Milan Bandić

Flower Square before the shopping mall was constructed

Bandić established himself as the person in charge of all aspects of running Zagreb,[66] becoming a spokesman for several controversial projects, one of which was the construction of a shopping mall on a historic Donji grad square.[67] In 2006, real estate developer Tomislav Horvatinčić, who had made use of Bandić's new urban master plan to build the 17-storey HOTO Tower in 2004, presented a plan for "Life Style Center" (later to become Centar Cvjetni, "Flower Centre"), a 50,000 m² (540,000 sq ft) mall with a 700-car underground parking garage in Zagreb's pedestrian zone, on the Petar Preradović Square, popularly known as Flower Square (Cvjetni trg).[68][13][69][70][71] The project involved tearing down former home of Zagreb's most famous architect Hermann Bollé, the birth house of poet Vladimir Vidrić, and the Cinema Zagreb.[72] It was opposed by the NGOs Green Action and Right to the City, as well as numerous public figures.[73] The Serbian Orthodox Church also opposed the project, laying claim to Cinema Zagreb, which had been expropriated from the church by the post-WWII Communist government.[71] A petition to stop the project was run, collecting over 54,000 signatures.[68][74]

After initially denying the existence of the shopping mall project,[75] Bandić supported Horvatinčić's efforts by modifying the general urban master plan.[76] Horvatinčić attracted controversy by calling the buildings "rat holes";[75][77] the invective was picked up by the Bandić administration.[78][68] In one case in 2007, Bandić publicly cursed out the protesters, singling out Right to the City leader Teodor Celakoski.[79] Protests and lawsuits filed by the Ministry of Environmental Protection and Spatial Planning delayed and reduced the scope of the project, which at one point involved remodelling the entire city block, but ultimately failed to stop it,[73][80] in large part thanks to Bandić's involvement.[81] Notably, police cracked down on a protest in February 2010 opposing the conversion of part of Varšavska Street pedestrian zone to parking garage ramp, arresting its leaders, including Green Action president Tomislav Tomašević and actress Urša Raukar.[82][83] The ramp was finished in 2011, completing the project.[84] Further expansions of the shopping mall were prevented by a 2013 amendment to the general urban master plan.[85] A related controversy arose temporarily in 2016, as Bandić administration allowed Horvatinčić to place a bar patio in front of the entrance to the Flower Square's Serbian Orthodox Cathedral, also hindering access to a public seating area. Bandić withdrew the permit after public pressure.[86]

Other Bandić's projects at Flower Square included an unexecuted project for canopy and floor heating in the adjoining Bogovićeva and Petrićeva Streets[87] and closing down Cinema Europa, the home of Zagreb Film Festival, despite public protests. Bandić described the closure of the cinema as "stealing [Cinema Europa] away from tycoon privatisation."[88][89] Much of Flower Square today is covered by coffee bar patios, and few flower stands remain.[90][91]

"Urban villas" – sidewalks are rare in the narrow streets of densely built Medvednica Foothills

At the end of the 1990s, the Croatian government began a programme of social housing called Subsidised Housing Development Programme (Program društveno poticane stanogradnje, POS), creating private-public partnerships to develop housing estates accessible to low-income residents.[92] One POS housing estate was built in Zagreb: Špansko–Oranice, whose construction began during the mayoralty of Vlasta Pavić.[93] Soon after Bandić's return to power in 2005, his administration bought out the government's POS projects in Zagreb, Bandić terming the city-led projects the "Zagreb housing development model" (Zagrebački model stanogradnje). Despite Bandić prominently leading social housing projects for low-income residents,[94] few such projects eventually panned out.[95] At the same time, a glut of higher-priced housing was created. It was estimated that only half of all new flats built privately between 2001 and 2008 had been sold by 2013.[96]

According to urban planners, City of Zagreb's private-public partnership model was a "complete failure".[96] Despite the fact that POS estates residents were highly content with their new housing,[97] in large part owing to the exceedingly low quality and availability of existing affordable housing and high demand for cheap flats,[98][99] only three out of nine POS estates: Špansko–Oranice, Sopnica–Jelkovec and Vrbani III were built by 2015,[95] while the construction in a fourth one, Podbrežje, finally began in 2016,[100] but the plan was later amended and only a few buildings were constructed by 2021.[101][102][103] 2014 research showed that only 6.1 percent of Zagreb's residents lived in POS housing,[104] a far lower share than in social housing projects of other European capitals.[105] The new estates were also criticised for high flat prices rivalling those in a cheap gated community in Sveta Nedelja, Zagreb County.[106][107]

