Chitpavan Brahmins

The Chitpavan Brahmin or the Konkanastha Brahmin is a Hindu Maharashtrian Brahmin community inhabiting Konkan, the coastal region of the state of Maharashtra. Initially working as messengers and spies in the late seventeenth century, the community came into prominence during the 18th century when the heirs of Peshwa from the Bhat family of Balaji Vishwanath became the de facto rulers of the Maratha empire. Until the 18th century, the Chitpavans were held in low esteem by the Deshastha, the older established Brahmin community of Karnataka-Maharashtra region.[1][2][3]

Chitpavan/Konkanastha Brahmins
ReligionsHinduism
LanguagesMarathi, Gujarati, Kannada, Chitpavani Konkani.
Populated statesKonkan (Coastal Maharashtra, Goa, Karnataka, some parts of Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat)
Chitpavan Brahmins practicing Bodan, a rite performed on important occasions like birth or marriage

As per Jayant Lele, the influence of the Chitpavans in the Peshwa era as well as the British era has been greatly exaggerated because even during the time of the most prominent Peshwas, their political legitimacy and their intentions were not trusted by all levels of the administration, not even by Shivaji's successors. He adds that after the defeat of Peshwas in the Anglo-Maratha wars, Chitpavans were the one of the Hindu communities to flock to western education in the Bombay Province of British India.[4]

Etymology and origin

The Chitpavans are also known as Konkanastha Brahmin.[5][6]

The etymology of their name is given in a legendary myth of the chapter citpāvanabrāhmaṇotpattiḥ i.e. “Origin of the Citpāvan brahmins” in the Hindu Sanskrit scripture Sahyadrikhanda[lower-alpha 1] of the Skanda Purana. According to this chapter, Parashurama,the sixth incarnation of God Vishnu, who could not find any Brahmins in Konkan to perform rituals for him, found sixty fishermen who had gathered near a funeral pyre near the ocean shore. These sixty fishermen families were purified and Sanksritized to Brahminhood. Since the funeral pyre is called Chita and pure as pavana, the community was henceforth known by the name Chitapavan or "purified at the location of a funeral pyre". However, 'Chita' also means 'mind' in Sanskrit and the Chitapavans prefer "pure of mind" instead of "pure from the pyre". One scholar suggests that the author of the current version was a Deshastha Brahmin and there were earlier suggestions of similarity with the Sadbodhacintāmaṇi published by the community of goldsmiths from Bombay. Madhav Deshpande(2010) rejects these suggestions because it is inconceivable that a Deshastha brahmin would write a "pro-Saraswat" text as there was dislike of the Gaud Saraswats of the west coast of India by the Deshasthas as well as the fact that the Deshastha , Chitpavans and Karhade Brahmin unanimously rejected the Brahmin status claim of the Gaud Saraswat Brahmins (Shenvi) of the western coast of Maharashtra. The Kulavruttanta of the Khare (Chitpavan) family prefers a modified version of the scripture. They state that fourteen dead-bodies were purified by Parshurama. Since "Chiplun pleased Paraśurāma’s heart", the Brahmins of that place received the name cittapāvana.[8][9]

The Chitpavan story of shipwrecked people is similar to the legendary arrival of Bene Israel Jews in the Raigad district.[10][11][12][13][14] According to the historian Roshen Dalal, similarities between the legends may be due to a connection between the Chitpavans and the Bene Israel communities.[14] The Bene Israel, who also settled in Konkan, claim that the Chitpavans are also of Jewish origin. According to their version, these Jews later adopted Hinduism and later were called Chitpavans by the people in the area.[15][16] A member of the community, B.J Israel, noted that there might be truth in his community's claim that they and Chitpavans belong to the same stock but there is also a possibility that the Puranic legend of Chitpavan origin had been appropriated by his community to account for their presence on the coast.[17] Yulia Egorova notes that the attempts of Bene-Israel to be associated with high caste Chitpavan Brahmins is similar to the concept of Sanskritisation in which low caste Hindus try to elavate their social status.[18] Historian Jadunath Sarkar opines that the Chitpavans had a non-Indian origin and bases his views on traditions and inscriptions.[19] Indologist Johannes Bronkhorst writes that there is a belief that Chitpavans are sometimes considered to be people of non-Indian origin who later became Brahmins.[20]

Maureen L. P. Patterson writes that the Konkan region witnessed the immigration of groups, such as the Bene Israel, Parsis, Kudaldeshkar Gaud Brahmins, Gaud Saraswat Brahmins, and Chitpavan Brahmins. Each of these arrived at different time, they settled in different parts of the region and there was little mingling between them. The Chitpavans were apparently the last major community to arrive there and consequently the area in which they settled, around Ratnagiri, was the least fertile and had few good ports for trading.[21]

In ancient times, the Chitpavans were employed as messengers and spies. Later, with the rise of the Chitpavan Peshwa in the 18th century they began migrating to Pune and found employment as military men, diplomats and clerks in the Peshwa administration. A 1763–64 document shows that at least 67% of the clerks at the time were Chitpavans.[22][3][23]

History

Rise during the Maratha rule
Peshwa Madhavrao II with Nana Fadnavis and attendants, at Pune in 1792
Main articles: Maratha Empire and Peshwa

Very little is known of the Chitpavans before 1707 CE[21] Balaji Vishwanth Bhat, a Chitpavan arrived from Ratnagiri to the Pune-Satara area. He was brought there on the basis of his reputation of being an efficient administrator. He quickly gained the attention of Chhatrapati Shahu. Balaji's work so pleased the Chhatrapati that he was appointed the Peshwa or Prime Minister in 1713. He ran a well-organized administration and, by the time of his death in 1720, he had laid the groundwork for the expansion of the Maratha Empire. Since this time until the fall of the Maratha Empire, the seat of the Peshwa would be held by the members of the Bhat family.[24][25]

With the ascension of Balaji Baji Rao and his family to the supreme authority of the Maratha Empire, Chitpavan immigrants began arriving en masse from the Konkan to Pune[26][27] where the Peshwa offered all important offices to his fellow caste members.[21] The Chitpavan kin were rewarded with tax relief and grants of land.[28] In 1762-63, Azad Bilgrami wrote:

