Francoist Catalonia

After the repression, the Franco regime created networks of complicity in which thousands of people were involved or were accomplices, in all possible ways, of the bloodshed inflicted, of the persecutions carried out, of the lives of hundreds of thousands people in prisons, concentration camps or Battalions workers. In short, the most diverse forms of repression: political, social, labor, ideological, and in the case of Catalonia, in an attempt of cultural genocide that sought to do away with its specific national personality...

— Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté i Joan Vilarroya i Font[2]

The confluence between Spanish regenerationism and the degenerationist theories originated in France and Great Britain must also be considered.[5] As a consequence is theorized a racial degeneration causing conflicts against the social status quo, and it is advocated eugenics to cleanse one's own race, and racism to avoid mixing it with "inferior races." During the first third of the s. XX this theorizing towards the "new man" is gaining strength, and its zenith is Nazi racial politics. But in Spain it also had an impact, given that the political and social elites who patrimonialize Spain, and who would not digest the colonial loss, see in the Republic and the meager Catalan autonomy a threat to its status, power and wealth. The Catalan industrial wealth cannot be tolerated either, and Catalonia is accused of having a favorable treatment, impoverishing the rest of the Spaniards, in a behavior that is described as Semitic (according to the National-Socialist ideology to use work as a means to exploit and subjugate nations).

According to Paul Preston in the book "Arquitectes del terror. Franco i els artifex de l'odi",[6] a number of characters theorized about "anti-Spain", pointing to enemies, and in this sense accused politicians and republican intellectuals of being of Jewish race or servants of the same as masons. This accusation is widespread in Catalonia for most politicians and intellectuals, starting with Macià, Companys and Cambó, identified as Jews. "Racisme i supremacisme polítics a l'Espanya contemporània"[5] documents this thought of the social part that would be raised against the Republic. In a mixture of degenerationism, regenerationism, and neocolonialism, it is postulated that the Spanish race—always understood as Castilian—has degenerated, and degenerate individuals are prone to "contract" communism and separatism. In addition, some areas, such as the south of the peninsula and the Catalan countries, are considered to be degenerate wholesale, the former due to Arab remains that lead them to a "rifty" behavior, and the latter due to Semitic remains that lead them towards communism and separatism (the catanalism of any kind is called separatism).

The degeneration of individuals calls for a cleansing if it is wants a prosperous and leading nation, capable of building an empire, one of the obsessions of Franco (as well as other totalitarian regimes of the time). In this regard, rebel spokesman Gonzalo de Aguilera, in 1937, told a journalist: "Now I hope you understand what we mean by the regeneration of Spain ... Our program consists of exterminating a third of the Spanish male population ...", and an interview can also be mentioned in an Italian newspaper where Franco describes that the war was aimed at "to save the Homeland that was sinking in the sea of dissociation and racial degeneration"[5]

In addition to the repression throughout Spain against certain individuals, all this seems to be the source of the fierce repression, such as the Terror of Don Bruno, in Andalusia, and the no less fierce repression against Catalonia, with the addition that as a result, the attack on Catalan culture, lasted throughout the Franco regime and ended up becoming a structural element of the state.

Printed edition of the Catalan-Valencian-Balearic dictionary.

During the dictatorship of Franco (1939–1975), not only democratic freedoms were suppressed, but also the Catalan language, which was excluded from the education system and relegated to the family sphere. Castillian (Spanish) became the only language of education, administration and the media.

Rafael Aracil, Joan Oliver and Antoni Segura considered that until 1951, the persecution of the language was "total".[7] In some places students had to denounce fellow students who spoke Catalan.[7] During this period, the Catalan language was also prohibited on tombstones.[7]

With the defeat of Nazi Germany in 1945, the regime changed their image, which allowed the Orfeó Català to put on Catalan productions, and the publication of Catalan books, though only classic works; works aimed at young people were prohibited to limit the learning of the written language. Among these authors were those who returned from exile in 1942–1943. Their works include a Catalan translation of the Odyssey (1948) by Carles Riba, and research conducted by teacher Alexandre Galí with Història de les Institucions 1900–1936 (History of Institutions), which even today are reference works.