The plan for Sopnica–Jelkovec estate (later renamed Novi Jelkovec) was laid out in 2003 and amended several times.[108] The location was set in the Sesvete industrial zone, on the site of the former Sljeme pig factory, whose grounds the city purchased in 1999.[109] The project would create a new neighbourhood on a 39.5-hectare (98-acre) area that was to be connected to the city by an extension of Vukovar Street and a new tram line, with numerous amenities such as a library, a kindergarten and a community swimming pool.[98][109] Bandić associated himself publicly with the project after taking it over from the POS programme.[94] The City of Zagreb invested 2.5 billion kuna (€300 million) into the project,[109] whose construction began in 2006. In 2009, at the opening of the estate, Bandić announced that "we almost solved the housing problems of most of [Zagreb's] residents [who could not afford a flat]."[110] In the next several years, the estate attained a negative reputation as none of the promised facilities and traffic connections materialised.[109] Many of the residents were assigned flats lacking basic amenities such as internet and phone service.[111] Bus lines were added to the neighbourhood only in 2013. An additional problem was poor construction causing water leaks.[109] Bandić took a leading role in the allocation of flats,[94] where inhabitants of the same social status were largely accorded flats in the same buildings, creating segregation and stunting social cohesion.[112][109][113] Most of the problems were eventually remedied and the residents expressed satisfaction with the estate in a survey five years after its opening, but it could not shake off its initial negative reputation,[114] leading to significant vacancy rates years after it was constructed.[109][115] In 2020, the remaining apartment were offered at reduced rent rates to the Zagreb earthquake victims.[116]

Construction of the Vrbani III estate started in 2006, after a 2004 design contest. Located near Lake Jarun, it was intended to be located between two new roads and a new park. It was also intended to feature a new kindergarten and elementary school.[117] The amenities were only partially completed in following years, causing the residents to rely on nearby neighbourhoods for daily needs.[118][119][120] The first flats were sold by 2006, when it came to light that some of the buildings were affected by severe tap water contamination with mineral oil concentrations over 500 times the legal allowance.[121][122] Bandić was quick to dismiss the issue, lining up with mayor's office employees to drink from an affected hydrant in a publicity stunt,[123] and assuring citizens that the problem would be remedied within days.[124] Affected residents ended up relying for years on bottled water for all their daily needs except flushing toilets until the problem was remedied.[125] Zagrebgradnja, Geoprojekt and Capital Ing, the companies involved in the construction of Vrbani III, were eventually found liable in court for the contamination.[126] The city nevertheless continued to do business with the companies. Several of Bandić's associates, including Jelena Pavičić Vukičević would obtain flats in a Geoprojekt project, while Bandić himself reportedly had flats in Zagrebgradnja buildings.[127][128] Zagrebgradnja and Geoprojekt were among the companies with whom Bandić conducted hundreds of unsupervised land swaps from at least 2005 until 2009, which would later be investigated by USKOK.[129]

While not labelled part of Zagreb Housing Development Model by Bandić, Arena Zagreb and its surrounding neighbourhoods exhibited many related problems.[130][112] At the onset of Great Recession, Bandić pushed for the construction of Arena Zagreb, one of several controversial handball stadiums which were opened in 2009 for the purposes of hosting the 2009 World Men's Handball Championship.[131] The venue, which would house sports matches and concerts, drew controversy from the start, having been built at a different location and according to a different plan from the one chosen at the public tender.[112] In addition, the costs required that it be occupied 250 days a year to break even. The arena was constructed by a private-public partnership which left the city paying for part of the arena's upkeep on top of renting it from the concessionaire, who themselves had expressed doubts in the venue's cost-effectiveness.[131][132][133][134] The arena was paired with the adjacent Arena Centar shopping mall,[135] and more construction followed in the form of Jaruščica housing estate and expansion of Lanište. Years later, the neighbourhood lacked basic amenities such as parks, schools, kindergartens and ambulatory care clinics, using up capacities of nearby older neighbourhoods. Public spaces were largely devoid of trees and instead dominated by parking lots,[44][112] which were still insufficient for the needs of Arena Zagreb concertgoers, causing parking problems for residents.[136][137] As part of the confidential concession agreement, the passage of Arena Zagreb into city ownership depends on regular payments of rental fees, which Bandić's administration did not service in timely fashion.[138][139]