The Marathas in general, but the Deccani Brahmans in particular, have the desire to deprive all people of their means of livelihood and appropriate it for themselves. They do not spare the zamindārs of rājas, nor even the zamindāri of small people like headmen and village accountants. Uprooting most cruelly the heirs of ancient lineages, they establish their own possession and desire that the Konkani Brahmans should become the proprietors (mālik) of the whole world.[29]

On the other hand, Mahars were subjected to degradation during the rule of the Peshwas, who treated them as untouchables.[30] Historians cite nepotism[31][32][33][34][35][36] and corruption[34][36] as causes of the fall of the Maratha Empire in 1818. Richard Maxwell Eaton states that this rise of the Chitpavans is a classic example of social rank rising with political fortune.[27]

British Era
Bal Gangadhar Tilak

After the fall of the Maratha Empire in 1818, the Chitpavans lost their political dominance to the British. The British would not subsidise the Chitpavans on the same scale that their caste-fellow, the Peshwas, had done in the past. Pay and power was now significantly reduced. Poorer Chitpavan students adapted and started learning English because of better opportunities in the British administration.[28] As per the 1901 census, about 5% of the Pune population was Brahmin and about 27% of them were Chitpavans.[37]

Some of the prominent figures in the Hindu reform movements of the 19th and 20th centuries came from the Chitpavan Brahmin community. These included Dhondo Keshav Karve,[38] Justice Mahadev Govind Ranade,[39] Vinayak Damodar Savarkar,[40][41] Gopal Ganesh Agarkar,[42] Vinoba Bhave.[43][44]

Some of the strongest resistance to change came from the very same community. The vanguard and the old guard clashed many times. D. K. Karve was ostracised. Even Tilak offered penance for breaking caste or religious rules. One was for taking tea at Poona Christian mission in 1892 and the second was going to England in 1919.[45]

When the social reformer Jyotirao Phule was trying to get the backward castes educated, historian Umesh Chattopadhyaya says that "Pune's Chitpavans would not allow any Dalit and backward to join schools". This opposition from them resulted in Phule establishing schools in and around Pune.[46]

The Chitpavan community includes two major politicians in the Gandhian tradition: Gopal Krishna Gokhale, whom Mahatma Gandhi acknowledged as a preceptor, and Vinoba Bhave, one of his outstanding disciples. Gandhi describes Bhave as the "jewel of his disciples", and recognised Gokhale as his political guru. However, strong opposition to Gandhi came from the Chitpavan community. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, the founder of the Hindu nationalist political ideology Hindutva, was a Chitpavan Brahmin and several other Chitpavans were among the first to embrace it because they thought it was a logical extension of the legacy of the Peshwas and caste-fellow Tilak.[47] These Chitpavans felt out of place with the Indian social reform movement of Phule and the mass politics of Gandhi. Large numbers of the community looked to Savarkar, the Hindu Mahasabha and finally the RSS, drew their inspiration from fringe groups.[48]

Anti-Brahmin violence in the 20th century
Main article: Marathi_Brahmin § Anti-Brahmin_violence

Shahu of Kolhapur

During the early 20th century, Bal Gangadhar Tilak's and the Shankaracharya's decision to deny access to vedic rituals to the Maratha caste led to a fall out between Tilak and Shahu of Kolhapur. Shahu started a newspaper that supported the British and was also anti-Brahmin in its agenda. This propaganda led to great violence against Brahmins in Kolhapur.[49]

Mahatma Gandhi's assassination

After Mahatma Gandhi's assassination by Nathuram Godse, a Chitpavan, Brahmins in Maharashtra, became targets of violence, mostly by members from the Maratha caste.[50][51][52]

V. M. Sirsikar, a political scientist at the University of Pune, noted that

It will be too much to believe that the riots took place because of the intense love of Gandhiji on the part of the Marathas. Godse became a very convenient hate symbol to damn the Brahmins and burn their properties.[51]

The violence after the assassination affected chitpavan Patwardhan family ruled princely states such as Sangli, where the Marathas were joined by the Jains and the Lingayats in the attacks against the Brahmins. Here, specifically, the loss was about Rs.16 million. This event led to the hasty integration of the Patwardhan states into the Bombay Province by March 1948 – a move that was opposed by other Brahmins as they feared the Maratha predominance in the integrated province.[49]

Military

The Chitpavans have considered themselves to be both warriors and priests.[53] Their involvement in military affairs began with the rise of the Peshwas[54] and their willingness to enter military and other services earned them high status and power in the Deccan.[55]

Culture

In their original home of Konkan, their primary occupation was farming, while some earned money by performing rituals among their own caste members.[56]

Anthropologist Donald Kurtz writes that the late 20th century opinions about the culture of the Chitpavans was that they were frugal to the point of appearing cheap, impassive, not trustworthy and also conspiratorial.[57] According to Tilak, a Chitpavan himself, his community was known for cleanliness and being industrious but he suggested they should learn virtues such as benevolence and generosity from the Deshasthas.[58] During the heyday of the Maratha Empire, the city of Pune became the financial metropolis of the empire with 150 big and petty moneylenders. Most of these were Chitpavan or Deshastha Brahmins.[59]

D.L.Sheth, the former director of the Center for the Study of Developing Societies in India (CSDS), lists Indian communities that were traditionally "urban and professional" (following professions like doctors, lawyers, teachers, engineers, etc.) immediately after Independence in 1947. This list included Chitpavans and CKPs(Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhus) from Maharashtra; the South Indian Brahmins; the Nagar Brahmins from Gujarat; the Punjabi Khatris, Kashmiri Pandits and Kayasthas from northern India; the Probasi and the Bhadralok Bengalis; the Parsis and the upper crusts of Muslim and Christian communities. According to P.K.Verma, "Education was a common thread that bound together this pan Indian elite" and almost all male members of these communities could read and write English and were educated beyond school.[60][61][62]

