China–Myanmar relations

Burma was the first non-Communist country to recognize the Communist-led People's Republic of China after its foundation in 1949.[12] According to India's ambassador to China at the time, Panikkar, Burma was anxious to be the first outside the Soviet bloc and asked India to delay their recognition by a few days so they could be first.[13]

On 16 December 1949, Burma's Foreign Minister Aye Maung gave a note to Zhou Enlai that Rangoon “decide to recognize PRC, and hope to establish diplomatic relations and exchange diplomatic envoys.”[14] Mao Zedong sent a telegram to Liu Shaoqi and Zhou Enlai on 19 December to ask Burma for their willingness to cut off diplomatic relations with the Kuomindang.[15]

Zhou replied to Burma that Beijing agreed to establish diplomatic relations and exchange diplomatic envoys on the premise of breaking relations with the Kuomintang government.[14] His message further asked Burma's government to dispatch a negotiator to Beijing.[16] Burma's new Foreign Minister, Zaw Hkun Zhuo informed Zhou on 18 January 1950 that the Republic of China's embassy had been notified and would be closed. Additionally, Rangoon appointed U Phyo, the consul general in Kunming, as temporary chargé d'affaires to establish diplomatic relations with the new China.[17]

In late April, Burma's negotiator U Phyo arrived in Beijing and held three negotiations with Zhang Hanfu, China's Vice-Foreign Minister, discussing how Burma severed relations with Kuomintang and disposed of all Kuomintang organizations and estates in Burma.[16] Zhang replied on 19 May 1950 that China's government was satisfied with negotiations.

Rangoon sent ambassador Myint Thein to present his credentials but was advised that one of Mao's deputies would see them. Myint Thein refused on the grounds that he was presenting from one head of state to another, and could not present to anyone lesser.[1] On 8 June 1950, Mao Zedong accepted the credentials from Myint Thein in Beijing and formally established diplomatic relations between the Burma and the People's Republic of China. The Union of Burma officiated its embassy in Beijing on the same day, becoming the sixteenth country establishing relations with the new China.

On 28 June, the PRC opened its embassy in Rangoon. Yao Zhongming, China's first Ambassador to Rangoon arrived in Rangoon on 28 August and presented his credentials on 5 September 1950 to Sao Shwe Thaik.[18]

In the early 1950s, Chinese Nationalist forces who had been defeated in the Chinese Civil War crossed into Burma and fled into the hills of the Wa region.[19]^: 103 Communist forces pursued them.[19]^: 103 With support from the United States, the Nationalist forces reorganized and from 1950 to 1952, launched unsuccessful attacks into Yunnan, China.[19]^: 103 In 1953, Burma's government raised this violation of its sovereignty by the Chinese Nationalists to the United Nations.[19]^: 103 These incidents became part of the motivation for rapidly expanding and modernizing Burma's armed forces, the Tatmadaw.[19]^: 103

With the symbol of exchange visit between two Premiers, Zhou Enlai and U Nu, in 1954, China-Burma relations began to boom.[20] China and Burma signed a treaty of friendship and mutual non-aggression and promulgated a Joint Declaration on 29 June 1954, officially basing their relations on the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence.[12][21] The relationship with China was under the spirit of the term "pauk-phaw", meaning kinship in Burmese. However, Burma maintained a neutralist foreign policy in the 1950s and 1960s.

In 1957, tensions between the two countries increased when Chinese forces entered the Wa in search of Nationalists.[19]^: 104

After decades of negotiations between the Chinese and British, the China-Burma border was finalized in 1960.[19]^: 13 Also by 1960, Chinese Nationalist forces had mostly left the Wa Region.[19]^: 104 The Burma government made a series of agreements with China during the 1960s to address the continued problems of Chinese Nationalist guerillas.[19]^: 105

Anti-Chinese riots in 1967 and the expulsion of Chinese communities from Burma generated hostility in both countries.[21] Following the riots, China increased its support to the Communist Party of Burma, which was fighting the Burmese government.[19] ^: 105

Relations began to improve significantly in the 1970s. Under the rule of Deng Xiaoping, China reduced support for the Communist Party of Burma and on 5 August 1988, China signed a major trade agreement, legalizing cross-border trading and began supplying considerably military aid.

