Palestinian citizens of Israel

Palestinian citizens of Israel, also known as 48-Palestinians[1] (Arabic: فلسطينيو 48, romanized: Filastiniyyū Thamaniya Wa-Arba'in) are Arab citizens of Israel that self-identify as Palestinian.[2][3] According to Israel's Central Bureau of Statistics, the Arab population in 2019 was estimated at 1,890,000, representing 20.95% of the country's population.[4] The majority of these identify themselves as Arab or Palestinian by nationality and Israeli by citizenship.[5][6][7] Many Arabs have family ties to Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip as well as to Palestinian refugees in Jordan, Syria and Lebanon.[8]

Palestinian citizens of Israel
Regions with significant populations
 Israel
Languages
Arabic

Identification as Palestinian

Historical

Between 1948 and 1967, very few Arab citizens of Israel identified openly as "Palestinian". An "Israeli-Arab" identity, the preferred phrase of the Israeli establishment and public, was predominant.[9] Public expressions of Palestinian identity, such as displays of the Palestinian flag or the singing and reciting of nationalist songs or poetry were illegal.[10] Ever since the Nakba, the Palestinians that have remained within Israel's 1948 borders have been colloquially known as "48 Arabs".(Arabic: عرب 48, romanized: Arab Thamaniya Wa-Arba'in).[11] With the end of military administrative rule in 1966 and following the 1967 war, national consciousness and its expression among Israel's Arab citizens spread.[9][10] A majority then self-identified as Palestinian, preferring this descriptor to Israeli Arab in numerous surveys over the years.[9][12][10]

Terminology

How to refer to the Arab citizenry of Israel is a highly politicized issue, and there are a number of self-identification labels used by members of this community.[13][14] Generally speaking, supporters of Israel tend to use Israeli Arab or Arab Israeli to refer to this population without mentioning Palestine, while critics of Israel (or supporters of Palestinians) tend to use Palestinian or Palestinian Arab without referencing Israel.[9] According to The New York Times, most preferred to identify themselves as Palestinian citizens of Israel rather than as Israeli Arabs, as of 2012.[15] The New York Times uses both 'Palestinian Israelis'[16] and 'Israeli Arabs' to refer to the same population.

Common practice in contemporary academic literature is to identify this community as Palestinian as it is how the majority self-identify.[12] Terms preferred by most Arab citizens to identify themselves include Palestinians, Palestinians in Israel, Israeli Palestinians, the Palestinians of 1948, Palestinian Arabs, Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel or Palestinian citizens of Israel.[5][13][14][17][10][18] There are, however, individuals from among the Arab citizenry who reject the term Palestinian altogether.[13] A minority of Israel's Arab citizens include "Israeli" in some way in their self-identifying label; the majority identify as Palestinian by nationality and Israeli by citizenship.[6][14]

The Israeli establishment prefers Israeli Arabs or Arabs in Israel, and also uses the terms the minorities, the Arab sector, Arabs of Israel and Arab citizens of Israel.[5][17][10][19][20] These labels have been criticized for denying this population a political or national identification, obscuring their Palestinian identity and connection to Palestine.[10][19][20] The term Israeli Arabs in particular is viewed as a construct of the Israeli authorities.[10][19][20][21] It is nonetheless used by a significant minority of the Arab population, "reflecting its dominance in Israeli social discourse."[14]

Other terms used to refer to this population include Palestinian Arabs in Israel, Israeli Palestinian Arabs, the Arabs inside the Green Line, and the Arabs within (Arabic: عرب الداخل).[5][17][19] The latter two appellations, among others listed above, are not applied to the East Jerusalem Arab population or the Druze in the Golan Heights, as these territories were occupied by Israel in 1967. As the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics defines the area covered in its statistics survey as including East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights, the number of Arabs in Israel is calculated as 20.95% of the Israeli population (2019).[4][22]

