding the realisation of congressional decisions and political positions were clarified. It also made clear that all LCY Central Committee members were responsible for the work and decisions of the central committee and not any other body except the party congress.[21]

The LCY Central Committee was the Party's highest decision-making body when the LCY Congress was adjourned. It was answerable to the party congress. Individual central committee members were accountable for their work to both the LCY Central Committee and the LCY Congress. While answerable to the congress, it was supervised by the Commission for Statutory Questions (CSQ) and the Supervisory Commission (SC). The LCY Central Committee had to assess questions and suggestions formulated by the CSQ and the SC. Representatives of the CSQ and the SC had the right to take part in any sessions of the LCY Central Committee, specifically, those sessions that discussed topics that one or both of these organs were tasked with supervising.[22] The LCY Central Committe was regulated by the "Statute of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia" and, as stipulated by article 78 of the LCY statute, the "Rules of Procedure on the Organisation and Working Method of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia".[23][21]

As part of its mandate, the LCY Central Committee oversaw the work of the LCY as a whole and ensured that the guidelines and assignments adopted by the LCY Congress were complied with. As long as it adhered to the limits set by the LCY Congress, the LCY Central Committee had the right to develop a political platform as well as adopt political viewpoints on significant issues, such as the development of the political system and international relations, as defined by the long-term and ideological and political tasks adopted by the party congress for those areas for which it was responsible. When vital issues arose, the LCY Central Committee reviewed them and defined the LCY's political objectives. It also assessed and evaluated the activities of LCY, defining the responsibilities of its organisations and organs in ideological-political activism and cadre development. Furthermore, the LCY Central Committee examined and evaluated the actions taken by the LCY in implementing the policies enacted by the party congress, as well as the progress made in democratic relations and the advancement of collective work and responsibilities. It directed the activities of the LCY's organisation and organs that dealt with issues such as total national defence and social self-protection in accordance with the policies enacted by the congress. It was tasked with formulating swift assessments and responses to political events. It coordinated political viewpoints and opinions and initiated and directed the ideological-political activities of the central, regional, and provincial committees, the Committee for the Organisation of the LCY within the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA), as well as all members of the LCY. In addition, it evaluated and directed the implementation of LCY policies in international workers' movements and cooperated with foreign parties and activities whose realisation was the responsibility of the LCY Presidency's jurisdiction.[22] It also had the right to elect, among its own membership, delegations to, and the Presidency of, the Federal Conference of the Socialist Alliance of Working People of Yugoslavia (SAWPY). Additionally, it was assigned the responsibility of dispatching delegations or permanent representatives of the LCY Central Committee to other forums, organs, or socio-political organisations within or outside the SAWPY per the procedures outlined in the state constitutions or the statute of the respective organisation.[24]

The LCY Presidency president convened the LCY Central Committee at his initiative or at the proposal of either the LCY Presidency, the central committee of a socialist republic, the provincial committee of an autonomous province, the Committee of the Organisation of the LCY within the YPA or by members of the LCY Central Committee. The Commission on Statury Questions, the Supervisory Commission and the LCY Central Committee commissions also had the right to convene sessions of the LCY Central Committee. The LCY Presidency president opened the sessions of the LCY Central Committee. The session's work was directed by the working presidency, composed of the presidency president, the presidency secretary and three members of the LCY Central Committee.[25]

The LCY Central Committee had the right to set up commissions and other working bodies to examine specific problems, draft proposals, or perform certain tasks.[26]

In conformity with the provisions of the party statute, candidates for membership of the LCY Central Committee were nominated by communal conferences and other corresponding conferences, applying a democratic procedure based on uniform criteria. Nominees for LCY Central Committee membership were decided by the congress of the LC branches of the socialist republics, provincial conferences, and the Conference of the Organisation of the LCY within the YPA, according to their respective jurisdictions.[27] The number of members in a given electoral term of the LCY Central Committee was made by a decision of the LCY Central Committee of the prior term. That is, the 11th LCY Central Committee decided on how many members the 12th LCY Central Committee would have. Each LC republican branch had an equal number of representatives in the LCY Central Committee, each LC branch of an autonomous province had an equal number of representatives, and the Organisation of the LCY with the YPA also had a fixed number of representatives. The presidents of the republican branches, the autonomous branches and the Organisation of the LCY within the YPA were ex officio members of the LCY Central Committee. Changes in the composition of the LCY Central Committee due to changes in the ex officio presidents were ratified by the first convened LCY Central Committee session after the fact.[27]