Following the violent repression of pro-democracy protests in 1988, the newly formed State Peace and Development Council, facing growing international condemnation and pressure, sought to cultivate a strong relationship with China to bolster itself; in turn, China's influence grew rapidly after the international community abandoned Burma.[21][22]

Yanlonkyine Gate on the Myanmar-China Border in Kokang

After the Kokang incident in August 2009 which gained international media interest,[23] some experts questioned its impact on China–Myanmar relations, which were considered to be strong.[24] Bertil Lintner stated that Myanmar was prioritizing internal conflicts over its ties with China,[25] however some Chinese analysts, such as Shi Yinhong, played down the relationship between Myanmar and China, saying "They're not great friends. They don't listen to what China says."[25] China had urged Myanmar to ensure the stability of the border area and protect the interests of its citizens in Myanmar.[26][27] The Burmese Foreign Ministry later apologised to China about the incident, but also ran a story on the Dalai Lama in the government newspaper the Myanmar Times, the first mention of him in the state controlled Burmese media for 20 years.[28] Chinese officials were said to be "furious" and "extremely upset" over not being forewarned about the offensive on the border.

In 2015, the Kokang (via the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army) began an offensive against the Tatmadaw.[19]^: 137 In the course of the fighting, bombs dropped by the Myanmar government landed in China, killing five Chinese civilians.[19]^: 137 China viewed the Tatmadaw as having acted with disregard for Chinese security.[19]^: 137

In June 2015, Kokang rebels announced a unilateral ceasefire citing "the Chinese government's strong calls for restoring peace in the China–Myanmar border region" among other interests. The announcement coincided with Aung San Suu Kyi's meeting with Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party in Beijing.[29] Following international condemnation of the Rohingya genocide, observers have noted that Myanmar has tightened its relations with China.[30]

The Chinese government formally engaged with the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC) and also recognised the FPNCC as an EAO negotiation body with the Burmese central government.[31] The FPNCC is the largest negotiating body of Ethnic Armed Organisations, mostly consisting of groups that did not sign the 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement.[32]

In May 2018, China condemned Myanmar's government after violence in northern Myanmar erupted. The violence was started by a China-backed militia, rebelling against Myanmar. The militia, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, sought to get more autonomy from the Burmese central government.[8] In October 2018, militias backed by China against Myanmar expelled numerous clergies in northern Myanmar, sparking outrage throughout Myanmar.[7] The Chinese-backed militia also threatened northern Myanmar residents from expressing their religious beliefs, even inside their homes.[7]

In the early 2010s, the Myanmar government embraced improving its relationship with Western countries. However, after the Rohingya genocide, Myanmar lost support from the Western government due to both military and democratic-elected governments defending Myanmar's position in the Rohingya conflict. China then changed course and started to re-establish closer relationships with Myanmar after Western countries pulled out.[33]

In August 2018, various international organizations found a staggering rise in Chinese projects in Myanmar, which may cause ‘debt traps’ against Myanmar, the same way it was perceived as causing a debt-trap against Sri Lanka.[4] Despite these reports, Myanmar's government continued with the Chinese loans and programs in November 2018, causing wide public concern.[5] In February 2019, Myanmar pursued more Chinese-sponsored loans and programs.[6]

In July 2019, UN ambassadors from 50 countries, including Myanmar, have signed a joint letter to the UNHRC defending China's treatment of Uyghurs and other Muslim minority groups in the Xinjiang region.[34][35]

In January 2020, Chinese leader Xi Jinping met Aung San Suu Kyi to discuss the cooperation between the two countries, the first state visit between the two countries in two decades.[33] Xi also met Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing within Nay Pyi Taw. Xi promoted practical cooperation under the framework of the One Belt One Road to achieve results at an early date and benefit Myanmar's people.[36]

Protestors in front of Chinese Embassy Yangon, 2021

In February 2021, the Myanmar coup d'état removed a number of democratically elected members of parliament from power, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. On 3 February, China and Russia blocked the United Nations Security Council from issuing a statement condemning the military for fear of additional economic sanctions. While the PRC initially downplayed the military coup as "a major cabinet reshuffle", it later expressed concern over the 12-month emergency declared by military leader Min Aung Hlaing, demanding the release of Aung San Suu Kyi.[37]