Language

Chitpavan Brahmins in Maharashtra speak Marathi as their language. The Marathi spoken by Chitpavans in Pune is the standard form of language used all over Maharashtra today.[4] This form has many words derived from Sanskrit and retains the Sanskrit pronunciation of many, misconstrued by non-standard speakers as "nasalised pronunciation".[63]

Social status

Earlier, the Deshastha Brahmins openly disparaged the Chitpavans as parvenus (a relative newcomer to a socio-economic class), and in Kumar's words "barely fit to associate on terms of equality with the noblest of the Dvijas". The Deshastha Brahmins were also joined by the Karhade Brahmins who also showed disdain for the Chitpawans and both these castes even declined to eat food together with them. Thus, they did not treat them as social equals. Even the Peshwas themselves were not given access to the ghats reserved for Deshastha priests at Nashik on the Godavari river.[1][64][65]

After the appointment of Balaji Vishwanath Bhat as Peshwa, Konkanastha migrants began arriving en masse from the Konkan to Pune,[27][66] where the Peshwa offered some important offices to the Konkanastha caste.[67] The Konkanastha kin were rewarded with tax relief and grants of land.[68] Historians point out nepotism[69][70][71][72][73][74] and corruption during this time.

The rise in prominence of the Chitpavans compared to the Deshastha Brahmins resulted in intense rivalry between the two communities.[75] 19th century records also mention Gramanyas or village-level debates between the Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhus and the Chitpavans, Saraswat Brahmins and the Chitpavans, Pathare Prabhus and the Chitpavans and Shukla Yajurvedi Deshastha Brahmins and the Chitpavans. These disputes pertaining to the so-called violation of "Brahmanical ritual code of behavior" were quite common in Maharashtra during that period.[76]

Bal Gangadhar Tilak believed that the Deshasthas, Chitpavans and Karhades should get united. As early as 1881, he encouraged this by writing comprehensive discussions on the urgent need for these three Maharashtrian Brahmin sub-castes to give up caste exclusiveness by intermarrying and dining together.[77]

Starting in the 20th century, the relations between the Deshastha Brahmins and the Chitpavan Brahmins have improved by the large-scale mixing of both communities on social, financial and educational fields, as well as with intermarriages.[78][79][80]

Diet

Traditionally, Chitpavan Brahmins are vegetarian. Rice is their staple food.[81]

Bodan

A.J.Agarkar describes Bodan as follows and adds that some kind of dancing is also involved:

In certain Chitpavan families, it is obligatory to perform bodan, after a birth or a marriage has taken place in the family. Four married women and an unmarried girl are invited to meals. A metal idol of the Goddess Annapurna is placed in a plate containing all the items of the meals in small quantities. All the contents of the plate along with the idol are mixed together by the invited women and if any of them is in the habit of getting possessed on such occasions, or if anyone gets possessed for the first time, ghee, milk, honey, etc. are added to the mixture according to her instructions. The idol is afterwards removed and the mixture is fed to a cow.[82]

Genealogy

The community has published several family history and genealogy almanacs called Kulavruttantas. These books usually document various aspects of a clan's history, name etymology, ancestral land holdings, migration maps, religious traditions, genealogical charts, biographies, and records of births, deaths and marriages within the clan.[83][84]

Notable people

See also

Notes
  1. The book is less than 400 years old per Alexander Kyd Nairne, a British colonial era author.[7]
  2. Collector A. M. T. Jackson, a Sanskrit scholar was affectionately called"Pandit Jackson".Kanhere assassinationed him for Ganesh Damodar Savarkar's trial and an acquittal of a British Engineer in the death of a farmer caused by rash driving.[115][116][117]

