Spanglish

Spanglish (a portmanteau of the words "Spanish" and "English") is any language variety (such as a contact dialect, hybrid language, pidgin, or creole language) that results from conversationally combining Spanish and English. The term is mostly used in the United States and refers to a blend of the words and grammar of the two languages. More narrowly, Spanglish can specifically mean a variety of Spanish with heavy use of English loanwords.[2]

For other uses, see Spanglish (disambiguation).
Spanglish
Latin
Language codes
ISO 639-3–
IETFen-spanglis
es-spanglis[1]
A sign offering free consultation from a mechanic, taken in Miami, Florida.

Since different Spanglish arises independently in different regions of varying degrees of bilingualism, it reflects the locally spoken varieties of English and Spanish. Different forms of Spanglish are not necessarily mutually intelligible.

The term Spanglish is first recorded in 1933.[3] It corresponds to the Spanish terms Espanglish (from Español + English, introduced by the Puerto Rican poet Salvador Tió in the late 1940s), Ingléspañol (from Inglés + Español), and Inglañol (Inglés + Español).[4] Other colloquial portmanteau words for Spanglish are Spenglish (recorded from 1967) and Spinglish (from 1970).[3]

Definitions

There is no single, universal definition of Spanglish. The term Spanglish has been used in reference to the following phenomena, all of which are distinct from each other:[5]

  • The use of integrated English loanwords in Spanish
  • Nonassimilated Anglicisms (i.e., with English phonetics) in Spanish
  • Calques and loan translations from English
  • Code switching, particularly intra-sentential (i.e., within the same clause) switches
  • Grammar mistakes in Spanish found among transitional bilingual speakers
  • Second-language Spanish, including poor translations.
  • Mock Spanish

History and distribution

In the late 1940s, the Puerto Rican journalist, poet, and essayist Salvador Tió coined the terms Espanglish for Spanish spoken with some English terms, and the less commonly used Inglañol for English spoken with some Spanish terms.

After Puerto Rico became a United States territory in 1898, Spanglish became progressively more common there as the United States Army and the early colonial administration tried to impose the English language on island residents. Between 1902 and 1948, the main language of instruction in public schools (used for all subjects except for Spanish class) was English. Currently Puerto Rico is nearly unique in having both English and Spanish as its official languages[6] (see also New Mexico). Consequently, many American English words are now found in the vocabulary of Puerto Rican Spanish. Spanglish may also be known by different regional names.

Spanglish does not have one unified dialect—specifically, the varieties of Spanglish spoken in New York, Florida, Texas, and California differ. Monolingual speakers of standard Spanish may have difficulty in understanding it.[7] It is common in Panama, where the 96-year (1903–1999) U.S. control of the Panama Canal influenced much of local society, especially among the former residents of the Panama Canal Zone, the Zonians.

Many Puerto Ricans living on the island of St. Croix speak in informal situations a unique Spanglish-like combination of Puerto Rican Spanish and the local Crucian dialect of Virgin Islands Creole English, which is very different from the Spanglish spoken elsewhere. A similar situation exists in the large Puerto Rican-descended populations of New York City and Boston.

Spanglish is spoken commonly in the modern United States, reflecting the growth of the Hispanic-American population due to immigration. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the population of Hispanics grew from 35.3 million to 53 million between 2000 and 2012.[8] Hispanics have become the largest minority ethnic group in the US. More than 60% are of Mexican descent. Mexican Americans form one of the fastest-growing groups, increasing from 20.6 million to 34.5 million between 2000 and 2012.[8] Around 58% of this community chose California, especially Southern California, as their new home. Spanglish is widely used throughout the heavily Mexican-American and other Hispanic communities of Southern California.[9] The use of Spanglish has become important to Hispanic communities throughout the United States in areas such as Miami, New York City, Texas, and California. In Miami, the Afro-Cuban community makes use of a Spanglish familiarly known as "Cubonics," a portmanteau of the words Cuban and Ebonics, a slang term for African American Vernacular English that is itself a portmanteau of Ebony and phonics."[9]

Spanglish is known as bilingualism/semi-lingualism. The acquisition of the first language is interrupted or unstructured language input follows from the second language. This can also happen in reverse.[10]