Later on, opening of the regime allowed a small change in the marginalization of the language, such as the broadcast in 1964 of the first Catalan television program on TVE (Teatre català), the Nova Cançó (New Song) (1961) movement, and the creation in 1971 of the Assembly of Catalonia, in which anti-Francoist forces were clustered, all maintained the use of Catalan, though there were limits such as the ban on Joan Manuel Serrat singing in Catalan at the Eurovision Song Contest in 1968.[8][9] In 1970, Franco's education law opened the door to the use of different languages in primary education, with another decree following in 1975. Also in 1975, near Franco's death, another decree allowed the use of other native Spanish languages in councils.

The use of Catalan language was further reduced due to migration of Spanish speakers in the 20th century, particularly in the 60s and 70s, from the rest of Spain, especially Andalusia and Extremadura, who were for the most part concentrated around metropolitan Barcelona. The result was that Spanish passed Catalan as a mother tongue for the first time in the history of Catalonia. It has been calculated that, without immigration, the population of Catalonia would have gone from about 2 million in 1900 to 2.4 million in 2001,[10] instead of more than 6.1 million; in other words, without immigration the population would have been 39% of its actual size by 1980.

Both within Catalonia and in exile, there were several initiatives such as books (like "Rosa mística" by Mossèn Geis), magazines (like "Dau al set", edited by Brossa) and campaigns to oppose the silence imposed by the regime, for example, Pío Daví and Maria Vila performed theatre, including "L'hostal de la glòria" by Josep Maria de Sagarra.[11]

The almost total exclusion of Catalan from the education system and severe limitations to its use in mass media had long-lasting consequences years after the end of the dictatorship, seen in high rates of illiteracy in Catalan in generations schooled in those years. In 1996, only one-third of those aged 40–44 was able to write in Catalan versus two-thirds who could speak it, figures than dropped to 22% and 65% among those aged over 80.[12] Franco declared in 1939: "We want absolute national unity, with only one language, Spanish, and a single personality, Spanish."[13] This led to an almost complete disappearance of books printed in Catalan until 1946.

In 1941, despite the prohibition of Catalan, Poesies, de "Lo Gayter del Llobregat" was illegally reissued to commemorate the centenary of its original publication, which had been the origin of the Renaixença movement. In the years following, other books were published such as those by three young writers: Les elegies de Bierville by Carles Riba (1943), L'aprenent de poeta (1943), by Josep Palau i Fabre, i Cementiri de Sinera, by Salvador Espriu (1946), each in only about a hundred copies.

In 1947, the Institut d'Estudis Catalans passed censorship by publishing a scientific book, showing that Catalan was also a language of science. The Catalan-Valencian-Balearic Dictionary began publication in 1949 and was completed in 1962 by the philologist Francesc de Borja Moll, who became a campaigner in Catalan-speaking territories, to defend the unity of the language and affirm Catalan identity.

Tram in Barcelona in the 1950s.

The initial reason for the Barcelona tram strike was the increase in ticket prices and the unfairness compared with the price of the same service in Madrid, but the protest expressed the deep discomfort among the population due to the tough living conditions that most of the people had suffered since the end of the Spanish civil war. The tram strike of 1951, which lasted two weeks, was undoubtedly a turning point in the history of opposition to the Franco regime: not to take the tram was not a crime.

Repression of the movement was extremely difficult due to the peaceful nature of the strike, the involvement of several and new social sectors, participation in the boycott of some Falangists, the weakness of the governor, Eduardo Baeza Alegría, and the explicit refusal by the general captain to intervene, arguing that he "could not shoot on citizens who simply did not take a means of transport". The civil governor, Eduardo Baeza, used the Guardia Civil in fatal confrontations on March 12. Finally, both he and the mayor of Barcelona, Josep Maria Albert, were dismissed and the price increase was cancelled. The tram strike marked the beginning of an era.[20]

A similar strike was repeated in 1957, which lasted for 12 days and had the support of the intellectual world headed by Jaume Vicens i Vives, and also featured characters such as Josep Benet, Maurici Serrahima, Edmon Vallès, Santiago Nadal, Salvador Millet, and Rafael Tasis.[21][22]

Tomb of Quico Sabaté in the cemetery of Sant Celoni.