Renovated Zagreb Avenue

Bandić frequently talked about the state of transport infrastructure in Zagreb,[140][141] regularly announcing numerous capital infrastructure projects, which would allegedly remedy traffic problems in Zagreb.[142][143][144] Some of these were urban motorways through densely populated Medvednica Foothills, a tunnel under the Medvednica that would connect Zagreb with Zagorje[145][142][143] various tunnels and underpasses in the historic city centre,[146][147][148] extensions of numerous arterial roads, such as Branimir Road and Prisavlje[149][150] and building several new bridges over Sava near Jarun[151] and Bundek.[152][150]

A few projects were carried out: widening part of Ljubljana Avenue (which Bandić subsequently in a populist move renamed Zagreb Avenue),[153] Radnička Road and Jankomir Bridge, and constructing Homeland Bridge and overpasses or underpasses at several high traffic junctions such as Remetinec Roundabout.[154][155] A few new stretches of arterial roads were built, including filling a one-kilometre gap in Branimir Road, which took place from 2005 to 2016.[156] Many projects were criticised for the poor quality of execution, such as an underpass which continued to flood regularly during rainfall despite specific repairs to that end, and the inconsistently marked cycling paths.[157][158][159][160]

In 2016, the city renovated the pedestrian Sava Bridge,[161] and in 2018 began works to renovate Liberty Bridge.[162] In 2019, Sava Bridge was closed after a part of the pavement fell through onto the embankment below. Bandić said the bridge was safe and would be repaired within days.[161] However, the failed pavement remained closed to traffic until the end of Bandić's mayoralty, at which time it was scheduled to be opened in 2022.[163][164] After finishing the Liberty Bridge renovation in December 2019,[165] the city began the renovation of Youth Bridge; this was also Bandić's last announcement of imminent works on his perennial Jarun Bridge project.[166] The Liberty Bridge renovation was criticised by the Ministry of Construction and Spatial Planning for only renovating asphalt and railings instead of carrying out repairs to the dangerously corroded bridge structure.[167][168]

Most of Bandić's involvements in transport infrastructure concerned car traffic.[71][46] For instance, while the cycling infrastructure was expanded, it was still fragmentary and cycling rate lagged behind other European capitals, despite Zagreb having one of the smallest shares of car traffic in the commute modal split.[169] Although Bandić announced numerous new lines in the core of Zagreb's public transport, its tram network, his administration did not realise any of these projects, leading to an unprecedented 20-year drought in tram line construction.[170] In 2000, Bandić opened two new tram lines, Dubrava–Dubec and Jarun–Prečko, construction of which was finished during the previous mayor's term. These remained the last new tram tracks in the city.[171] The Prečko turning circle remains marred by a property dispute, which at one point occasioned a temporary closure.[172] In 2007, the city announced construction of seven new tram lines "over the next few years", including lines in Trešnjevka, Lanište, Dubrava, and the never realised[173] Jarun Bridge, two different lines to Zagreb Airport, as well as proposals for further tram lines in Trnje and on the never built Vatikanska Street extension.[174] Bandić would announce construction on many of these lines again until the end of his mayoralty.[175][176][177] Further tram lines and other projects, such as reconstructing the tram storage yard or an intermodal terminal at Sava Bridge, were announced, but no such plans came to fruition by the end of the mayoralty.[172][87][173][178] When one of the perennial airport tram projects was brought up by news media in 2019, Bandić denied he proposed it.[179] On multiple occasions since the mid-2000s, Bandić had presented plans for a subway network;[145] in 2014, the plan involved a 17-kilometre (11 mi) light rail line to be finished by 2017.[180][181][87][182][183] Subway plans were revived after the 2020 earthquake, "so that trams would not cause vibrations [in the apartments]" of the residents in damaged city centre buildings, per Bandić.[184]

In the early 2000s, the City of Zagreb selected Crotram's TMK 2200 as the lowest bid for conversion of Zagreb tram rolling stock to low-floor vehicles; the first trams were announced during Pavić's mayoralty.[185] Bandić pushed for purchase of TMK 2200s, which came to dominate the rolling stock, with 140 units by 2010.[186][187] Though he announced and lobbied for plans to sell Crotram units in a number of European cities, including Stockholm, Sofia and Helsinki, the deals all fell through,[188] with Helsinki residents finding the test units "cramped and noisy",[189] while Osijek, the other Croatian city with a tram network, found imported trams to be cheaper.[187] In 2017, wheelchair ramps were installed in the low-floor trams, since the tram floors did not line up with platforms.[190]

Comparison of Deloitte building in Oslo (left) and new Sljeme cable car terminal in Gračani (right)