Many Mexican-Americans (Chicanos), immigrants and bilinguals express themselves in various forms of Spanglish. For many, Spanglish serves as a basis for self-identity, but others believe that it should not exist.[11] Spanglish is difficult, because if the speaker learned the two languages in separate contexts, they use the conditioned system, in which the referential meanings in the two languages differ considerably. Those who were literate in their first language before learning the other, and who have support to maintain that literacy, are sometimes those least able to master their second language. Spanglish is part of receptive bilingualism. Receptive bilinguals are those who understand a second language but don't speak it. That is when they use Spanglish. Receptive bilinguals are also known as productively bilingual, since, to give an answer, the speaker exerts much more mental effort to answer in English, Spanish, or Spanglish.[12] Without first understanding the culture and history of the region where Spanglish evolved as a practical matter an in depth familiarizing with multiple cultures. This knowledge, indeed the mere fact of one's having that knowledge, often forms an important part of both what one considers one's personal identity and what others consider one's identity.[13]

Other places where similar mixed codes are spoken are Gibraltar (Llanito), Belize (Kitchen Spanish), Aruba, Bonaire, and Curaçao (along with Dutch and Papiamento).

Spanglish is also spoken among the Spanish-speaking community in Australia. It is common to hear expressions among Spanish-speaking minorities in cities like Sydney and Melbourne, like: vivo en un flat pequeño; voy a correr con mis runners; la librería de la city es grande, or words such as el rubbish bin, la vacuum cleaner, el tram, el toilet or el mobile. The same situation happens within the Spanish-speaking community of New Zealand.[14][15]

Usage

Spanglish patterns

Spanglish is informal, although speakers can consistently judge the grammaticality of a phrase or sentence. From a linguistic point of view, Spanglish often is mistakenly labeled many things. Spanglish is not a creole or dialect of Spanish because, though people claim they are native Spanglish speakers, Spanglish itself is not a language on its own, but speakers speak English or Spanish with a heavy influence from the other language. The definition of Spanglish has been unclearly explained by scholars and linguists despite being noted so often. Spanglish is the fluid exchange of language between English and Spanish, present in the heavy influence in the words and phrases used by the speaker.[16] Spanglish is currently considered a hybrid language practice by linguists–many actually refer to Spanglish as "Spanish-English code-switching", though there is some influence of borrowing, and lexical and grammatical shifts as well.[17]

The inception of Spanglish is due to the influx of native Spanish speaking Latin American people into North America, specifically the United States of America.[18] As mentioned previously, the phenomenon of Spanglish can be separated into two different categories: code-switching, and borrowing, lexical and grammatical shifts.[19] Code-switching has sparked controversy because it is seen "as a corruption of Spanish and English, a 'linguistic pollution' or 'the language of a "raced", underclass people'".[20] For example, a fluent bilingual speaker addressing another bilingual speaker might engage in code-switching with the sentence, "I'm sorry I cannot attend next week's meeting porque tengo una obligación de negocios en Boston, pero espero que I'll be back for the meeting the week after"—which means, "I'm sorry I cannot attend next week's meeting because I have a business obligation in Boston, but I hope to be back for the meeting the week after".

Calques

Calques are translations of entire words or phrases from one language into another. They represent the simplest forms of Spanglish, as they undergo no lexical or grammatical structural change.[21] The use of calques is common throughout most languages, evident in the calques of Arabic exclamations used in Spanish.[22]

Examples:

  • "to call back" → llamar pa'trás (llamar pa' atrás, llamar para atrás) (volver a llamar)
  • "It's up to you." → Está pa'rriba de ti. (Está pa' arriba de ti, Está para arriba de ti) (Depende de ti. decide (You decide))
  • "to be up to ..." → estar pa'rriba de ... (estar pa' arriba de ..., estar para arriba de ...) (depender de ... or X decida (X decides))
  • "to run for governor" → correr para gobernador (presentarse para gobernador)[22]