The two last maquis, Quico Sabaté and Ramon Vila Caracremada followed parallel paths towards the end of their lives.

Quico Sabaté, surely the most emblematic maquis, was imprisoned in Perpignan for a few months after the discovery of an illegal arms repository. At the end of the sentence he returned to Spain on December 30, 1959 accompanied by four other companions: Antoni Miracle Guitart, Rogelio Madrigal Torres, Francesc Conesa Alcaraz and Martí Ruiz Montoya.[24] The group, which was seen from the beginning in Albanyà, walked towards Maià de Montcal, and spent the night at the casta de Folgars, a farmhouse abandoned on the mountain of the Virgen del Mont. The Guardia Civil surrounded them and there was a shooting where Quico Sabaté was injured, while his four companions were shot dead at the end of Palol de Revardit that same night. Despite serious injuries, Quico Sabaté arrived at the town of Sant Celoni, where he was killed after putting up a strong resistance. The man died, but not his myth.[25]

After sabotaging high tension towers in Rajadell in August 1963, Caracremada calmly returned trip to his refuge in Prada. Guardia Civil of the 231rd Command of Manresa tried to surround him. The guards were seen, not only in Rajadell, but also in Callús, Fonollosa, Sant Mateu de Bages and in other neighboring areas. On the night of August 6/7, he was shot dead by the Guardia Civil at the abandoned farmhouse of La Creu del Perelló, between Castellnou de Bages and Balsareny. He was buried in the cemetery of Castellnou de Bages[26] without any marker. The priest of the parish, considering him marginal, did not even register this in the book of ecclesiastical registration.

Main entrance of the Palau de la Música Catalana

The festival of the palace took place at the Palau de la Música Catalana on May 19, 1960, during the tribute to the centenary of the birth of Catalan poet Joan Maragall organized by the Orfeó Català with Franco's Ministers. Within the authorized repertoire there was the Cant de la Senyera. Three days earlier, however, the civil governor Felipe Acedo Colunga,[30] forbade it to be sung. This unleashed the indignation of the assistants and Josep Espar began to sing, then the police began to hit the singer activists. Jordi Pujol, who was not at the Palau but had been one of the organizers of the event, was arrested on May 22. The future President of the Generalitat of Catalonia, he faced a war council that took place on June 13. The outcome was a sentence of seven years for Pujol.[31] Pujol would declare years later that the events of the Palau de la Música were the first Catalan victory against the Franco regime.[32]

The main reason given by the Minister of Interior, Camilo Alonso Vega, to adopt these measures was a "conspiracy" by the so-called "Contuberni de Munic", a meeting of 118 opponents of the regime that took place in Munich within the framework of the IV Congress of the European International Movement. The state of emergency served the regime to deal with a series of strikes, the consolidation of ETA and to stop the rebellion of the student movement against the Spanish University Union. Faced with these new movements, the dictatorship showed its most repressive aspect. The suspensions of the Law were repeated until the year Franco died.[33]

The abbot of Montserrat, Aureli Maria Escarré, renovated the monastery, sent monks to study abroad and gave support to multiple cultural initiatives. Little by little, he adopted a critical stance against the regime, which culminated in statements to the French newspaper Le Monde, published on November 14, 1963. The abbot declared: "Where there is no authentic freedom, there is no justice, ... the people must be able to choose their government, ... the regime hinders the development of Catalan culture ... the first subversion that exists in Spain is that of the government ... We have not twenty-five years of peace behind, but twenty-five years of victory. It was forced to fight alongside the latter, they have done nothing to end this division between winners and losers, this represents one of the most regrettable failures of a regime called Christian, the state of which, however, does not obey the basic principles of Christianity."