One of Bandić's long-running projects was the reconstruction of the Sljeme cable car. The original Sljeme cable car was opened by Mayor Pero Pirker in 1963. After long calling into question the safety of the cable car, Bandić closed the cable car in 2007 after the failure of an electric motor.[191] In 2008, plans were announced for a new, higher capacity cable car to be opened in 2009.[192] Money continued to be spent on the project,[193] which eventually expanded to a €45 million scheme which would have included an extension with Zagorje at Bistra.[194] Eventually, construction began in 2019 and only on the original cable car's route, while Bandić announced a new tram line under Medvednica, which was also not realised.[173] The cable car was to be opened in 2020, but the opening was pushed back several times,[195][196] including for "strengthening steel reinforcements" after the Petrinja earthquake.[197] Bandić was criticised by the opposition for continuing with the expensive project after the devastating March 2020 earthquake.[198] A legal expert also characterised the cable car terminal as a plagiarism of the Deloitte building in Oslo, Norway.[199] The city announced that they would apply for EU funding to finance the cable car.[200] ZET took out a 537 million kuna (€72 million) long-term loan to finance the project.[201][202] The cost overruns included some highly overpriced construction materials, totalling at 0.4 percent under the limit which would require additional legal oversight. Bandić disavowed responsibility for the overruns, saying the causes were outside his control.[203] As of 2021, the cost overruns were under investigation by USKOK following a 7-hour YouTube video by a pseudonymous whistleblower,[204] and the cable car remained under construction.[205][206][197][207]

Kvaternik Square after remodelling.

St. Mark's Square was repaved in the late 2000s by leftover tram track paving stones.[208]

In an attempt to alleviate traffic problems, the city built a number of parking garages in the early 2000s. Garages were built under Lang and Kvaternik Squares, drastically changing their appearance.[209][210] In the latter case, the garage came to dominate a larger plan for a makeover of Kvaternik Square,[211] which followed the removal of its popular farmers' market.[212] In order to accommodate car traffic, highly trafficked zebra crossings were replaced with underground walkways.[211] The new square was widely criticised as it became unattractive to pedestrians and consequently remained empty.[46] A survey found the new Kvaternik Square to be the most unpleasant square in Zagreb.[213] Some reconstruction and renovation projects were also criticised for shoddy workmanship, e.g. the controversial British Square remodelling created a roundabout too narrow to be traversed by the city buses,[214] while the fountain in its centre sprayed water on a nearby bus station[215] (this particular remodelling was investigated by USKOK).[216][217] The Homeland Monument on Stjepan Radić Square, unveiled in December 2020, was showing material wear already by April next year.[218] The effect of these remodellings has been described as an "elimination of squares".[219]

An early 2000s plan for a public parking garage for visitors of Children's Hospital Zagreb under the Ellipse High School Sports Ground behind Mimara Museum[220] ballooned into a—later abandoned—310 million kuna (€43 million) private-public partnership project with an attached shopping mall.[221] An alternative deemed more attractive by the Zagreb leadership was a garage under the Republic of Croatia Square.[222] Bandić lobbied for the controversial project which involved pedestrian entrances surrounding Ivan Meštrović's monument, Well of Life, while garage ramps would flank the 19th-century building of the Croatian National Theatre.[223][224] Late 2000s plans called for three further garages in the vicinity of Flower Square and one under Strossmayer Square, as well as 16 more inside various Donji grad blocks. Most of these plans were abandoned after opposition by art history societies and intervention by courts, Ministry of Culture as well as SDP party leadership. One planned garage was constructed as a private venture, part of Centar Cvjetni (see § Flower Square affair).[225] In 2010, Zagreb Assembly enacted an ordinance against parking garages in Donji grad, effectively putting an end to the developments, although Bandić and Zagrebparking officials continued to toy with the idea of a garage under the theatre for a few more years.[226][227] The spatial arrangement of garages constructed (e.g. the close by Cvjetni Centar and Tuškanac garages) has caused low occupancy at some of the garages while other parts of the neighbourhood lack adequate parking facilities.[46] Several garages are located at the fringes of the central pedestrian zone; despite their original intent to alleviate congestion, they themselves cause traffic jams and increase traffic in the city core.[90][228][9]