pa'trás

A well-known calque is pa'trás or para atrás in expressions such as llamar pa'trás 'to call back'. Here, pa'trás reflects the particle back in various English phrasal verbs.[23] Expressions with pa'trás are found in every stable English-Spanish contact situation:[24] the United States,[25] including among the isolated Isleño[26] and Sabine River communities,[27] Gibraltar,[28] and sporadically in Trinidad and along the Caribbean coast of Central America where the local English varieties are heavily creolized.[29] Meanwhile, they're unattested in non-contact varieties of Spanish.[30] Pa'trás expressions are unique as a calque of an English verbal particle, since other phrasal verbs and particles are almost never calqued into Spanish.[24] Because of this, and because they're consistent with existing Spanish grammar, Otheguy (1993) argues they are likely a result of a conceptual, not linguistic loan. That is, the notion of "backness" has been expanded in these contact varieties.[31]

Semantic extensions

Semantic extension or reassignment refers to a phenomenon where speakers use a word of language A (typically Spanish in this case) with the meaning of its cognate in language B (typically English), rather than its standard meaning in language A. In Spanglish this usually occurs in the case of "false friends" (similar to, but technically not the same as false cognates), where words of similar form in Spanish and English are thought to have like meanings based on their cognate relationship.[32]

Examples:

Spanglish English basis and meaning Standard Spanish Meaning of Spanglish word in standard Spanish
actualmente actually en realidad, realmente, de verdad, verdaderamente, de hecho currently
aplicación application (written request) solicitud, postulación application (of paint, etc.)
bizarro bizarre estrambótico valiant, dashing
carpeta carpet alfombra, moqueta folder
chequear/checar to check (verify) comprobar, verificar —
eventualmente eventually finalmente, al final, por fin possibly
librería library biblioteca bookstore
mapear to mop trapear to map [look at the map (rare)]
parquear to park estacionar, aparcar —
realizar to realize darse cuenta to carry out, to perform, to fulfill
recordar to record grabar to remember
rentar to rent alquilar, arrendar to yield, to produce a profit
renta rent alquiler, arriendo yield, profit
sanitizador sanitizer desinfectante —
sentencia sentence (linguistics) frase sentence (court decision)
wacha to watch out cuidado —

An example of this lexical phenomenon in Spanglish is the emergence of new verbs when the productive Spanish verb-making suffix -ear is attached to an English verb. For example, the Spanish verb for "to eat lunch" (almorzar in standard Spanish) becomes lonchear (occasionally lunchear). The same process produces watchear, parquear, emailear, twittear, etc.[33]

Loan words

Loan words occur in any language due to the presence of items or ideas not present in the culture before, such as modern technology. The increasing rate of technological growth requires the use of loan words from the donor language due to the lack of its definition in the lexicon of the main language. This partially deals with the "prestige" of the donor language, which either forms a dissimilar or more similar word from the loan word. The growth of modern technology can be seen in the expressions: "hacer click" (to click), "mandar un e-mail" (to send an e-mail), "faxear" (to fax), "textear" (to text-message), or "hackear" (to hack). Some words borrowed from the donor languages are adapted to the language, while others remain unassimilated (e. g. "sandwich", "jeans" or "laptop"). The items most associated with Spanglish refer to words assimilated into the main morphology.[34] Borrowing words from English and "Spanishizing" them has typically occurred through immigrants.[35] This method makes new words by pronouncing an English word "Spanish style", thus dropping final consonants, softening others, and replacing certain consonants (e.g. V's with B's and M's with N's).[35]

Examples:

  • "Aseguranza" (insurance)
  • "Biles" (bills)
  • "Chorcha" (church)
  • "Ganga" (gang)
  • "Líder" (leader) – considered an established Anglicism
  • "Lonchear/Lonchar" (to have lunch)
  • "Marqueta" (market)
  • "Taipear/Tipear" (to type)
  • "Troca" (truck) – Widely used in most of northern Mexico as well
  • ”Mitin” (meeting) – An outdoors gathering of people mostly for political purposes.
  • ”Checar” (to check)
  • ”Escanear” (to scan) – To digitalize (e.g. a document).
  • ”Chatear” (to chat)
  • “Desorden” (disorder) – incorrectly used as “disease”.
  • ”Condición” (condition) – incorrectly used as “sickness”.

