Curtius Rufus

Curtius Rufus is a curtailed name formed according to the Roman naming conventions. The Romans had a 3-name system, but for ordinary use they curtailed it to one or two elements. The three names must not be thought to apply to any but free Roman citizens. Due to the almost continuous expansion of the territory of Rome from the early Republic, the non-free and freedman populations were mainly of foreign extraction. One name sufficed for them, although freedmen might take the name of their patrons.

Curtius Rufus omits the praenomen, or first name. If the magistrate is to be identified with the historian, it must be Quintus, under the Republic spelled Quinctus, “the Fifth.” As the Romans used the same name in different generations, it may originally have had a numerical significance, but after dozens of Quinti it was perhaps just a name, abbreviated to an ignored Q. The indispensable portion of the name was the nomen, “name,” the name of the gens, “clan.” All males of the gens Curtia were named Curtius, and all females Curtia. This convention presented somewhat of a problem in distinguishing multiple Curtii, but the third name, the cognomen, offered a solution. It might have nothing to do with any convention. It could be trivial. Rufus means “red.” Over several hundred years of this system the cognomen often became an extension of the nomen for distinguishing lines within the gens. An important man would name the line, such as the Curtii Rufi.

These conventions must influence the interpretation of certain remarks made by Tacitus and Tiberius regarding Curtius Rufus’ family background. A man with the name and associations possessed by Curtius Rufus is not likely to have been a commoner, or of humble birth. However, there was a circumstance of which both men were aware, but refused discussion; that is, it fell under the category of taboo. Of it Tacitus says: "Of the birth of Curtius Rufus, whom some affirm to have been the son of a gladiator, I would not publish a falsehood, while I shrink from telling the truth."[1] He does not say that Curtius was the son of a gladiator, but repeats that as slander, while affirming that he will not tell the truth. As he is not known for his irony or his hypocrisy, the most straightforward interpretation is exactly as he phrased it. The slander denies that the future consul was of the Curtii, a major accusation, since the Curtii were nobles from one of the earliest families at Rome. The implication is that Quintus did not share his family's consular rank because his biological father was not a Curtius.

There are only two circumstances that could account for such a story: either Quintus was not the son of his name father, or he was not the son of either father or mother; i.e., not consanguineous to the Curtii. In the first case the suppressed information must be a salacious story about Quintus’ mother, which was probably the falsehood. In the second case, Quintus could have been adopted. The taboo element might have been the fact that his biological father was the gladiator, and therefore had been a slave, although not all gladiators were slaves.

When confronted with the same story, Tiberius remarked “Curtius Rufus seems to me to be his own ancestor” (ex se natus). This remark, says Tacitus, “threw a veil over the discredit of his origin.” It is typically translated as “self-made man,” Tiberius may have meant to designate him as novus homo, a “new man”, the first member of a line to attain consular rank.[2] He would not be that, however, for at least five years more. Tiberius may have meant that he intended to elevate Quintus. The Julio-Claudians were unfavorably impressed by legitimate pedigree, as, according to the Pax Romana instituted by Augustus, powerful nobles were a threat to peace and security, and so were suppressed.

Provence in southern France today has the same name modified that it had in the Roman Empire, Provincia, “the Province.” During the Republic it was Gallia Transalpina, “Gaul over the Alps,” which the Romans colonized with settlements that became the nuclei of today's cities of southern France. In 35 BC the land on the Rhône just to the north of Marseille was of strategic interest to Octavian Caesar, the future Augustus. The river dividing around islands was easy to ford. Hannibal’s army had crossed there.

Gaius Octavius took the location away from the Celtic tribe that held it, settling a colony of Roman soldiers, the veterans of Legio II. They were sworn to his personal command. He had just recently ejected Lepidus from the Second Triumvirate, acquiring without further dispute Spain, Gaul, and Italy. He still faced Mark Antony, who held the eastern provinces. Antony did not have the will to persist to victory. After his abandonment of his own fleet at the Battle of Actium in 31 BC he died hunted in Egypt by Octavian, who became official sole imperator (“commander”) in 27 BCE. Legio II was disbanded and immediately recruited into Legio II Augusta.