References
  1. Ravinder Kumar (28 October 2013). Western India in the Nineteenth Century: A study in the social history of Maharashtra. Taylor & Francis. pp. 41–. ISBN 978-1-135-03145-9. Upon the chitpavans who had come into prominence after the rise of the Peshwas they[deshasthas] looked down with scarcely veiled contempt as the parvenus, barely fit to associate on terms of equality with the noblest of the dvijas. A chitpavan who was invited to a deshasth home was a privileged individual, and even the Peshwa was denied the right to use the ghats reserved for deshasth priests at Nasik on the Godavari
  2. Guy Delury. India, the Rebel Continent. p. 183. The name Chitpavan had been given to them by the other local jatis of Brahmins a little mockingly, since they tended to look down on the Chitpavans
  3. Percival Griffiths (23 April 2019). The British Impact on India. Taylor & Francis. pp. 329–. ISBN 978-0-429-61424-8. They were not highly regarded by other Brahmans in ancient days and appeared to have been employed principally as spies and messengers
  4. Singh, R.; Lele, J.K. (1989). Language and society: steps towards an integrated theory. Leiden: E.J. Brill. p. 34. ISBN 978-9-00408-789-7. The extent of the real chitpavan infuence in the socio-polity of Maharashtra, during this period, has been vastly exaggerated. Even under the most ambitious and effective peshwas, the established local power structure, from the major Maratha chieftains down to village headmen, did not trust Peshwas' political intentions and doubted their legitimacy. This was particularly true under Shivaji's feuding successors.
  5. Conlon, Frank F. (1999). "Vishnubawa Brahmachari: A Champion of Hinduism in Nineteenth Century Maharashtra". In Dossal, Mariam; Maloni, Ruby (eds.). State Intervention and Popular Response: Western India in the Nineteenth Century. Popular Prakashan. p. 163. ISBN 978-8-17154-855-2.
  6. Kurtz, Donald V. (1993). Contradictions and Conflict: A Dialectical Political Anthropology of a University in Western India. BRILL. p. 62. ISBN 978-9-00409-828-2.
  7. Nairne, Alexander Kyd. History of the Konkan. Vol. 1. Asian Educational Services, 1988.
  8. Deshpande, M.M. (2010). "Pañca Gauḍa and Pañca Drāviḍa: Contested borders of a traditional classification". Studia Orientalia (108): 37,39. The first chapter of the Sahyādrikhaṇḍa is titled citpāvanabrāhmaṇotpattiḥ "Origin of the Citpāvan brahmins". In the newly recovered land of Konkan, there are no traditional brahmins, either of the Gauḍa or Draviḍa persuasion, to be found. Paraśurāma invites all the brahmins for carrying out ancestral offerings (śrāddha-pakṣa), and yet no one showed up (Chapter 1, verse 31). The angry brahmin Paraśurāma decided to produce new brahmins (brāhmaṇā nūtanāḥ kāryāḥ, Chapter 1, verse 33). As he was wandering along the bank of the ocean, he saw some men gathered around a funeral pyre and asked them about their caste and dharma. These were fishermen, and Paraśurāma purified their sixty families and offered them brahminhood (brāhmaṇyaṁ ca tato dattvā, Chapter 1, verse 37). Since these fishermen were purified at the location of a funeral pyre (citā), they received the designation of citapāvana (ibid.)
  9. Stanley Wolpert (8 January 2021). Tilak and Gokhale: Revolution and Reform in the Making of Modern India. Univ of California Press. pp. 3–. ISBN 978-0-520-32340-7.
  10. Joan G. Roland (16 January 2018). Jewish Communities of India: Identity in a Colonial Era. Routledge. p. 462. ISBN 978-1-351-30982-0.
  11. Yulia Egorova (22 February 2008). Jews and India: Perceptions and Image. Routledge. p. 137. ISBN 978-1-134-14654-3.
  12. Raphael Patai (26 March 2015). Encyclopedia of Jewish Folklore and Traditions. Routledge. pp. 256–. ISBN 978-1-317-47171-4.
  13. Ken Blady (1 March 2000). Jewish Communities in Exotic Places. Jason Aronson, Incorporated. pp. 216–. ISBN 978-1-4616-2908-5.
  14. Roshen Dalal (18 April 2014). The Religions of India: A Concise Guide to Nine Major Faiths. Penguin Books Limited. pp. 262–. ISBN 978-81-8475-396-7. A very similar legend of a shipwreck is found among CHITPAVAN BRAHMANAS, indicating a possible connection between the two communities.
  15. K.K.Gangadharan (1970). Sociology of Revivalism: A Study of Indianization, Sanskritization, and Golwalkarism. Kalamkar Prakashan. p. 105. A history of the Bene Israelis, who settled in the Colaba district of Konkan claim Chitpavans as fellow Jews
  16. Egorova, Yulia (2006). Jews and India: Perceptions and Image. p. 85. ISBN 978-0-203-96123-0. The Bene-Israel had their own version of this legend, according to which both groups had a common origin. Their tradition states that after the famous shipwreck, the seven men and seven women who are considered to be the ancestors of the Bene-Israel community were washed ashore together with some other compatriots of theirs. The latter were discovered by the local inhabitants, who decided that they were dead and attempted to cremate them; however, when the bodies were put on the burning pile they regained consciousness. Subsequently they were converted to Hinduism and eventually became known among the local population as Chitpavan Brahmans.
  17. Strizower, Schifra (1971). The Bene Israel of Bombay: A Study of a Jewish Community. Knopf Doubleday Publishing. p. 16. ISBN 978-0-8052-3405-3. B.J. Israel, a member of the community, in an essay privately published writes: The legend that their ancestors were the survivors of a shipwreck at the village of Nowgaon near the port of Cheul may be based on truth . On the other hand , it may have been adopted when our people came to learn that , according to one of the Hindu Puranas, fourteen corpses of foreigners from a shipwreck on the Konkan coast were miraculously brought back to life by Parshuram, an avtar of the Hindu god Vishnu, and given the status of Brahmins... The Puranic legend may have been appropriated by the Bene Israel with suitable modification to account for their presence on the coast.
  18. Yulia Egorova (22 February 2008). Jews and India: Perceptions and Image. Routledge. p. 85. ISBN 978-1-134-14654-3. These two cases, in one of which the Bene-Israel tried to imitate the way of life of the Agris, while in the other they showed an interest in being associated with the Chitpavans, whose position in the local hierarchy was very high, resemble the attempts of lower caste Hindus to raise their status along the lines of Sanskritisation.
  19. Sarkar (1993). India Through the Ages. Orient Blackswan. pp. 5–. ISBN 9788125015765.