So-insertion

Within the US, the English word so is often inserted into Spanish discourse. This use of so is found in conversations that otherwise take place entirely in Spanish. Its users run the gamut from Spanish-dominant immigrants to native, balanced bilinguals to English-dominant semi-speakers and second-language speakers of Spanish, and even people who reject the use of Anglicisms have been found using so in Spanish.[36] Whether so is a simple loanword, or part of some deeper form of language mixing, is disputed. Many consider so to simply be a loanword, although borrowing short function words is quite abnormal.[37] In stressed positions, so is usually pronounced with English phonetics, and speakers typically identify it as an English word and not an established English loan such as troca. This is unusual, since code-switched or lexically inserted words typically aren't as common and recurring as so is.[38][39]

So is always used as a coordinating conjunction in Spanish. It can be used phrase-internally, or at the beginning or end of a sentence. In Spanish discourse, so is never used to mean "in order that" as it often is in English. As a sociolinguistic phenomenon, speakers who subconsciously insert so into their Spanish usually spend most of their time speaking English. This and other facts suggest that the insertion of so and similar items such as you know and I mean are the result of a kind of "metalinguistic bracketing". That is, discourse in Spanish is circumscribed by English and by a small group of English functional words. These terms can act as punctuation for Spanish dialogue within an English-dominant environment.[39]

Fromlostiano
Spanish street ad in Madrid humorously showing baidefeis instead of the Spanish gratis (free).
Baidefeis derives from the English "by the face"; Spanish: por la cara, "free". The adoption of English words is very common in Spain.

Fromlostiano is a type of artificial and humorous wordplay that translates Spanish idioms word-for-word into English. The name fromlostiano comes from the expression From Lost to the River, which is a word-for-word translation of de perdidos al río; an idiom that means that one is prone to choose a particularly risky action in a desperate situation (this is somewhat comparable to the English idiom in for a penny, in for a pound). The humor comes from the fact that while the expression is completely grammatical in English, it makes no sense to a native English speaker. Hence it is necessary to understand both languages to appreciate the humor.

This phenomenon was first noted in the book From Lost to the River in 1995.[40] The book describes six types of fromlostiano:

  1. Translations of Spanish idioms into English: With you bread and onion (Contigo pan y cebolla), Nobody gave you a candle in this burial (Nadie te ha dado vela en este entierro), To good hours, green sleeves (A buenas horas mangas verdes).
  2. Translations of American and British celebrities' names into Spanish: Vanesa Tumbarroja (Vanessa Redgrave).
  3. Translations of American and British street names into Spanish: Calle del Panadero (Baker Street).
  4. Translations of Spanish street names into English: Shell Thorn Street (Calle de Concha Espina).
  5. Translations of multinational corporations' names into Spanish: Ordenadores Manzana (Apple Computers).
  6. Translations of Spanish minced oaths into English: Tu-tut that I saw you (Tararí que te vi).

The use of Spanglish has evolved over time. It has emerged as a way of conceptualizing one's thoughts whether it be in speech or on paper.

Identity

The use of Spanglish is often associated with the speaker's expression of identity (in terms of language learning) and reflects how many minority-American cultures feel toward their heritage. Commonly in ethnic communities within the United States, the knowledge of one's heritage language tends to assumably signify if one is truly of a member of their culture. Just as Spanish helps individuals identify with their Spanish identity, Spanglish is slowly becoming the realization of the Hispanic-American, especially Mexican-American, identity within the United States. Individuals of Hispanic descent living in America face living in two very different worlds and need a new sense of bi-cultural and bilingual identity of their own experience. "This synergy of cultures and struggle with identity is reflected in language use and results in the mixing of Spanish and English." Spanglish is used to facilitate communication with others in both worlds. While some individuals believe that Spanglish should not be considered a language, it is a language that has evolved and is continuing to grow and affect the way new generations are educated, culture change, and the production of media.[41] Living within the United States creates a synergy of culture and struggles for many Mexican-Americans. The hope to retain their cultural heritage/language and their dual-identity in American society is one of the major factors that lead to the creation of Spanglish.[42]

Arts and culture

Literature

There is a vast body of Latino literature in the United States that features dialogue and descriptions in Spanglish, especially in Chicano, Nuyorican, and Puerto Rican literature.[43] Books that feature Spanglish in a significant way include the following.[44]