In late 2017, the city started works to remove trees surrounding the Meštrović Pavilion in the middle of the Square of the Victims of Fascism, prompting protests against the city administration led by a citizens' initiative named Vratite magnoliju ("Bring Back the Magnolia") after several old magnolias among many trees and bushes that the city intended to cut down, reducing the greenery around the Pavilion to a grass cover.[229][230][231] Bandić and another city official were prosecuted for damaging cultural heritage and other accusations regarding the square remodelling.[232] The trees, some of which were protected heritage and fixtures of Zagreb pop culture,[233] were removed while the process was ongoing by the city authorities; some of the trees were reportedly "diseased",[234] and some "grew too much",[233] while the project documentation was contradictory on the others.[235][236] The makeover also included removing Brač limestone steps and replacing them with concrete.[230] At the end of the process, Bandić was found not guilty, and subsequently taunted protestors by cutting grass on the square while dressed in the uniform of Zrinjevac, the city's park maintenance company, which caused them to demand his resignation.[237][238] The city administration also removed benches and placed signs forbidding walking on the green surfaces. While a few academics supported the square makeover, most were opposed, including architectural, landscaping and art history societies.[239] The makeover polarised the public, leading to "guerrilla" tree planting actions suppressed by the police, the result was that the citizens much less often frequented or stopped at the square.[240][241][242] The renewed square's "cold monumentality" has been compared to the architecture of totalitarian and fascist Independent State of Croatia, which had cleared part of the square in 1941–42 while converting the pavilion to a mosque.[243][244]

In 2013, the city changed the zoning of the sole park in Savica neighbourhood in order to accommodate a plan to build a church in the park. Protests, which were ongoing by 2016, intensified in 2017, the election year, by which point Savica residents and activists held round-the-clock sit-ins to prevent construction crews from entering the park.[245] A 2016 survey found that the vast majority of Savica residents were opposed to the project, including 72 percent of Catholic residents.[246] Two weeks before the elections, Bandić promised that the project would be stopped and called for an end to protests.[247][24] The Ministry of Environmental Protection and Spatial Planning refused to issue a location permit for building the church, and it appeared that the project, which would have placed the church in the most wooded area of the park, was cancelled.[248] Nevertheless, the project was renewed in 2018 after Bandić secured another term and began supporting the project. In 2019–20, while Bandić was attempting to pass a new general urban master plan, the church project was expanded to incorporate a shrine dedicated to Blessed Alojzije Stepinac and plans for pilgrim tourism which would have caused the removal of the entire park.[249] The new master plan failed in the city assembly, and several months later city gave the park a name; there were no further attempts to build in the park as of Bandić's death.[250][251] The success of the Savica park protests was seen as a potential end to unchallenged decision making by Bandić and the city government.[24]

Magnolia trees in front of Meštrović Pavilion, 2009.

Bandić's mayoralty saw Zagreb's city budget increase from 3.8 billion Croatian kuna in 1998[252] to 13.7 billion kuna in 2021.[253] During his mayoralty, Bandić controlled the allocation of around 177 billion kuna (€24 billion) in budgets.[254]

On 1 January 2007, Bandić founded the Zagreb Holding, placing city companies under a single corporate umbrella, of which he maintained full control as the sole board member until a 2009 intervention by the Ministry of Public Administration.[255][256][257][258] The holding took up some of the city's responsibilities, such as building schools and kindergartens, and sold and leased back city's property, such as trams, to finance projects.[256][259] In 2007, the company issued €300 million in bonds on the London Stock Exchange, purportedly to finance improvements to water, sewerage and gas network.[54] The sewerage network in particular was severely outdated. Central Zagreb depends on an 1892 combined sewer system which would later disastrously fail in the 2020 flash flood.[260] Little of the money was spent on the intended purpose, being re-routed into patching up the city budget, real estate acquisition, and Sopnica–Jelkovec construction, although Bandić had vouched this would not happen when the bonds were issued.[54] A 2013 paper called for restructuring Zagreb Holding, finding that the company was exposed to high foreign exchange risk and relied on new loans to pay off existing debts. In 2011, Zagreb Holding raised 1 billion kuna in short-term loans and used it to pay off debts.[261] When the London bonds matured in 2016, Zagreb Holding was unable to make the payments and raised the funds by issuing a new series of bonds in the Croatian bond market. Reportedly, Holding leaders planned to refinance already in 2007.[54][262] In 2017, Zagreb Fair and long-time loss-leader Zagrebački električni tramvaj (ZET) were separated from Zagreb Holding.[263] ZET, the public transport company, operated at a loss for a long time due to Bandić's decision to allow free travel for most Zagreb citizens, and was criticised for practices such as giving a commission to drivers selling tickets.[264][265][266][267] In the course of the separation, Zagreb Holding controversially retained part of ZET's assets, including a workers' holiday resort, which it sold in 2020, prompting a protest by the workers.[268][269]