On 16 February 2021, in reaction to protesters outside the Chinese embassy in Yangon, blaming China for the coup d'état, the Chinese ambassador Chen Hai said “the current development in Myanmar is absolutely not what China wants to see”. He dismissed the claim that China supports military rule in Myanmar as a “ridiculous rumour”.[38] Nonetheless, Chinese factories in the country were set ablaze as Burmese protesters did not trust China's response, leaving 39 people dead on 15 March; the Chinese embassy in Myanmar later responded by condemning the arson attacks, but was ridiculed by the protesters for not offering any sympathy to the protest movement.[39][40] China also continued to supply food to Myanmar, which was seen by some as supportive of the military junta.[41][42]

In mid-March 2021, China–Myanmar relations had seriously frayed due to ongoing civil unrest and military rule, jeopardizing Chinese investments in the country. In another report, it was stated that Myanmar's junta is trying to improve relations with the United States through the employment of a former Israeli military intelligence official. According to the source, Aung San Suu Kyi had grown too close to China for the generals’ liking. China has not supported military rule in Myanmar and attempts to resolve the conflict peacefully without foreign interference.[43][44] Despite these statements, China has been, alongside Russia, frequently vetoing any UN resolutions condemning the increasing brutality of the Burmese military junta for fear of additional sanctions that would hurt the region economically. China is the second largest investor in Myanmar.[45][46]

On 3 May 2021, China sent over 500,000 vaccines made by Chinese firms Sinovac and Sinopharm to Myanmar in order to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and to demonstrate the friendship (Paukphaw). The vaccines were previously approved by the WHO and represented a significant step to protect all citizens of Myanmar from the deadly disease.[47] Anti-vaccine protesters considered it a sham, and distributed misinformation about Chinese vaccines on social media.[48]

In November 2021, China sent a special envoy led by diplomat Sun Guoxiang to Myanmar. Sun met with the military junta leadership while also demanding to see Aung San Suu Kyi, which was denied by junta authorities. China later invited a member from National League for Democracy (NLD) to a virtual summit for political parties in South and Southeast Asia. Analysts believe China would mediate the conflict and support the faction they deemed capable of imposing stability and protecting Chinese investments.[49] As the civil war went on, China gradually began to support the junta, pushing them toward China's sphere of influence with capital investments.[50]

In July 2022, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi visited Myanmar, the first official visit since the military coup. United States Institute of Peace analysts believed China had chosen the junta over the pro-democracy National Unity Government (NUG) and other rebellion movements, as Beijing deemed the latter too weak to challenge the regime.[51] However, China has also been reluctant to fully embrace the military junta, with Chinese premier Li Keqiang not attending the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation held in Myanmar in late 2022, leading to the summit's cancellation.[52] Additionally, the NUG has called on its defense forces, the People's Defence Force, to not target Chinese projects, and reportedly send congratulatory letters along with the NLD to Chinese Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping after the 20th CCP National Congress in October 2022.[52]

Due to the coup, the Junta's control over the border severely deteriorated, leading to cross-border crime, threatening China's national security and public support.[53] On 2 May 2023, Chinese foreign minister Qin Gang visited Myanmar, intended to improve the relationship with the Junta. Beijing side also strongly demanded Junta to address the criminal activities on its border.[53] It also demanded Junta leaders, which traditionally held anti-Chinese sentiment, change their course in exchange for support.[54] Analysts believed Beijing's warm-up with Junta was driven by self-interest and reactionary hedging to the American BURMA Act, which Beijing sees as Washington's attempt to grow influence in the region.[54][55]

According to a report by Human Rights Watch, Burmese women and girls are sometimes sold for sexual slavery in China as "brides".[75] Women were also reported to have been sold multiple times for the purpose of forced childbirth.[76]

The autonomous polity of Wa State within Myanmar's borders, is a strategic issue.[19]^{: 134–138} In China's analysis, Wa Region could be a buffer zone for disorders including drug trafficking, but only to the extent that Wa State contains instead of amplifies such risks.[19]^{: 134–135} Similarly, a strong Wa Region may be helpful to China in its dealings with Myanmar, but not if actual fighting disturbs Belt and Road Initiative projects in the area.[19]^{: 134–135}

To curb drug trafficking risks, Chinese agencies including the Chinese Border Police, People's Armed Police, Public Security, and the People's Liberation Army have at times been involved in joint border drug enforcement operations.[19]^: 135

To address disease risks, China has provided training and medical equipment to the Wa Health Department.[19]^: 135