Overview

The use of Spanglish by incorporating English and Spanish lyrics into music has risen in the United States over time. In the 1980s 1.2% of songs in the Billboard Top 100 contained Spanglish lyrics, eventually growing to 6.2% in the 2000s. The lyrical emergence of Spanglish by way of Latin American musicians has grown tremendously, reflective of the growing Hispanic population within the United States.[52]

  • Mexican rock band Molotov, whose members use Spanglish in their lyrics.
  • American progressive rock band The Mars Volta, whose song lyrics frequently switch back and forth between English and Spanish.
  • Ska punk pioneers Sublime, whose singer Bradley Nowell grew up in a Spanish-speaking community, released several songs in Spanglish.
  • American nu metal band Ill Niño frequently mix Spanish and English lyrics in their songs.
  • Shakira (born Shakira Isabel Mebarak Ripoll), a Colombian singer-songwriter, musician and model.
  • American singer, actress, producer, director, dancer, model, and businesswoman Jennifer Lopez.
  • Sean Paul (born Sean Paul Ryan Francis Henriques), a Jamaican singer and songwriter.
  • Ricky Martin (born Enrique Martín Morales), a Puerto Rican pop musician, actor and author.
  • Pitbull (born Armando Christian Pérez), a successful Cuban-American rapper, producer and Latin Grammy Award-winning artist from Miami, Florida that has brought Spanglish into mainstream music through his multiple hit songs.
  • Enrique Iglesias, a Spanish singer-songwriter with songs in English, Spanish and Spanglish; Spanglish songs include Bailamos and Bailando.
  • Rapper Silento, famous for his song "Watch Me (Whip/Nae Nae)", recorded a version in Spanglish

Likewise, Mexican pop rock band Reik released a song called "Spanglish" in their album Secuencia.

History

The rise of Spanglish in music within the United States also creates new classifications of Latin(o) music, as well as the wider Latin(o) music genre. In some growing music scenes, it is noted that for artists go beyond music and bring in political inclinations as a way to make wider commentary.[53] Although Los Angeles Chicano bands from the 1960s and 1970s are often remembered as part of the Chicano-movement as agents for social chance,[54] Latin(o) music has long been a way for artists to exercise political agency, including the post-World War II jazz scene, the New York City salsa of the 1970s, and the hip-hop movement of the 80s. Some of the topics addressed in these movements include: redlining and housing policies; immigration; discrimination; and transnationalism.[55]

Commercialization

Over time, however, this more explicit show of political nature might have been lessened due to the desire to compete in the music business of the English speaking world. This however, did not stop the a change in U.S. music, where English-speaking musicians have moved towards collaborative music, and bilingual duets are growing in popularity,[56] indicating an audience demand for multi-language entertainment, as well as a space for traditional Latino artists to enter the mainstream and find chart success beyond the Spanish-speaking world. This is despite the slower-growing opportunities for Latino musicians to occupy higher-up positions such as promoters, business owners, and producers.[57]

Present-day

With this growing demand for Spanglish duets, there has also been a rise in indie Latino artists who incorporate Spanglish lyrics in their music. One such artist is Omar Apollo, who combines Spanglish lyrics with music influenced by traditional corridos.[58] Other up and coming Latino artists, such as Kali Uchis, Empress Of, and Ambar Lucid, have also led to a greater prominence of Hispanic performers and lyricism in the contemporary top charts. These types of artists, also being second-generation Spanish speakers, suggest that there is less fear or feelings of intimidation of using Spanish in public spaces. Moreover, this lack of negative connotation with public use of Spanglish and heritage-language language tools point to a subconscious desire to challenge negative rhetoric, as well as the racism that may go along with it.[59] Given the fact that Spanglish has been the language of communication for a growing Hispanic-American population in the United States, its growing presence in Latino music is considered, by some scholars, a persistent and easily identifiable marker of an increasingly intersectional Latino identity.[60]

Spanish language
A manuscript of the Cantar de mio Cid, 13th century
Overview
History
Grammar
Dialects
Dialectology
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See also
Categories
  • Category:Forms of English
  • Category:Spanglish songs