  20. Bronkhorst, Johannes (2016). How the Brahmins won : from Alexander to the Guptas. Brill. p. 121. ISBN 978-90-04-31551-8. The magas may not be the only brahmins of foreign origin. The chitpavan Brahmins of Maharashtra are sometimes believed to be in origin foreigners who turned into Brahmins. See Patterson 1968; Lele 2010.
  21. Cohn, Bernard S; Singer, Milton, eds. (2007). Structure and Change in Indian Society. AldineTransaction (Transaction Publishers). pp. 399–400. ISBN 978-0-202-36138-3. The string of ports from Bombay south to Karwar has had in turn Roman, Greck, Arab, Abysinian, Portuguese, Dutch, and English traders, invaders, visitors, or settlers. is this stretch of coast, too, which has received at one time or another such immigrant groups as the Bene Israel, Parsis, Kudal deshkar Brahmans, Gaud Saraswat Brahmans, and Chitpavan Brahmans. It is not pertinent to the present discussion to go into the place of origin or reason for immigration of any of these groups. What is pertinent is that cach of these groups has been an intrusive group, physically and culturally differentiated from the others as well as from the population into which they all came.One further point is that cach of these groups appears to have settled in different sections of the coastal territory, adjoining rather than intermingling with the settlements of the others. In this way, the Bene Israel came to be associated with the northern part of Kolaba District; Chitpavans, with the southern section of Ratnagiri (including what was formerly the small Sawantwadi princely state); Gaud Saraswat Brahmans, with Goa and the adjacent coastal section of North Kanara District. Of all these groups, the Chitpavan Brahmans were apparently the last to arrive, and so they ended up with that section of the coast which is by and large the least fertile and which has the fewest good ports. It would seem that Ratnagiri District, being thus the least desirable, was easily available, in a frontier-like way, and that little competition and few obstacles faced the Chitpavans as they went about settling down.
  22. Gordon Johnson (1970). Edmund Leach; S.N.Mukherjee (eds.). elites in south asia. Cambridge University Press. p. 100. Chitpavan Brahmins became powerful in western India with the rise of the Mahratta empire. In the late seventeenth century, Chitpavans were employed as messengers and spies by the Mahratta chiefs
  23. Balkrishna Govind Gokhale (1988). Poona in the Eighteenth Century: An Urban History. Oxford University Press. p. 110. ISBN 9780195621372. chitpavans found employment easily under the Peshwas in diverse fields, from commanders in armies to clerks in the administration[...].A document of 1763-4 gives a list of 82 clerks of whom 55(67 percent) can be definitely identified as Chitpavans. In addition to their salaries, they were granted a substantial fringe benefit of being permitted to bring rice from Konkan to Poona free of Octroi duty.
  24. Stewart Gordon (16 September 1993). The Marathas 1600–1818. Cambridge University Press. p. 109. ISBN 978-0-521-26883-7.
  25. Gokhale, B.G., 1985. The religious complex in eighteenth-century Poona. Journal of the American Oriental Society, 105(4), pp.719-724.
  26. Sandhya Gokhale (2008). The Chitpavans: social ascendancy of a creative minority in Maharashtra, 1818–1918. p. 113. ISBN 978-81-8290-132-2.
  27. Richard Maxwell Eaton. A social history of the Deccan, 1300–1761: eight Indian lives, Volume 1. p. 192.
  28. Edmund Leach, S. N. Mukherjee (1970). Elites in South Asia. Cambridge University Press. pp. 101, 104, 105. ISBN 978-0-521-10765-5.
  29. J.S. Grewal (2005). The State and Society in Medieval India. Oxford University Press. p. 151. ISBN 0195667204.
  30. Christophe Jaffrelot (2006). Dr Ambedkar and Untouchability: Analysing and Fighting Caste. Permanent Black. pp. 21–. ISBN 978-81-7824-156-2. The stigma of untouchability from which Mahars suffered was such that, in extreme cases, they were obliged to wear earthenware around their necks so that their spit did not defile the ground on which Brahmins walked. They also had to sweep the earth behind them to erase their footsteps or at least maintain a good distance from Brahmins to avoid contaminating them with their shadow. According to Pillai-Vetschera, these and other restrictions were imposed on Mahars during the Peshwa period.
  31. Tryambaka Śaṅkara Śejavalakara (1946). Panipat: 1761. pp. 24, 25.
  32. Anil Seal (2 September 1971). The Emergence of Indian Nationalism: Competition and Collaboration in the Later Nineteenth Century (Political change in modern South Asia). pp. 74, 78. ISBN 978-0-521-09652-2.
  33. Shejwalkar, T.S. (1947) The Surat Episode of 1759 Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute, Vol. 8; page 182.
  34. Govind Sakharam Sardesai (1986) [1946]. New history of the Marathas: Sunset over Maharashtra (1772–1848). Phoenix Publications. p. 254.
  35. J. R. Śinde (1985). Dynamics of cultural revolution: 19th century Maharashtra. p. 16.
  36. Michael, S. M. (3 May 2007). Dalits in Modern India: Vision and Values. SAGE Publishing India. p. 95. ISBN 978-93-5280-287-6.
  37. Cashman, Richard I (1975). The myth of the Lokamanya: Tilak and mass politics in Maharashtra. University of California. p. 19, 20,21. ISBN 978-0-520-02407-6. Retrieved 2 April 2018.
  38. Karve, Dinakar D. (1963). The New Brahmans: Five Maharashtrian Families (1st ed.). Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. p. 13.
  39. Wolpert, Stanley A. (April 1991). Tilak and Gokhale: Revolution and Reform in the Making of Modern India. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 32. ISBN 978-0195623925.
  40. Wolf, Siegfried O. "Vinayak Damodar Savarkar: Public Enemy or national Hero?" (PDF). Retrieved 3 May 2016.
  41. Wolf, Siegfried, ed. (2009). Heidelberg Student papers, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar: Public Enemy or national Hero (PDF). Dresden: Heidelberg University. p. 10. ISBN 978-3-86801-076-3.
  42. Wolpert, Stanley A. (April 1991). Tilak and Gokhale: Revolution and Reform in the Making of Modern India. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 19. ISBN 978-0195623925.
  43. Mariam Dossal and Ruby Maloni, ed. (1999). State intervention and popular response : western India in the nineteenth century. Mumbai: Popular Prakashan. p. 87. ISBN 978-81715-4855-2.
