Henri, Count of Paris (1908–1999)

Henri became pretender to the defunct French throne on 25 August 1940, when his father died. As the Fall of France had occurred about two months earlier, much of his early reign in pretence was marked by World War II.

In mid-November 1942, after François Darlan's armistice with the Allied invaders of North Africa, Vichy intelligence official Henri d'Astier de la Vigerie attempted to promote a royalist coup (d'Astier had previously conspired with the Allies to aid the invasion). D'Astier proposed to his friend Ridgeway Knight about the possibility of this coup, asking what "would you Americans think if the Comte de Paris appeared on the scene?"[5] He proposed that Henri would appear to head a French government composed of all political tendencies, and maintain "neutrality until the day comes when the French nation can freely decide for itself."[5] Ridgeway was taken aback by the proposal, but was unaware that d'Astier's colleagues, Abbé Cordier and Master-Sergeant Sabatier (a French instructor at an OSS-SOE camp in Algiers), secretly brought Henri from Morocco to d'Astier's apartment in Algiers. The plan was supposedly backed by the presidents of three Algerian conseils generaux, who had signed a joint letter urging the admiral to resign in favour of this plan. Both Darlan and U.S. General Eisenhower nixed the idea, however, with Darlan ignoring the letters and Eisenhower having given a firm "no" after hearing about the plan.[6] Darlan was assassinated by Fernand Bonnier de La Chapelle, a pro-Orléanist member of the French Resistance, on 24 December 1942.

Front page of Courier 50 in June 1950, announcing the end of the exile of the Count of Paris.

In 1947, Henri and his family took up residence at the Quinta do Anjinho, an estate in Sintra, on the Portuguese Riviera.[7]

In 1950, after the law of exile was rescinded, Henri returned to France. During his tenure as pretender to the defunct throne, Henri used the majority of his family's great wealth, selling off family jewels, paintings, furniture and properties to support his political cause and large family, as well as establishments in Belgium, North Africa, Brazil, Portugal and France. The family château at Amboise now belongs to a trust he created. Conflict over the division of the family wealth (formerly worth over £40 million) led to court conflicts between him and five of his children, some of whom he unilaterally disinherited. (See also: Goods of the House of Orleans.)

Unlike his father, Henri devoted his life to politics. During World War II, Henri was initially sympathetic to Vichy France. His opinions on the government changed over time, and he contacted Prime Minister Pierre Laval. Laval offered Henri the unglamorous position of Minister of Food, which he declined.

In Algeria, Henri attempted to convince the French military governor not to oppose an Anglo-American military landing. Henri had correctly predicted such a thing occurring, but at the time he was laughed at by the officers. He later flew to Rome, to consult with the pope, and to Vichy, to talk with Philippe Pétain. He attempted to convince Pétain to transfer the Vichy government to North Africa. Henri also tried to mediate between Charles de Gaulle and Henri Giraud, when the two men were competing for control of Free France.[8]

Between 1940 and 1941, the Gaullist camp offered Henri an invitation to go to London, which he declined. Henri feared that if he accepted the offer, he would have become an émigré, like the Bourbons who returned to France after Napoleon's defeat. Henri was staunchly opposed to the idea of siding with one political party, wishing instead to pursue a path of unity and not contribute to France's "infernal divisiveness."[9] Charles de Gaulle later confided to his biographer, Phillipe Saint-Robert, that "Had the count of Paris joined me in London in 1940, he would have become France. Together, we could have done great things."[10]

In 1948, Henri began publishing a monthly bulletin, which soon possessed 30,000 subscribers.