Notes
  1. Everson, Michael. "Registration form for 'spanglis'" (text). IANA. Retrieved March 12, 2021. A judgement call by the tagger is expected to be made with regard to the base prefix to be used.
  2. "Spanglish". Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary.
  3. Lambert, James. 2018. A multitude of ‘lishes’: The nomenclature of hybridity. English World-wide, 39(1): 31. doi:10.1075/eww.38.3.04lam
  4. "Salvador Tió's 100th Anniversary". November 15, 2011.
  5. Lipski 2008, p. 53.
  6. Nash, Rose (1970). "Spanglish: Language Contact in Puerto Rico". American Speech. 45 (3/4): 223–233. doi:10.2307/454837. JSTOR 454837.
  7. Ardila 2005, p. 61.
  8. Guzman, B. 2000 & US Census 2012
  9. Rothman, Jason & Rell, Amy Beth, pg. 1
  10. Lopez 2013.
  11. "Towards New Dialects: Spanglish in the United States". homes.chass.utoronto.ca. Retrieved March 6, 2016.
  12. Rosen 2016.
  13. Halwachs, Dieter (1993). "Poly-system repertoire and identity". Grazer Linguistische. pp. 39–43 71–90.
  14. Taonga, New Zealand Ministry for Culture and Heritage Te Manatu. "Latin Americans – Te Ara Encyclopedia of New Zealand". teara.govt.nz.
  15. Taonga, New Zealand Ministry for Culture and Heritage Te Manatu. "1. – Latin Americans – Te Ara Encyclopedia of New Zealand". teara.govt.nz.
  16. Montes-Alcalá 2000, p. 98.
  17. Individuals "communicate their thoughts and ideas using a combination of Spanish and English, often referring to this hybrid language practice as Spanglish". Martínez, Ramón Antonio (November 2010). "'Spanglish' as Literacy Tool: Toward an Understanding of the Potential Role of Spanish-English Code-Switching in the Development of Academic Literacy". Research in the Teaching of English. National Council of Teachers of English. 45 (2): 124–149. JSTOR 40997087.
  18. Morales, Ed (2002). Living in Spanglish: The Search for Latino Identity in America. Macmillan. p. 9. ISBN 0312310005.
  19. Ardila 2005.
  20. Bonnie Urciuoli, Exposing Prejudice: Puerto Rican Experiences of Language, Race, and Class (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996), p. 38, cited by Arlene Dávila, Latinos Inc.: The Marketing and Making of a People (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012), p. 168, and quoted in turn by Viviana Rojas and Juan Piñón, "Spanish, English or Spanglish? Media Strategies and Corporate Struggles to Reach the Second and Later Generations of Latinos." Archived November 26, 2015, at the Wayback Machine International Journal of Hispanic Media. N.p., Aug. 2014. Web. October 4, 2015.
  21. Stavans, Ilan (2000). "The gravitas of Spanglish". The Chronicle of Higher Education. 47 (7).
  22. Montes-Alcalá 2000, p. 107
  23. Lipski 1986.
  24. Lipski 2008, p. 229.
  25. Lipski 1986, p. 88.
  26. Lipski 1986, pp. 88–91.
  27. Lipski 1987, p. 124.
  28. Lipski 1986, pp. 92–93.
  29. Lipski 1986, pp. 91–92.
  30. Lipski 1986, p. 93.
  31. Otheguy 1993.
  32. Montes-Alcalá 2000, p. 105
  33. Rothman, Jason; Amy Beth Rell (2005). "A linguistic analysis of Spanglish: relating language to identity". Linguistics and the Human Sciences. 1 (3): 515–536. doi:10.1558/lhs.2005.1.3.515.
  34. Montes-Alcalá 2000, p. 106.
  35. Alvarez, Lizette (1997). "It's the talk of Nueva York: The hybrid called Spanglish". The New York Times.
  36. Lipski 2008, pp. 235–236.
  37. Lipski 2008, p. 237.
  38. Lipski 2008, p. 238.
  39. Lipski, John M. (2005). "Code-switching or Borrowing? No sé so no puedo decir, you know" (PDF). Selected Proceedings of the Second Workshop on Spanish Sociolinguistics. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project.