Research carried out by Corruption Research Center Budapest (CRCB) into City of Zagreb and Zagreb Holding found the city to be the worst among European capitals in corruption risks and public tender competition.[270] In the 2011–2016 period, more than a third of the contracts awarded by the two entities had only one bidder, covering billions of Croatian kunas. CRCB estimated that the social loss to the entities due to inefficient pricing over this period was 2.70 billion kuna. Zagreb Holding's tenders were the most inefficient in 2013, while City of Zagreb's were in 2016, both years close to local elections.[271] Using Benford's law, CRCB found high price distortions compared to true market value of services rendered, especially in no-competition tenders and those issued by Zagreb Holding.[272] The tenders were mainly won by companies with high presence in the public procurement market and low international export turnover.[273] The city also poorly utilised EU funding, below average for both Croatia and comparable European capitals.[274] While Vodoopskrba i odvodnja, Zagreb Holding's water management company, announced it would spend 1.4 billion kuna (€200 million) from EU funds in 2014, it only received 4.5 million kuna (€600,000).[53]

In 2014, Bandić and a number of high-ranking Zagreb Holding and city officials were arrested, one of them while attempting to flee Croatia. The case was dubbed Agram affair by the press. The mayor was charged with evading tax on political donations, illegal preferential treatment of the CIOS refuse management company, as well as trading city-owned land below market price. Bandić was bailed out a month later. His bail, set at a record 15 million kuna (€2 million) was paid by the same law firm which was retained by the city; Bandić was later fined 30,000 kuna for this conflict of interest. Bandić was returned to jail in 2015 after attempting to influence a witness, but was released after a month.[275][276][277] Bandić did not resign from his post; instead, the city was led by acting mayor and former Bandić's deputy Sandra Švaljek between Bandić's first and second arrest. The latter coincided with Bandić's successful appeal to the legal ban from exercising his office. Švaljek continued leading the city for a short period until Bandić rescinded her authorisation from jail, and gave it to Vesna Kusin. Soon after his release, Bandić returned to the mayor's post.[278][279][280] At the time of Bandić's death, he was being tried in several court cases, including the case of the aforementioned Agram affair, the "stands affair" involving alleged preferential treatment of politician Željka Markić's anti-abortion rally, a case involving the Zagreb wastewater treatment plant, and others.[281][276] Several high-ranking officials in Bandić's administration were convicted of illegally altering the general urban master plan, and received suspended prison sentences.[282][283]

Gredelj factory grounds in 2016

During Bandić's mayoralty, the city acquired several brownfield properties which proved impossible to sell or develop. In April 2004, then-mayor Vlasta Pavić criticized Bandić for buying land formerly owned by the Zagrepčanka meat packing plant, as the city was unable to register itself as the owner.[284] The controversy was dubbed "the Zagrepčanka case" by the newspapers.[284][285] Pavić distanced herself from Bandić, and Bandić was heard cursing her during a session of the Assembly.[284][285] Backed by SDP members in the City Assembly, Bandić launched a newspaper advertisement in support of his decision to buy the lot. Charges were brought against Bandić and others involved over the advertisement and "frequent and inadmissible attacks on [...] the court".[286] Three years later, Bandić was acquitted; the City of Zagreb was awarded ownership of the Zagrepčanka lot in a court judgment. Bandić promised a new business district in the Zagrepčanka location.[287] However, in 2021, the city was still hoping to balance the budget by selling the undeveloped lot.[288]

A number of similarly derelict former factories exist in the streets around the Main Railway Station.[37] Among a number of similar cases was that of former Janko Gredelj railway factory at the Main Railway Station. Zagreb Holding bought the closed factory from Gredelj in 2006 for 660 million kuna, a sum raised by issuing bonds. Years later, Bandić announced a plan to have the city buy the grounds from Zagreb Holding, in order to help Zagreb Holding pay off its debts. In 2006, most of the old factory was taken off the cultural heritage register while Bandić announced plans for a "new city centre". No construction has been done on Gredelj grounds, which remain occupied by decaying unmaintained buildings except for a small city-operated parking lot opened in 2018.[2][288][289][290][291] Paromlin is another former factory complex and protected industry heritage in city ownership, located adjacent to Gredelj and the railway station. A 2006 deal to preserve the complex and use it to house a Marriott Hotel and a 2012 project to house the Main City Library both failed. In 2011, a part of the complex was razed and turned into a public parking lot. Part of Paromlin collapsed in 2013, while a different part was illegally demolished in 2014. Of the 2013 collapse, Bandić said that "if [he] had been born earlier, [he] would have created a [...] renovation project in time."[292][293][294][295][296]