Political

The question of Palestinian identity extends to representation in the Israeli Knesset. Journalist Ruth Margalit says of Mansour Abbas of the United Arab List, a member of the governing coalition, "The traditional term for this group, Arab Israelis, is increasingly controversial, but it's the one that Abbas prefers."[23] Abbas gave an interview to Israeli media in November 2021 and said "My rights don't just come from my citizenship. My rights also come from being a member of the Palestinian people, a son of this Palestinian homeland. And whether we like it or not, the State of Israel, with its identity, was established inside the Palestinian homeland,"[24] Sami Abu Shehadeh of Balad is "an outspoken advocate of Palestinian identity".[11] He says, referring to the 2021 Israel–Palestine crisis, "... If the past weeks provided lessons for the international community, then a main one is that they cannot continue to ignore the Palestinian citizens of Israel. Any solution should include full equality for all citizens as well as the respect and recognition of our rights as a national minority."[25]

Surveys

In a 2017 telephone poll, 40% of Arab citizens of Israel identified as "Arab in Israel / Arab citizen of Israel", 15% identified as "Palestinian", 8.9% as "Palestinian in Israel / Palestinian citizen of Israel", and 8.7% as "Arab";[26][27] the focus groups associated with the poll provided a different outcome, in which "there was consensus that Palestinian identity occupies a central place in their consciousness".[26]

According to a 2019 survey by University of Haifa professor Sammy Smooha, conducted in Arabic among 718 Arab adults, 47% of the Arab population chose Palestinian identities with an Israeli component ("Israeli Palestinian", "Palestinian in Israel", "Palestinian Arab in Israel"), 36% prefers Israeli Arab identities without a Palestinian component ("Israeli", "Arab", "Arab in Israel", "Israeli Arab"), and 15% chose Palestinian identities without an Israeli component ("Palestinian", "Palestinian Arab"). When these two components are presented as competitors, 69% chose exclusive or primary Palestinian identity, compared with 30% who chose exclusive or primary Israeli Arab identity. 66% of the Arab population agreed that "the identity of 'Palestinian Arab in Israel' is appropriate to most Arabs in Israel."[28]

Israeli citizenship

Between Israel's declaration of independence on 14 May 1948 and the Israeli Nationality Law of 14 July 1952, there technically were no Israeli citizens.[29]

In the aftermath of the 1947–49 Palestine war, of the estimated 950,000 Arabs that lived in the territory that became Israel before the war, over 80% fled or were expelled and 20%, some 156,000, remained.[30] Arab citizens of Israel today are largely composed of the people who remained and their descendants. Others include some from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank who procured Israeli citizenship under family-unification provisions made significantly more stringent in the aftermath of the Second Intifada.[31]

Seif el-Din el-Zubi, member of the first Knesset

While most Arabs remaining in Israel were granted citizenship, they were subject to martial law in the early years of the state.[32][33] Zionism had given little serious thought as to how to integrate Arabs, and according to Ian Lustick subsequent policies were 'implemented by a rigorous regime of military rule that dominated what remained of the Arab population in territory ruled by Israel, enabling the state to expropriate most Arab-owned land, severely limit its access to investment capital and employment opportunity, and eliminate virtually all opportunities to use citizenship as a vehicle for gaining political influence'.[34] Travel permits, curfews, administrative detentions, and expulsions were part of life until 1966.

Arabs who held Israeli citizenship were entitled to vote for the Israeli Knesset. Arab Knesset members have served in office since the First Knesset. The first Arab Knesset members were Amin-Salim Jarjora and Seif el-Din el-Zoubi who were members of the Democratic List of Nazareth party and Tawfik Toubi member of the Maki party.

In 1965 a radical independent Arab group called al-Ard forming the Arab Socialist List tried to run for Knesset elections. The list was banned by the Israeli Central Elections Committee.[35]

In 1966, martial law was lifted completely, and the government set about dismantling most of the discriminatory laws, while Arab citizens were granted the same rights as Jewish citizens under law.[36]

Population

According to the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, the Israeli population for 2020 was 9,293.3k, of which, 24.4% or 1957.6k (including residents of East Jerusalem) were Arabs.[37]

Relations with Palestinians outside of Israel

In the occupied territories

During the 2021 Israel–Palestine crisis, according to Al Arabiya, Fatah backed a call for a general strike on 18 May 2021 in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem and Palestinians in Israel were asked to take part.[38] In an unusual display of unity by "Palestinian citizens of Israel, who make up 20% of its population, and those in the territories Israel seized in 1967"[lower-alpha 1][40] the strike went ahead and "shops were shuttered across cities in Gaza, the occupied West Bank and in villages and towns inside Israel".[41]