  40. Ochoa, Ignacio; Frederico López Socasau (1995). From Lost to the River (in Spanish). Madrid: Publicaciones Formativas, S.A. ISBN 978-84-920231-1-0.
  41. Rojas, Viviana, and Juan Piñón. "Spanish, English or Spanglish? Media Strategies and Corporate Struggles to Reach the Second and Later Generations of Latinos." International Journal of Hispanic Media. N.p., Aug. 2014. Web. October 4, 2015.
  42. Rothman & Rell 2005, pg. 527
  43. Stavans, Ilan (June 30, 2020), "Spanglish", Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History, Oxford University Press, doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.808, ISBN 978-0-19-932917-5, retrieved November 4, 2020
  44. Stavans, Ilán (2000). "Tickling the Tongue". World Literature Today. 74 (3): 555–558. doi:10.2307/40155823. ISSN 0196-3570. JSTOR 40155823.
  45. Poets, Academy of American. "About Giannina Braschi | Academy of American Poets". poets.org. Retrieved November 4, 2020.
  46. Moreno-Fernández, Francisco (2020). "Yo-Yo Boing! Or Literature as a Translingual Practice", "Poets, Philosophers, Lovers: On the Writings of Giannina Braschi.". Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. ISBN 9780822946182.
  47. Steinberg, Sybil (December 27, 1997). "Review of Yo-Yo Boing!". Publishers Weekly.
  48. Castillo, Debra A. Redreaming America: Toward a Bilingual American Culture. www.sunypress.edu. Retrieved April 21, 2020.
  49. Schaefer, Richard T. (March 20, 2008). Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Society. SAGE. ISBN 978-1-4129-2694-2.
  50. González 2017.
  51. H.G.Wells, The Shape of Things to Come, Ch. 12 Archived May 10, 2011, at the Wayback Machine
  52. Pisarek & Valenzuela 2012.
  53. Byrd, Samuel K. (2018). "Beyond Latin Night: Latinx Musicians and the Politics of Music in Charlotte". Southern Cultures. 24 (3): 125–143. ISSN 1068-8218. JSTOR 26510212.
  54. Koegel, John; San Miguel, Guadalupe (2005). Burr, Ramiro; Guerrero, Lalo; Mentes, Sherilyn Meece; Reyes, David; Waldman, Tom; Broyles-González; Peña, Manuel; Valdez, Avelardo; Tejeda, Juan (eds.). "Mexican American Music". American Music. 23 (2): 257–274. doi:10.2307/4153034. ISSN 0734-4392. JSTOR 4153034.
  55. Cepeda, M. E. (2017). Music. In D. R. Vargas, L. La Fountain-Stokes, & N. R. Mirabal, Keywords for latina/o studies. New York University Press. Credo Reference: http://proxy.uchicago.edu/login url=https://search.credoreference.com/content/entry/nyupresskls/music/0?institutionId=170
  56. Lessner, Justin (January 6, 2021). "Bilingual Collaborations Are Taking The Music World By Storm, These Are The Dream Collabs For 2021". mitú.
  57. Cepeda, M. E. (2017). Music. In D. R. Vargas, L. La Fountain-Stokes, & N. R. Mirabal, Keywords for latina/o studies. New York University Press. Credo Reference: http://proxy.uchicago.edu/login url=https://search.credoreference.com/content/entry/nyupresskls/music/0?institutionId=170
  58. "Meet Omar Apollo, the blue-haired, gender-rebellious, Mexican American Prince". Los Angeles Times. October 16, 2020. Retrieved February 9, 2021.
  59. Sánchez-Muñoz, A., & Amezcua, A. (2019). Spanish as a Tool of Latinx Resistance against Repression in a Hostile Political Climate. Chiricú Journal: Latina/o Literatures, Arts, and Cultures 3(2), 59–76.
  60. Cepeda, M. E. (2017). Music. In D. R. Vargas, L. La Fountain-Stokes, & N. R. Mirabal, Keywords for latina/o studies. New York University Press. Credo Reference: http://proxy.uchicago.edu/login url=https://search.credoreference.com/content/entry/nyupresskls/music/0?institutionId=170

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