  44. Wolpert, Stanley A. (April 1991). Tilak and Gokhale: Revolution and Reform in the Making of Modern India. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 32. ISBN 978-0195623925.
  45. Cashman, Richard I. (1975). The myth of the Lokamanya : Tilak and mass politics in Maharashtra. Berkeley: University of California Press. p. 54. ISBN 9780520024076.
  46. Jörn Rüsen, ed. (19 June 2013). Approaching Humankind: Towards an Intercultural Humanism. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. pp. 157–. ISBN 978-3-8470-0058-7. Pune's Chitpawan Brahmins would not allow any Dalit and backward to join schools
  47. Swapan Dasgupta, Smruti Koppikar (3 August 1998). "Godse on Trial". India Today: 24–26. Archived from the original on 7 December 2007. Retrieved 29 June 2010.
  48. Arnold P. Goldstein, Marshall H. Segall (1983). Aggression in global perspective. p. 245.
  49. Maureen Patterson (October 1988). Donald W. Attwood; Milton Israel; Narendra K. Wagle (eds.). City, countryside and society in Maharashtra. University of Toronto, Centre for South Asian Studies. pp. 35–58. ISBN 978-0-9692907-2-8. Such resistance was to no avail, and the Brahmans' fears and troubles were realized in February 1948 when they were set upon by recently politicized communities - Marathas, as well as Jains and Lingayats - who unhesitatingly took advantage of the opportunity provided by assassin Godse's shots.[page 50]
  50. Thomas Blom Hansen (18 November 2001). Wages of Violence: Naming and Identity in Postcolonial Bombay. Princeton University Press. pp. 28–35. ISBN 0-691-08840-3.
  51. V.M.Sirsikar (1999). Mariam Dossal; Ruby Malon (eds.). State Intervention and Popular Response: Western India in the Nineteenth Century. Popular Prakashan. p. 11. ISBN 9788171548552.
  52. Ullekh N P (2018). The Untold Vajpayee: Politician and Paradox. Random House India. p. 39. ISBN 9789385990816.
  53. Bhatt, Chetan (2001). Hindu Nationalism: Origins, Ideologies and Modern Myths. Berg. p. 32. ISBN 9781859733486.
  54. Sandhya Gokhale (2008). The Chitpavans: social ascendancy of a creative minority in Maharashtra, 1818–1918. Shubhi. p. 82. ISBN 978-81-8290-132-2.
  55. Hansen, Thomas Blom (2001). Wages of Violence: Naming and Identity in Postcolonial Bombay. Princeton University Press. p. 29. ISBN 978-0-69108-840-2.
  56. Paul Hockings, ed. (1992). Encyclopedia of world cultures: South Asia – Volume 2. Macmillan Reference USA. p. 69. The occupation of the Chitpavans in their original territory of the Konkan was farming, with some income from performing rituals among their own caste.
  57. Donald V. Kurtz (31 December 1993). Contradictions and Conflict: A Dialectical Political Anthropology of a University in Western India. BRILL. p. 64-. ISBN 90-04-09828-3. Local non-Chitpavan Brahmans and non-Brahmans will tell you that Chitpavan Brahmans are notoriously frugal, even cheap. As one non-Brahman teacher described and other corroborated at a social function, it would be characteristic of a Chitpavan not to offer a visitor a glass of water after he/she walked across town to deliver a message when the temperature is 40 degrees C. In additional, Chitpavans are thought to be conspiratorial, untrustworthy, phlegmatic and inbred
  58. M. V. Kamath (1991). The Makings of a Millionaire: A Tribute to a Living Legend, Raosaheb B.M. Gogte, Industrialist, Philanthropist & Educationist. Jaico Publishing House. p. 8. Lokamanya Tilak, himself a Chitpavan once wrote that his community was known for their cleanliness, industry, enterprise and thrift but that they could learn the virtues of benevolence, generosity and munificence from the Deshasthas.
  59. H. Damodaran (25 June 2008). India's New Capitalists: Caste, Business, and Industry in a Modern Nation. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 50–51. ISBN 978-0-230-59412-8.
  60. Pavan K. Varma (2007). The Great Indian Middle class. Penguin Books. p. 28. ISBN 9780143103257. ...its main adherents came from those in government service, qualified professionals such as doctors, engineers and lawyers, business entrepreneurs, teachers in schools in the bigger cities and in the institutes of higher education, journalists[etc]...The upper castes dominated the Indian middle class. Prominent among its members were Punjabi Khatris, Kashmiri Pandits and South Indian brahmins. Then there were the 'traditional urban-oriented professional castes such as the Nagars of Gujarat, the Chitpavans and the Ckps (Chandrasenya Kayastha Prabhus)s of Maharashtra and the Kayasthas of North India. Also included were the old elite groups that emerged during the colonial rule: the Probasi and the Bhadralok Bengalis, the Parsis and the upper crusts of Muslim and Christian communities. Education was a common thread that bound together this pan Indian elite...But almost all its members spoke and wrote English and had had some education beyond school
  61. "Searching for identity among Dalit middle class in Maharashtra". Social Action. Indian Social Institute. 50: 72. 2000.
  62. "D.L. Sheth". www.csds.in.
  63. Deo, Shripad D. (1996). Nalini Natarajan (ed.). Handbook of twentieth century literatures of India. Westport: Greenwood Press. p. 212. ISBN 978-0-31328-778-7.
  64. Shahu Chhatrapati (Maharaja of Kolhapur); Vilas Adinath Sangave; B. D. Khane (1985). Rajarshi Shahu Chhatrapati Papers: 1900–1905 A.D.: Vedokta controversy. Shahu Research Institute. p. 4.
  65. Patil, U.R., 2010. Conflict, identity and narratives: the Brahman communities of western India from the seventeenth through the nineteenth centuries (Doctoral dissertation)
  66. Gokhale 2008, p. 113.
  67. Patterson 2007, p. 398.
  68. Leach & Mukherjee 1970, pp. 101, 104–5.
  69. Śejavalakara 1946, pp. 24–5.
  70. Seal 1971, pp. 74, 78.
  71. Deccan College Post-graduate and Research Institute 1947, p. 182.
  72. Śinde 1985, p. 16.
  73. Michael 2007, p. 95.
  74. Anil Seal (1971). The Emergence of Indian Nationalism: Competition and Collaboration in the Later Nineteenth Century. CUP Archive. p. 78. ISBN 9780521096522. Between Brahmins and these non-Brahmins there was a long history of rancour which the nepotism of the Peshwas had only exacerbated.
  75. Gordon, Stewart (16 September 1993). The Marathas 1600–1818. Cambridge University Press. pp. 132–134. ISBN 978-0-521-26883-7.
  76. Gokhale, Sandhya (2008). The Chitpwans. Shubhi Publications. p. 204. The jati disputes were not a rare occurrence in Maharashtra. There are recorded instances of disputes between jatis such as Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhus and the Chitpavans, Pathare Prabhus and the Chitpavans, Saraswat brahmin and the Chitpavans and Shukla Yajurvedi and the Chitpavans. The intra-caste dispute involving the supposed violation of the Brahmanical ritual code of behavior was called Gramanya in marathi.