The 2003 Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law effectively bans citizenship or permanent residency for Palestinians from the occupied territories who marry Israelis.[42] The law expired in 2021[43][44] and about 12,700 Palestinians married to Israeli Arab citizens are able to apply for citizenship[45] but Israel has delayed all family reunification requests, maintaining the status quo.[46]

Palestinian arts in Israel
Main article: Palestinian art § Palestinian artists in Israel

Palestinian musicians have found success in a number of genres, from singer Amal Murkus (from Kafr Yasif) to the Palestinian hip hop group DAM (from Lod)> DAM in particular have spurred the emergence of other hip hop groups from Akka, to Bethlehem, to Ramallah, to Gaza City.

In the art scene, the Palestinian minority in Israel has asserted its identity according to Ben Zvi, who suggests that this group of artists who are identified "on the one hand, as part of a broad Palestinian cultural system, and on the other — in a differentiated manner — as the Palestinian minority in Israel."[47] The issue of identity becomes particularly clear in an artwork of the Palestinian artist Raafat Hattab from Jaffa. The video performance "untitled" was part of the exhibition "Men in the Sun" in the Herzliya Museum of Contemporary Art in 2009. In the work, Raafat Hattab is seen as he poures water into a bucket in order to lengthily water an olive tree which is a sign for the lost paradise before 1948. The scene is primed by the song Hob (Love) by the Lebanese Ahmad Kaabour which expresses the need for Palestinian solidarity. The chorus repeats the phrase "I left a place" and it seems as if the video is dealing with memory. But as the camera zooms out, the spectator realizes that Hattab and the olive tree both actually stand in the middle of the Rabin Square, a main place in Tel Aviv, and the water used for watering the tree comes from the nearby fountain. "In my installations I appear in different identities that combined are my identity — a Palestinian minority in Israel and a queer minority in the Palestinian culture", explains Rafaat Hattab in an interview with the Tel Avivian City Mouse Magazine.[48] Asim Abu Shaqra's focus of the sabra plant (prickly pear cactus) in his paintings is another example of the centrality of identity, especially vis-a-vie the Palestinian subject's Israeli counterpart, in Palestinian art. Tal Ben Zvi writes that Abu Shaqra is one of the very few Palestinian artists, who have succeeded in entering the canon of Israeli art.[49] Abu Shaqra painted various paintings featuring the sabra, both a symbol for the Palestinian Nakba and a symbol for the new Israeli and his work stirred up a debate in the Israeli art discourse over the image of the sabra in Israeli culture and over questions of cultural appropriation and ownership of this image.[50]

Bibliography
  • Sa'di, Ahmad H., Trends in Israeli Social Science Research on the National Identity of the Palestinian Citizens of Israel, Asian Journal of Social Science 32, no. 1 (2004): 140–60
  • Muhammad Amara, Language, Identity and Conflict: Examining Collective Identity through the Labels of the Palestinians in Israel, Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 15.2 (2016): 203–223 Edinburgh University Press, DOI: 10.3366/hlps.2016.0141
  • Aziz Haidar (1988). "Chapter 6.The Different Levels of Palestinian Ethnicity". In Milton J Esman; Itamar Rabinovich (eds.). Ethnicity, Pluralism, and the State in the Middle East. Cornell University Press. doi:10.7591/9781501745751-007. ISBN 978-0-8014-9502-1. S2CID 210556679.