Meanwhile, in 35 BC Legio II was one of two legions that had been recruited entirely in Sabina, a valley remaining to the Sabines under that name. They were Italic troops par excellence. The Sabines had contributed to the early population of Rome. The Roman Curtii in legend came from the Sabine Curtii. It would be surprising if none had joined Legio II. In 35 BCE, Legio II expelled the native Celtic population, the Cavares, from their village, Aurosia, and planted a colony there, Colonia Firma Julia Arausio Secundanorum. The land was redivided into lots by centuriation and distributed to its new owners. This location became in the Middle Ages the city of Orange, as well as a number of formerly smaller communities in the region.

In 77, Vespasian for whatever reasons, ordered a survey done and a restoration made as closely as possible to the original grant. The result was a re-publication of the adjusted plots in public cadasters of stone. The word refers to either the plots or the register, which draws a map and lists the plots. Three of these, the Orange Cadastres, were found in fragments in the Orange area, lettered A, B, and C. They have been assembled to give, with lacunae, the lands plots of the restoration of 77. Cadastre B is of known date. A and C, of similar style, probably have the same date.

Cadastre C is of interest in the biography of Quintus Curtius Rufus. In essence it says that, to the 97 2/3 non-taxable Jugera of the colony are added 15 ¾ taxable new Jugera comprising the Insulae Furianae, “Furian Islands.” The men to pay the taxes are “the heirs of Firmus Secundus”—that is, the descendants of Legio II. The phrase of interest is Q(uinto) Curtio Rufo II vir(o) et invent(ore), “Quintus Curtius Rufus being duumvir and discoverer.”

André Piganiol’s exegesis of the text is as follows.[3] The land must have been tax-free because it was granted to Immunes. This status was probably a problem for the municipality, which should have depended on revenue from land taxes. Q. Curtius as II vir for duovir, an early form of duumvir, found a way to generate some revenue by annexing the “islands” and charging the community for them. Since the main islands in the river must already have been accounted for, the Furian Islands probably refer to islands in the wetlands. As the duumvirate would never have been given to a man not of the community, this Q. Curtius must have been one of the heredes firmi secundi. Because the date of the cadastre is 77, he might be presumed to have been the son of the historian.

Salviat modifies the argument as follows. Since the cadastres represent a restoration, they would be documenting a previous land distribution. The improvement of Cadastre C therefore might have been initiated at any time between Augustus and Vespasian. It would probably not be Vespasian's time, as it would have conflicted with the emperor's authority. There is no need to resort to a hypothetical son of Q. Curtius when he would do just as well himself.

A second problem is that duumviri performed pre-determined functions or carried out locally the orders of the emperor. A duumvir would not have had the authority to make additions to the colony on his own. Salviat's answer is that Curtius was already an imperial officer, most likely Legate of Lower Germany, and was empowered to improve land, as he was doing by trying to establish a silver mine among the Germanics. His interest in Orange derived from the fact that he was from there and had already served as duumvir. He must have preempted one of the magistracies in order to assist his home town. Such an action implies the emperor's approval, whether standing or by direction.[4]

The story told by Salviat, based on the evidence, is that of a local youth leaving home to see the world (perhaps via the big city at Marseilles) and coming back an imperial magistrate empowered to improve communities. He manages to levy taxes without violating the original grants. Those grants, however, were somewhat larger than today's city of Orange. The total area included such cites as Avignon, Nyons and Nîmes. They became known for their gladiatorial displays, but there is no evidence of any connection of those with Curtius. Cadastres A and B cover the territory to the east and west of Orange. Cadastre C must either overlap on those or be to the north. Salviat argues that it is on the extreme northern border, and the Fossa Augusta or “Augustan Canal” is not an irrigation ditch but is a major diversion of the Rhone intended to relieve the current at a confluence and provide a length over which boats could be towed. He picks therefore Valence as the best location of Cadastre C and Curtius’ home town.[5]