  77. Sandhya Gokhale (2008). The Chitpavans: social ascendancy of a creative minority. p. 147. As early as 1881, in a few articles Bal Gangadhar Tilak, the resolute thinker and the enfant terrible of Indian politics, wrote comprehensive discourses on the need for united front by the Chitpavans, Deshasthas and the Karhades. Invoking the urgent necessity of this remarkable Brahmans combination, Tilak urged sincerely that these three groups of Brahmans should give up caste exclusiveness by encouraging inter sub-caste marriages and community dining."
  78. A. C. Paranjpe (1970). Caste, Prejudice, and the Individual. Lalvani Publishing House. p. 117. It may also be pointed out that marriages between the Deshastha and Kokanastha Brahmins have been very common
  79. C. J. Fuller; Haripriya Narasimhan (11 November 2014). Tamil Brahmans: The Making of a Middle-Class Caste. University of Chicago Press. p. 62. ISBN 9780226152882. Retrieved 11 November 2014.
  80. Gordon Johnson (1970). Edmund leach; S. N. Mukherjee (eds.). Elites in South Asia. Cambridge University Press. p. 105.
  81. India's Communities, Volume 5. Oxford University Press. 1998. p. 1804,2079. ISBN 9780195633542. (quote on page 1804):The Chitpavan are vegetarian and rice is their staple cereal. (quote on page 2079): Among them the Chitpavan, Desastha, Karhade and Devdny Brahman are pure vegetarian though nowadays, they occasionally take non-vegetarian food.
  82. A. J. Agarkar (1950). Folk-dance of Maharashtra. R. Joshi. pp. 41, 159.
  83. "Chitpavan Brahmins, a history". JSPUI. Pune University: 14, 15.
  84. Milton B. Singer; Bernard S. Cohn, eds. (2007). Structure and change in Indian society. New Brunswick, N.J.: AldineTransaction. ISBN 978-0-202-36138-3. OCLC 155122029.
  85. Gokhale, B.G. (1998). The Fiery Quill: Nationalism and Literature in Maharashtra. Popular Prakashan. p. 40. ISBN 978-81-7154-805-7.
  86. Chaurasia, R.S. (2004). History of the Marathas. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers & Distributors. p. 9. ISBN 9788126903948.
  87. Gordon, Stewart (1 February 2007). The Marathas 1600-1818. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521033169 – via Google Books.
  88. O'Hanlon 2002, p. 27-28.
  89. Kavlekar, K., 1983. Politics of Social Reform in Maharashta. Political Thought and Leadership of Lokmanya Tilak, p.202
  90. Bal Ram Nanda (1977). Gokhale: The Indian Moderates and the British Raj. Princeton University Press. p. 17. ISBN 9781400870493. His[Deshmukh's] family of Chitpavan Brahmans, one of the greatest beneficiaries of the Peshwa regime...
  91. Jones, Kenneth W. (January 1992). Religious Controversy in British India: Dialogues in South Asian Languages. SUNY Press. p. 238. ISBN 9780791408278. Retrieved 14 September 2020.
  92. Mahadev Govind Ranade (Rao Bahadur) (1992). The Miscellaneous Writings of the Late Hon'ble Mr. Justice M.G. Ranade. Sahitya Akademi.
  93. Wolpert, Stanley A. (April 1991). Tilak and Gokhale: Revolution and Reform in the Making of Modern India. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 9. ISBN 978-0195623925.
  94. Pinney, Christopher (2004). Photos of the gods : the printed image and political struggle in India. London: Reaktion. p. 48. ISBN 9781861891846.
  95. Bayly, Susan (2000). Caste, society and politics in India from the eighteenth century to the modern age (1st, Indian ed.). Cambridge [u.a.]: Cambridge Univ. Press. p. 236. ISBN 978-0-5217-9842-6. The true nature of these groups, said fearful Bombay officials, had been revealed in 1879 in the response of the region's politically active intelligentsia to the actions of W.B.Phadke, a chitpavan ex-government clerk from Pune.
  96. Pinney, Christopher (2004). Photos of the gods : the printed image and political struggle in India. London: Reaktion. pp. 46–47. ISBN 978-1861891846. a petty government clerk in Poona, Vasudev Balvant Phadke, led an uprising that would anticipate the revolutionary terrorism that would come to mark India in the first half of the twentieth century. Like B.G. Tilak, Phadke was a Chitpavan brahman...
  97. Donald Mackenzie Brown"The Congress." The Nationalist Movement: Indian Political Thought from Ranade to Bhave (1961): 34
  98. Stanley A. Wolpert, Tilak and Gokhale: revolution and reform in the making of modern India (1962) p ix
  99. Keshavsut, Prabhakar Machwe, Indian Literature, Vol. 9, No. 3 (July-September 1966), pp. 43–51
  100. Kumari Jayawardena (1995). The White Woman's Other Burden: Western Women and South Asia During British Rule. Routledge. p. 104. ISBN 9781136657146. By the early 1880s, Indian women started to benefit from the opening of medical studies to women in Europe and the United States, the first being Anandibai Joshi (1865–1887), born in Pune to a Chitpavan Brahmin family. She was married (according to custom) when she was nine years old. In 1883, at age eighteen, she went to the United States (with her husband)and studied medicine at the Women's Medical College of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia where she graduated in medicine in 1886
  101. Wolpert, Stanley A. (April 1991). Tilak and Gokhale: Revolution and Reform in the Making of Modern India. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 2. ISBN 978-0195623925.
  102. Echenberg, Myron (2006). Plague ports : the global urban impact of bubonic plague,1894–1901. New York [u. a.]: New York Univ. Press. p. 66. ISBN 978-0-8147-2232-9.
  103. Shailaja Paik (11 July 2014). Dalit Women's Education in Modern India: Double Discrimination. ISBN 9781317673309.
  104. Omvedt, Gail (30 January 1994). Dalits and the Democratic Revolution: Dr Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in Colonial India. p. 138. ISBN 9788132119838.
  105. Arundhati Roy (May 2017). The Doctor and the Saint: Caste, Race, and Annihilation of Caste, the Debate Between B.R. Ambedkar and M.K. Gandhi. Haymarket Books. p. 129. ISBN 9781608467983. According to Teltumbde, "There was a deliberate attempt to get some progressive people from nonuntouchable communities to the conference, but eventually only two names materialised. One was Gangadhar Nilkanth Sahasrabuddhe, an activist of the Social Service League and a leader of the cooperative movement belonging to the Agarkari Brahman caste, and the other was Vinayak alias Bhai Chitre, a Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhu. In the 1940s, Shasrabuddhe became the editor of Janata- another of Ambedkar's newspapers.