See also

References
  1. Tatour, Lana (1 October 2021). "The "Unity Intifada" and '48 Palestinians: Between the Liberal and the Decolonial". Journal of Palestine Studies. 50 (4): 84–89. doi:10.1080/0377919X.2021.1978800. S2CID 243976482 – via Taylor and Francis+NEJM.
  2. Alexander Bligh (2 August 2004). The Israeli Palestinians: An Arab Minority in the Jewish State. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-135-76077-9.
  3. Margalith, Haim (Winter 1953). "Enactment of a Nationality Law in Israel". The American Journal of Comparative Law. 2 (1): 63–66. doi:10.2307/837997. JSTOR 837997.
  4. "Israel's Independence Day 2019" (PDF). Israel Central Bureau of Statistics. 1 May 2019. Retrieved 26 January 2020.
  5. "Identity Crisis: Israel and its Arab Citizens". Middle East Report (25). 4 March 2004. Archived from the original on 13 March 2011. Retrieved 14 April 2011.. "The issue of terminology relating to this subject is sensitive and at least partially a reflection of political preferences. Most Israeli official documents refer to the Israeli Arab community as "minorities". The Israeli National Security Council (NSC) has used the term "Arab citizens of Israel". Virtually all political parties, movements and non-governmental organisations from within the Arab community use the word "Palestinian" somewhere in their description – at times failing to make any reference to Israel. For consistency of reference and without prejudice to the position of either side, ICG will use both Arab Israeli and terms the community commonly uses to describe itself, such as Palestinian citizens of Israel or Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel."
  6. Johnathan Marcus (2 May 2005). "Israeli Arabs: 'Unequal citizens'". BBC News. Retrieved 6 December 2007.
  7. An IDI Guttman Study of 2008 shows that most Arab citizens of Israel identify as Arabs (45%). While 24% consider themselves Palestinian, 12% consider themselves Israelis, and 19% identify themselves according to religion. Poll: Most Israelis see themselves as Jewish first, Israeli second
  8. Spencer C. Tucker; Priscilla Roberts (12 May 2008). The Encyclopedia of the Arab-Israeli Conflict: A Political, Social, and Military History [4 volumes]: A Political, Social, and Military History. ABC-CLIO. p. 503. ISBN 978-1-85109-842-2.
  9. Ilan Peleg; Dov Waxman (2011). Israel's Palestinians: The Conflict Within (illustrated ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 2–3 (note 4), 26–29. ISBN 978-0-521-15702-5. In numerous surveys conducted over many years, the majority of Arab citizens define themselves as Palestinian rather than 'Israeli Arab.'
  10. Torstrick, Rebecca L. (2000). The limits of coexistence: identity politics in Israel (Illustrated ed.). University of Michigan Press. p. 13. ISBN 978-0-472-11124-4. The indigenous Palestinians comprise 20 percent of the total population of Israel. While they were allowed to become citizens, they were distanced from the center of power because the Israeli state was a Jewish state and Israeli national identity incorporated Jewish symbols and referents. Government officials categorized and labeled them by religion (Muslims, Christians, Druze), region (Galilee Arab, Triangle Arab, Negev Bedouin), and family connections, or hamula (Haberer 1985, 145). In official and popular culture, they ceased being Palestinians and were re-created as Israeli Arabs or Arab citizens of Israel. Expressing Palestinian identity by displaying the flag, singing nationalist songs, or reciting nationalist poetry was illegal in "Israel" until only very recently. Self-identification as Palestinians, Israeli Palestinians, or Palestinian citizens of Israel has increased since 1967 and is now their preferred descriptor. It was only under the influence of the intifada, however, that many Israeli Palestinians felt secure enough to begin to refer to themselves publicly this way (as opposed to choosing the label Palestinian only in anonymous surveys on identity).
  11. "Long overlooked, Israel's Arab citizens are increasingly asserting their Palestinian identity". 11 June 2021. Palestinians living within Israel's internationally recognized borders are often known colloquially as "the 48 Arabs," a reference to their origins. Hundreds of thousands of Arabs fled or were expelled during the 1948 war that erupted upon the creation of the state of Israel.
  12. Waxman, Dov (Winter 2012). "A Dangerous Divide: The Deterioration of Jewish-Palestinian Relations in Israel". Middle East Journal. 66 (1): 11–29. doi:10.3751/66.1.11. S2CID 145591627. Identifying the Arab minority as Palestinian has now become common practice in academic literature. This is because most Israeli citizens of Arab origin increasingly identify themselves as Palestinian, and most Arab NGOs and political parties in Israel use the label "Palestinian" to describe the identity of the Arab minority. My use of the term "Palestinian is in accordance with the self-identification of the majority of the Arab community in Israel.