The Franco regime was outraged. The authorities pressured the Vatican to take action against Escarré. Finally the abbot received from the Vatican the "recommendation" to leave the monastery. On March 12, 1965, Abbot Escarré went into exile.[34]

Lluís Llach during a performance at the Olympia in Paris in 2006.

Raimon in Almussafes on February 24, 2008.

The importance of the Nova Cançó (New Song) in Francoist Spain was remarkable, breaking the silence imposed by Franco on the Catalan language and culture.[35] The origin of the Nova Cançó was an article by Lluís Serrahima titled "ens calen cançons d'ara" (we need songs from now), published in January 1959 in the magazine Germinábit, later Serra d'Or.

The first albums were published under the sponsorship of musician Josep Casas i Augé. The Serrano sisters and Josep Guardiola interpreted versions of some international successes in Catalan, although the Francoist censorship forced them to be sung in Spanish. These performers, together with others like Font Sellabona and Rudy Ventura, made up the beginnings of the Nova Cançó. Miquel Porter i Moix, Remei Margarit and Josep Maria Espinàs were the founders in 1961 of the group called Els Setze Jutges. On December 19, 1961, at The Center for Female Catholic Influence of Barcelona, where Miquel Porter and Josep Maria Espinàs sang, the term Nova Cançó was coined. After playing at the Penya Barcelonista in Premià de Mar on April 29, 1962, Espinàs baptized the incipient movement as Els Setze Jutges. Delfí Abella and Francesc Pi de la Serra joined in 1962, then Enric Barbat, Xavier Elies and Guillermina Motta in 1963, Maria del Carme Girau, Martí Llauradó, Joan Ramon Bonet and Maria Amèlia Pedrerol in 1964, Joan Manuel Serrat in 1965, Maria del Mar Bonet in 1966 and, finally, Rafael Subirachs and Lluís Llach completed the sixteen members in 1967.

In the middle of the sixties, the Francoist union Sindicato Español Universitario (SEU) opposed an assembly from which arose the future SDEUB (Democratic Students ' Union of the University of Barcelona), with more than a thousand students gathering at the Faculty of Economics of the University of Barcelona. Everything was planned for the constitution of the SDEUB, which took place on March 9, 1966, at the Sarrià Capuchins. The Capuchin fathers had given permission to use their auditorium, hence the word "Caputxinada".

More than 500 people, especially students, but also teachers and 33 intellectuals and artists such as Jordi Rubió, Joan Oliver, Salvador Espriu, Antoni Tàpies and Maria Aurèlia Capmany, met at Sarrià. In just one hour the statutes, the declaration of principles and the manifesto had been approved (which was titled "Per una universitat democrática", for a democratic university). There was just enough time to be able to constitute the SDEUB before the police arrived at the convent and gave the order to immediately dissolve the assembly.[36]

Santa Maria de Montserrat Abbey

"La Tancada d'intellectuals a Montserrat" (meeting of intellectuals in Montserrat) on 12–14 December 1970 was the main act by the anti-Francopist opposition in Catalonia in reaction to the war council in Burgos against ETA militants. On December 12, 1970, in the Abbey of Montserrat, 300 Catalan intellectuals gathered: writers, singers, journalists, painters, actors, filmmakers, thespians, editors, cultural professionals, and other people with a recognized political commitment. The meeting was intended to protest the Burgos Process, the war council that condemned ETA militants. It lasted three days under the threat of police assault. The participants debated about the current state of the country and its future, and they founded a permanent assembly, the Permanent Assembly of Catalan Intellectuals, that would work from that moment to have a prominent role in future political events. In the course of the meeting, a manifesto was drafted in which political amnesty, democratic freedoms and the right to self-determination were requested. The meeting came from two organizations opposed to the Franco regime, La Taula Rodona (1966–1973) and the Coordinating Commission of the Political Forces of Catalonia (which preceded the Council of Political Forces of Catalonia). The consequences for the participants were severe: strong economic sanctions, withdrawal of passports, prohibition to act in public, etc. The international impact of the meeting led the regime to commute death sentences.