In 1950, the French Parliament abrogated the Law of Exile, permitting Henri to return.[11] He then returned to his home country, with his wife and children, and proclaimed his loyalty to democracy. He created a foundation which restored the Orleans castle at Amboise, and then opened it to the French public. While some Legitimists contested his succession, due to his controversial ancestor Philippe Égalité, the vast majority of the tens of thousands of French monarchists nonetheless threw their support behind him.[12] Still, some held their grievances with the Orléans family. Author Charles Fenyvesi said that he was once told by an aristocratic lady that "I detest the Orléans." She continued,

"They are upstarts, typical second sons, a younger branch that tries to make up for what it missed at birth. Unfortunately, we have no real Bourbons left any more...So we have to make do with Henri, who strikes a royal enough pose, I guess. But the descendant of Philippe Égalité and Louis-Phillipe that he is, he has never stopped courting the socialists.[13]

Charles de Gaulle

In 1954, Henri met Charles de Gaulle and continued their relationship through correspondence.[14] In 1958, Henri gave his support to de Gaulle, who was called back from his self-imposed exile to save the French Republic from insurrection in Paris. Thereafter, Henri became a frequent visitor to the Élysée Palace, where de Gaulle waited for Henri "by the staircase or outside, reserved a special armchair for him and lit his cigarette." There, they frequently discussed French history together, with Henri noting that de Gaulle loved to pronounce the word 'king'.

In 1960, de Gaulle told Henri that "Monseigneur, I believe deeply in the value of the monarchy, and I am certain as well that this regime is the one best suited to our poor country."[12] The following year, de Gaulle dispatched Henri on a tour to Libya, Ethiopia, Iran, and Lebanon, with the purpose of explaining France's Algeria policy, serving as de Gaulle's special representative, or "pro-consul." During this time, Henri befriended Hassan II of Morocco and Habib Bourguiba. In 1962, de Gaulle informed Henri in strict confidence that he had arranged the French presidential election so that the head of the royal house could succeed him as president of the Republic. Georges Pompidou confirmed this, telling a close friend that "I know the general has made up his mind in favor of the count of Paris." However, by 1964, de Gaulle changed his mind and told Henri of his decision to run for re-election, which he won. By 1968, Henri ceased publication of his paper over his increasing disagreements with the Gaullists. The Countess of Paris remarked that "Under de Gaulle, Henri came two fingers close to becoming king. But by 1968, it was all over, finished."

Following de Gaulle's death in 1970, his son Philippe de Gaulle told Henri, "Monseigneur, my father often told me that if circumstances had been different, he would have been happy to be your faithful and loyal servant."[15] In 1979, Henri published his book Mémoires d'exil et de combats, which revealed to the public that de Gaulle had asked Henri to prepare himself for the 1965 presidential elections in France. In a latter interview, Henri stated "At all times de Gaulle desired restoration, I am convinced of it. He thought monarchy was the form of government most adequate for the French people under the present conjunction." However, Henri also noted that "It was difficult to get anywhere without de Gaulle, He agreed to favor my ascension to the highest point, but he didn't understand that it was necessary to give me the means of getting there."[16]

Henri stated that he believes de Gaulle never forgave him for refusing to join the Free French in London, and also noted that "De Gaulle was not my friend...De Gaulle and I shared some common ideals and I agreed with him on the essentials of his approach to politics...I believe he was sincere when he wished that France may return to a monarchy. But once he was in power for a few years, he changed his ideas."[17]

In 1988, Henri produced a scandal among his monarchist supporters when he supported the re-election of François Mitterrand, a socialist.[12]

Henri with Charles Maurras in 1934.

In his college years, Henri spent many nights listening to the French monarchist writer Charles Maurras.[18] But during his adult life, Henri considered himself a centrist and never allied with any political party. On Action Française, Henri stated that it had many talented leaders, but he ultimately regarded it as "a Rightist party with extreme Right sympathies." In Henri's view, "no one should be in a position to claim a monopoly on the monarchist idea."[19]

Henri befriended politicians on both the left and right, and declined to run for Parliament, despite de Gaulle's suggestion that he should do so. His political strategy was to court the political Left and ignore the Right, knowing that the Right possessed no choice but to back him. Some rightist critics of Henri regarded him as "the Crown Prince of the Republic" or "a dyed-in-the-wool socialist, if not a Jacobin." The Countess of Paris described her husband as "an authoritarian and an absolutist."[20]

Henri was a critic of primogeniture and favored elective monarchy over hereditary. He believed that France should possess a council of state, which would be entrusted with the duty of finding the most worthy successor within the royal family.[21]