While the LCY Statute stipulated that the party congress had to be convened every fourth year, the LCY Central Committee was tasked with convening it. A decision to convene the congress had to be adopted by the LCY Central Committee at least three months before its opening. The LCY Central Committee also decided upon the criteria for being elected as a delegate to the LCY congress in question. Members of the LCY Central Committee were ex officio delegates to the congress in question but could not vote on reports and dissolutions of organs they were members of. For example, the 21st Session of the LCY Central Committee made the decision to convene the 12th LCY Congress in June 1982. It also adopted an electoral regulation which described how delegates were to be nominated and elected. Later, on 9 April 1982, at the 26th Session of the LCY Central Committee, it adopted the congress agenda and the exact date for the convocation (26–29 June).[28] It also had the right to convene extraordinary congresses of the LCY either at its own initiative or at the request of a congress of an LC republican branch or at the request of a conference of an LC autonomous branch. Similarly to the ordinary congress, the LCY Central Committee was tasked with approving the convocation of the congress at least three months before its opening after consultation with central and lower-level committees. The LCY Central Committee was also to empowered to reject suggestions to convene an extraordinary congress as they did in 1987–88. Rather than calling an extraordinary congress, the LCY opted to convene the 1st LCY Conference on 29–31 May 1988.[29]

The conference was to convene between two congresses if the LCY Central Committee sought direct influence from members of basic organisations on specific policy questions. The LCY Central Committee was responsible for convening the conference, but other organs also had the right to convene it: the LCY Presidency, a republican branch central committee and the provincial committee of an autonomous province. LCY Central Committee members were, by right of office, delegates to an LCY Conference. Regarding the 1st LCY Conference of 1988, calls for convening it came from local and republican organisations.[30] After these proposals, the 11th Session of the Central Committee of the 13th LCY Congress, held on 7–8 December 1987, decided to convene the congress, but no date was fixed, but it was preliminary convened for late March. It was the 13th Session of the LCY Central Committee, which convened on 28 February 1988, that scheduled the conference to convene in May.[31]

The political-executive organ of the LCY Central Committee was the presidency, officially the "Presidency of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia".[32] To be eligible for election to the LCY Presidency, one had to be a member of the LCY Central Committee. Changes in the composition of the presidency were determined through elections conducted within the republican and autonomous provincial branches and within the Committee of the Organisation of the LCY within the YPA. During an electoral term, the LCY Central Committee could not adopt compositional changes that surpassed more than one-third of the presidency's total membership.[33] The presidency was headed by the "President of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee" in collaboration with the "Secretary of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee".[34]

• "Keesing's Record of World Events". Keesing’s Record of World Events. 20 (1). 1974.
• Staff writer (1980). "An Assessment of the Party Conference". Radio Free Europe Research. Vol. 13 (18–28). Radio Free Europe. p. 32.

• Историја Савеза комуниста Југославије [History of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia] (in Serbo-Croatian). Publishing Center "Komunist"; Narodna knjiga; Rad. 1985. COBISS 68649479
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• Jancar, Barbara (1985). "Chapter 9: The New Feminism in Yugoslavia". In Ramet, Pedro (ed.). Yugoslavia in the 1980s. Westview Special Studies on the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Westview Press. ISBN 0-8133-7012-4.
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• Neal, Fred Warner (1958). Titoism in Action: The Reforms in Yugoslavia After 1948. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-35044-1.
• Pirjevec, Jože (2018). Tito and His Comrades. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 9780299317706.
• Shaffer, Harry G. (1967). "Yugoslavia's "Own Road to Socialism": A Non-Marxist View". In Shaffer, Harry G. (ed.). The Communist World: Marxist and Non-Marxist Views (2nd ed.). Meredith Publishing Company. pp. 223–259. ISBN 9780891970934.
• Simons, Williams B.; White, Stephen, eds. (1984). "The Statute of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia". The Party Statutes of the Communist World. Law in Eastern Europe. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. pp. 485–533. ISBN 90-247-2975-0.
• Stanković, Slobodan (1981). Staar, Richard F. (ed.). The End of the Tito Era: Yugoslavia's Dilemmas. Hoover International Studies. Hoover Institution Press. ISBN 9780817973629.

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• Shoup, Paul (1959). "Problems of Party Reform in Yugoslavia". The American Slavic and East European Review. 18 (3): 334–350. doi:10.2307/3004130. JSTOR 3004130.
• Singleton, F.B. (1980). "Yugoslavia without Tito". The World Today. 36 (6): 204–208. JSTOR 40395190.