The Assembly of Catalonia was founded on November 7, 1971, in the church of Sant Agustí, Barcelona, as a unifying platform for Catalan anti-Francoism under the initiative of the Coordinator of the Political Forces of Catalonia, quickly grouping the vast majority of political parties, unions and social organizations and deriving the motto: "Freedom, Amnesty and Statute of Autonomy." Their programme was:

• For democratic rights and freedoms.
• Access of the people to economic power.
• Access of the people to political power.
• For the full exercise of the right of self-determination.

During the seventies the Assembly of Catalonia was the main framework for the coordination of resistance against the dictatorship and led and organized the main popular mobilizations of the time. Among them, the March of Liberty, in the summer of 1976.

The Movimiento Ibérico de Liberación (MIL) was a Catalan ultra-left armed group between 1971 and 1973, based mainly in Barcelona and Toulouse, France. It became famous after its dissolution because of the execution by the Francoist regime of one of its members, Salvador Puig Antich, in March 1974, and of the shooting of Oriol Solé Sugranyes during his escape in 1976.

Catalans interpreted Puig Antich's execution as symbolic retaliation for the region's fight for autonomy, which led to public demonstrations.[37] As one of Franco's last victims, Puig Antich became a household name in Barcelona.[38] The Groupes d'action révolutionnaire internationalistes (GARI) formed to avenge his death.[39]

In Catalonia, after the death of the dictator, the exterior signs ( "Avenida Francisco Franco" and "Plaza del Caudillo", etc.) of the Franco regime disappeared quickly. The first national legislation waited until the 2007 Historical Memory Law.

On November 25, 2015, Òmnium Cultural organised a condemnation of crimes of Francoism and a homage to its victims, supported by the Democratic Memorial (Generalitat de Catalunya) and the City Council of Barcelona.[40]

• Various authors (editor: Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté). El franquisme a Catalunya (1939–1977). Barcelona: Edicions 62, 2007. ISBN 978-8429759853.
• Various authors. Miscellània d'homenatge a Josep Benet. Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 1991. ISBN 978-8478262687.
• Aracil Martí, Rafael; Oliver i Puigdomènech, Joan; Segura i Mas, Antoni (1998). El mundo actual. De la Segunda Guerra Mundial a nuestros días (in Spanish). Publicacions i Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona. ISBN 978-8483380062.
• Fabre, Jaume; Huertas, Josep Maria; Ribas, Antoni. Vint anys de resistència catalana (1939–1959.). Barcelona: Edicions La Magrana, 1978. ISBN 978-8474100365.
• Pujadó i García, Miquel. Diccionari de la Cançó: D'Els Setze Jutges al Rock Català. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana, 2000. ISBN 8441204675.
• Rodríguez, Esther. Maquis. Barcelona: Cossetània Edicions, 2005. ISBN 8497911091.
• Roglán, Joaquim. Oriol Solé, el Che català. Barcelona: Edicions 62, 2005. ISBN 8429758127.
• Solé i Sabaté, Josep Maria; Villarroya i Font, Joan (1993). Cronologia de la repressió de la llengua i la cultura catalanes (1936–1975) (in Catalan). Curial. ISBN 9788472569577.
• Ventura, Joan. Tren Correu 1.104, el darrer viatge de Quico Sabaté i els seus quatre companys. Barcelona: Edithot. ISBN 978-8489709096.
• Vilanova, Francesc. Una burgesia sense ànima. Barcelona: Collecció: Biblioteca Universal Empúries, 2005. ISBN 978-8497874540.
• Ysàs, Pere; Molinero, Carme. La anatomía del Franquismo. De la supervivencia a la agonía, 1945–1977. Barcelona: Editorial Crítica, 2008. ISBN 978-8484320067.

• Harris, Simon (3 May 2021). "The Revival of Catalan Culture under Franco". Catalonia Is Not Spain: A Historical Perspective.
• Mir, Conxita (2008). "The Francoist Repression in the Catalan Countries". Catalan Historical Review. Institut d'Estudis Catalans, Barcelona (1): 133–147. doi:10.2436/20.1000.01.9. ISSN 2013-407X. S2CID 54980776.