In 2007, Zagreb purchased the Potsdam Tin Theatre (German: Blechbüchse, Croatian: Potsdamsko limeno kazalište).[297][298] The prefabricated theatre was bought for €80,000 and 18 million kuna (€2.4 million) was spent transporting it to the city. Despite a proposal to place it in Središće, New Zagreb, the city decided to erect the theatre at the district's outskirts in Sloboština. The Sloboština lot was bought from a private company in exchange for a lot in Trešnjevka and 12 million kuna (€1.6 million). The theatre was never assembled, and by 2015, many of its parts had been reportedly stolen.[299][300][301]

In the mid-2010s, during the fourteen-year project of widening Radnička Road, part of the main wastewater canal (previously an open sewer) was covered and sewerage was built in Kozari Putevi, one of a number of illegally built neighbourhoods in the Žitnjak area.[302][303][304] In the 2000s, Bandić had based his campaign in Žitnjak informal settlements.

One of Bandić's perennial promises was closing the Jakuševec landfill, an ecological hazard to the city which was at times closed due to strikes, suffered from plastic waste fires, and which was at one time operated without a licence.[305][306][307][308] After a strike by local residents, Bandić exempted them from an ordinance forbidding raising livestock in the city.[309][310] The Jakuševec hazard was not solved by the end of Bandić's mayoralty.[311] In the late 2010s, the city was beset by numerous fires, some allegedly intentionally started, at the private CIOS landfill, implicated in the Agram affair.[312][313][314]

In 2018, Bandić presented a project which would mandate an allegedly newly invented form of HHO cleaning of car engines for all vehicles in Zagreb at cost to owners, in order to reduce their carbon footprint. Proof of the project's usefulness did not surface and the project was eventually pulled after criticism from engineering experts.[315][316][317]

In the early 1990s, the new post-Communist government carried out a series of street renames, returning many pre-1941 street names, but also giving some streets new names.[318] The most controversial rename was that of the Square of the Victims of Fascism, which was named Croatian Nobles Square. After SDP came to power in 2000, the square's pre-1990 name was returned, while the new name was transferred to the nearby Stock Market Square.[319] Though the wave of renames almost completely subsided after 1995,[320] Bandić administration also took a leading role in a few high-profile cases of street renaming. In 2008 he opposed protests calling for renaming Marshal Tito Square, named after Yugoslavia's long-time Communist leader Josip Broz Tito, to its erstwhile name Theatre Square, saying that there were "no historical reasons to change [its] name".[321] Nevertheless, in 2017 he proposed a successful motion to change its name to Republic of Croatia Square.[322][323] Branko Lustig, a Croatian Jewish film producer and member of Bandić's party, was removed from his seat in Zagreb Assembly by Bandić after he refused to support the motion.[323]

In 2006, there was a movement to name a square after the first president of Croatia, Franjo Tuđman. Right-wing supporters of Tuđman proposed renaming various major squares after Tuđman, while left-wing opponents proposed the long meadow in the wide central reservation of Croatian Fraternal Union Street. Bandić, who multiple times stated that Tuđman would get the "most beautiful square in Zagreb because he deserves it",[324] ultimately gave the president the hitherto unnamed park behind Rudolf barracks,[325] a move criticised by the right.[326][327] The park was initially intended to be remodelled into an urban square with a water park and pavilion with shops and restaurants, creating per Bandić, "the second heart of the city".[324][327] Bandić later fielded a proposal to build a road interchange there in order to speed up car traffic in the city centre.[147] The projects were not carried out. In 2015, after forming a coalition with HDZ, Bandić ardently supported their plan to rename Zagreb Airport after Tuđman.[328] Tuđman's bust was eventually erected on the median of CFU Street, where Bandić had in 2012 placed a number of controversial fountains.[329][330][331]

Another 2006 controversy erupted over the 150th anniversary of the birth of scientist Nikola Tesla, which Bandić celebrated by "erecting"[332] Ivan Meštrović's statue of Tesla, which was relocated from its original position at the Ruđer Bošković Institute (RBI) to Tesla Street in Donji grad. Various institutions, including RBI, the Academy of Fine Arts, and Ivan Meštrović Museum, stated that the decision went against the wishes of Meštrović. The sculptor had strongly intended that the sculpture be shown paired with a statue of Bošković at the RBI, going as far as to destroy the moulds to prevent replication of the statues. The return of the statue was the subject of an unsuccessful petition in 2013.[333][334][332]