  106. Sri Narasimha Chintaman "Alias" Tatyasaheb Kelkar, K. N. Watve, Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. 28, No. 1/2 (January–April 1947), pp. 156-158, published by Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute
  107. Wolf, Siegfried, ed. (2009). Heidelberg Student papers, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar:: Public Enemy or national Hero (PDF). Dresden: Heidelberg University. p. 10. ISBN 978-3-86801-076-3.
  108. Lise McKean (15 May 1996). Divine Enterprise: Gurus and the Hindu Nationalist Movement. University of Chicago Press. p. 72. ISBN 978-0-226-56010-6.
  109. Y. D. Phadke (1981). Portrait of a revolutionary: Senapati Bapat. Senapati Bapat Centenary Celebration Samiti. p. 2. Among such young men initiated into revolutionary activities was Pandurang Mahadeo Bapat who later on became widely known as Senapati (General) Bapat. On 12 November 1880, Pandurang Bapat was born in a Chitpavan or Konkanastha Brahmin family at Parner in the Ahmednagar
  110. Jain, Kajri (2007). Gods in the Bazaar: The Economies of Indian Calendar Art. Duke University Press Books. p. 151. ISBN 978-0822389736.
  111. Richard I. Cashman (25 September 2018). The Myth of the Lokamanya: Tilak and Mass Politics in Maharashtra. University of California Press. p. 222. ISBN 9780520303805. Retrieved 25 September 2018.
  112. Subramanian, L., 2000. The master, muse and the nation: The new cultural project and the reification of colonial modernity in India∗. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 23(2), pp.1–32.
  113. Kulkarni, A.R., 2002. Trends in Maratha Historiography: Vishwanath Kashinath Rajwade (1863–1926). Indian Historical Review, 29(1–2), pp.115–144.
  114. Murthy, A.V. Narasimha (13 November 2020). "Bharat Ratna P. V. Kane: An Embodiment of Dharmasastra". Star of Mysore. Retrieved 16 May 2022.
  115. Sunanda Swarup (1983). "The Nasik assassination". Organiser. Bharat Prakashan. 35–36. ...Anant Kanhere, who actually killed Jackson, was a sixteen-year-old chitpavan Brahman youth...The whole episode will not be complete without mentioning about Jackson, who was assassinated. Ironically enough the records show that he was a popular Collector and liked by many. He was a Scholar of Sanskrit and was even known as Pandit Jackson. He was very fond of the theatre, dramas...Even On the eve of assassination, he had gone to watch the play "Sharada" which was organised in his honour
  116. Bimanbehari Majumdar (1966). Militant Nationalism in India and Its Socio-religious Background, 1897–1917. p. 94. On December 21, A. M. T. Jackson was assassinationed at Nasik by Anant Laxman Kanhere. Jackson was a learned Indologist. He contributed many interesting papers on Indian history and culture and was popularly known as Pandit Jackson. His fault was that he had committed Ganesh Savarkar to trial and acquitted an Engineer named Williams of the charge of killing a farmer by rash and negligent driving. He was not harsh in punishing people charged with sedition. W. S. Khare, a pleader of Nasik delivered some seditious speeches. Jackson ordered him to execute a personal bond of Rs. 2,000 and to be of good behaviour for one year with two substantial and respectable sureties of Rs. 1,000 each.
  117. Pramod Maruti Mande (2005). Sacred offerings into the flames of freedom. Vande Mataram Foundation. p. 27. At that time an Englishman named Jackson was the Collector of Nashik District. A cruel man by nature, he greatly harassed the people. He used to hold public assemblies to hear the people's grievances, but this was just a show, meant to put a gloss on his despotic administration. There was no justice for the people. Rather, they were subject to great tyranny.
  118. Ruby Maloni; Mariam Dossal, eds. (1999). State intervention and popular response : western India in the nineteenth century. Mumbai: Popular Prakashan. p. 87. ISBN 9788171548552.
  119. Amur, G.S. (1994). Dattatreya Ramachandra Bendre (Ambikatanayadatta). New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi. p. 7. ISBN 9788172015152.
  120. Patricia Uberoi; Nandini Sundar; Satish Deshpande (2008). Anthropology in the East: founders of Indian sociology and anthropology. Seagull. p. 367. ISBN 9781905422784. In this general atmosphere of reform and women's education, and coming from a professional Chitpavan family, neither getting a education nor going into a profession like teaching would for someone like Irawati Karve have been particularly novel.
  121. Alex Damm, ed. (2017). Gandhi in a Canadian Context: Relationships between Mahatma Gandhi and Canada. Wilfrid Laurier University Press. p. 54. ISBN 9781771122603. Moreover, the two principal conspirators behind Gandhi's assassination, who were hung for their actions – Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte – were both Chitpavan Brahmins from Maharashtra as was Savarkar, their ideological mentor. The Chitpavans had a long history of supporting violence against the alleged enemies of Brahminical Hinduism.
  122. Thomas Blom Hansen (1999). The Saffron Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern India. Princeton University Press. Gandhi's assassin Naturam Godse, a Chitpavan brahmin from Pune, had been a member of the RSS for some years, as well as a member of the Hindu Mahasabha. In the early 1940s Godse left the RSS to form a militant organization, Hindu Rashtra Dal, aimed at militarizing the mind and conduct of Hindus, to make them "more assertive and aggressive" (interview with Naturam Godse's brother Gopal Godse, still a member of the Hindu Mahasabha, in Pune, 3 February 1993)
  123. Schuler, Barbara (11 September 2017). Historicizing Emotions: Practices and Objects in India, China, and Japan. Brill. p. 85. ISBN 9789004352964. Retrieved 27 November 2020.
  124. Nadkarni, M.V., 2009. Social change through moral development?. Journal of Social and Economic Development, 11(2), pp.127–135.
  125. "Shah Rukh is not a good dancer but has charisma: Madhuri". Times of India. Also, we both come from similar backgrounds and are Kokanastha brahmins and have had typical Maharashtrian upbringing that makes us culturally similar.
  126. "Chintaman Ganesh Kolhatkar | Library Mantra".

Further reading
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.