Damaged building in the city centre at the mercy of weather two years after the 2020 Zagreb earthquake

In late 2019, Zagreb was beset by protests by the Zagreb Calls You initiative, Siget, Green Action, and Right to the City calling for Bandić's resignation and arrest over his alleged large-scale frauds and corruption.[335][336][337][338] The protests were motivated by the expectation that Bandić would pass a new general urban master plan accommodating the "Zagreb Manhattan" project which would have involved construction on a large amounts of green spaces and sports grounds, demolition of Zagreb Fair and Zagreb Hippodrome and, according to Bandić, construction of a 200-storey skyscraper in New Zagreb.[339][340][341] "Zagreb Manhattan" and other changes in the plan proved controversial, attracting more than 30,000 complaints from the public, which were all rejected by the city authorities. The plan eventually failed after Bandić and HDZ could not come to an agreement about amendments to the plan.[342][251] Defeat of HDZ's incumbent Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović in the 2019–20 Croatian presidential election, for which the backing of scandal-ridden Bandić was blamed, contributed to the falling out between Bandić and HDZ.[343][344][345] In early 2020, protests against Bandić were suspended due to the coronavirus pandemic,[346][347] which reached Zagreb on 25 February 2020.[348] In March 2020, Bandić was criticised for making jokes about the lack of soap in Zagreb schools.[349]

In the early hours of 22 March 2020, the day the coronavirus quarantine started, Zagreb was struck by a M_L 5.5 earthquake. Despite its relatively low magnitude, the shallow focus of the earthquake and the poor state of Zagreb building stock contributed to widespread damage, even affecting some new buildings such as the Museum of Contemporary Art and Centar Cvjetni.[350][351][352] Most of the hospitals, located in old buildings in the vulnerable northern part of the city, suffered damage and had to be evacuated.[353] The damage was later estimated at €11.6 billion.[354] In the early days of recovery, Bandić appointed himself head of civil protection in Zagreb and began holding daily press conferences on the subjects of earthquake and COVID-19.[355] Bandić received criticism for his remark that the damages occurred because "the residents did not invest in their property"[356] the announcement that property owners would be left to finance their own repairs,[356] and assigning the blame for city centre damages to homeowners who did not take the city up on a façade renovation program, which in fact did not include seismic retrofitting or any other earthquake damage prevention work.[357][358][359] A state inquiry found that none of the contracts aforementioned renovation projects had been closed, and that the emergency disaster fund had been spent on various associations, religious community projects and festivities.[360] In April, protests against soon continued in the form of cacerolazo,[361] while Bandić was accused by the Ministry of Construction of obstructing the recovery efforts, including refusing to house residents made homeless by the earthquake in empty and squatted social housing.[362]

Bandić soon backtracked on his opposition to financing rebuilding[363] and remained optimistic in his statements about recovery from the earthquake.[364][365] However, reconstruction had not yet begun by the time of Bandić's death,[366][367][368] and many people were still living in severely damaged buildings months later.[369][370] In Donji grad, cultural heritage regulations created additional red tape for affected citizens. The authorities estimated that 20,000 people, or more than half of residents of Donji grad had moved out of their homes by the middle of April,[371][372] and scaffolding protecting pedestrians from falling masonry began to be erected only in 2021.[373] Bandić was criticised for spending millions on projects such as Snow Queen Trophy and decorative lighting while reducing allocation of funds for repairs of schools and other public buildings, and spending city money on uncoordinated duplication of residents' own renovation efforts.[374][375][376] The city was also affected by a flash flood in July where citizens forced open an unstaffed dam to drain the city,[377] and a stronger earthquake in nearby Petrinja area in December which, per Bandić's estimate, caused 20 times less damage to Zagreb than the March earthquake.[378] The city did not release precise information on the extent of damages in Zagreb from the flood and the Petrinja earthquake, though Bandić pledged financial assistance to earthquake victims in Petrinja,[379] where the City of Zagreb had earlier built school infrastructure while Petrinja's mayor was a member of BM365.[380][381] One of the people involved in protests against Bandić was filmmaker Dario Juričan, who legally changed his name to Milan Bandić and ran in the 2019–20 presidential election as the self-proclaimed "evangelist of corruption",[382] coming in fifth with 4.61% of the vote.[383] In 2020, he created a documentary film, Kumek, about Bandić's scandals.[384]