  13. Human Rights Watch (2001). Second class: Discrimination against Palestinian Arab children in Israel's Schools. Human Rights Watch. p. 8.
  14. Sherry Lowrance (2006). "Identity, Grievances, and Political Action: Recent Evidence from the Palestinian Community in Israel". International Political Science Review. 27, 2: 167–190. There are a number of self-identification labels currently in use among Palestinian Israelis. Seven of the most commonly used were included in the 2001 survey. They range from "Israeli" and "Israeli Arab", indicating some degree of identification with Israel to "Palestinian," which rejects Israeli identification and wholeheartedly identifies with the Palestinian people. […]
    According to the author's survey, approximately 66 percent of the sample of Palestinian Israelis identified themselves in whole or in part as Palestinian. The modal identity is "Palestinian in Israel", which rejects "Israeli" as a psychological identification, but accepts it as a descriptive label of geographical location. […]
    The establishment-favoured "Israeli Arab" is the second-most popular response in the survey, reflecting its dominance in Israeli social discourse. About 37 percent of respondents identified themselves in some way as "Israeli", double-counting the "Israeli Palestinian" category as both "Israeli" and "Palestinian". Although much smaller than the percentage identifying themselves as Palestinian a nevertheless considerable number include "Israeli" as part of their identity, despite the hardships placed upon them by the Israeli state.
  15. Jodi Rudoren, Service to Israel Tugs at Identity of Arab Citizens, The New York Times 12 July 2012: 'After decades of calling themselves Israeli Arabs, which in Hebrew sounds like Arabs who belong to Israel, most now prefer Palestinian citizens of Israel.'
  16. Editorial, 'Israel's Embattled Democracy', New York Times 21 July 2012 : "Israeli Palestinians are not required to join the army, and most do not. Many feel like second-class citizens and are deeply conflicted about their place in Israeli society."
  17. Muhammad Amara (1999). Politics and sociolinguistic reflexes: Palestinian border villages (Illustrated ed.). John Benjamins Publishing Company. p. 1. ISBN 978-90-272-4128-3. Many identity constructs are used to refer to Palestinians in Israel; the Israeli establishment prefer Israeli Arabs or Arabs in Israel. Others refer to them as Israeli Palestinians, Palestinian Arabs in Israel, the Arabs inside the Green Line. Nowadays the widespread terms among Palestinians are Palestinians in Israel or the Palestinians of 1948.
  18. Jacob M. Landau (1993). The Arab minority in Israel, 1967–1991: political aspects (Illustrated, reprint ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 171. ISBN 978-0-19-827712-5.
  19. Rebecca B. Kook (2002). The Logic of Democratic Exclusion: African Americans in the United States and Palestinian citizens in Israel. Lexington Books. pp. 67–68. ISBN 978-0-7391-0442-2. The category of "Israeli Arab" was constructed by the Israeli authorities. As it indicates, this category assumes and constructs two levels of identity. The first is that of Arab. Local Palestinians who remained in what became Israel were designated as Arabs rather than Palestinians. This category refers to the realm of culture and ethnicity and not, clearly, politics. The official government intention was for the "Arab" to designate culture and ethnicity and the "Israeli" - to designate the political identity. [...] In addition to the category of Israeli Arabs, other categories include "the minorities" and "the Arab sector," or, in certain sectors the more cryptic appellation of "our cousins." The use of these labels denies the existence of any type of political or national identification and the use of "minority" even denies them a distinct cultural identity. With the emergence of a more critical discourse [...] the categorization expands to include Israeli Palestinians, Palestinians in Israel, Palestinian Arabs, Israeli Palestinian Arabs, the Palestinians of 1948, and so on.
  20. Rabinowitz, Dan; Abu Baker, Khawla (2005). Coffins on our shoulders: the experience of the Palestinian citizens of Israel. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-24557-0. The Palestinians were included in the first population census in 1949 and were given the right to vote and be elected in the Knesset [...] This notwithstanding, Israel also subjected them to a host of dominating practices. One was a discursive move involving the state's introduction of a new label to denote them: the hyphenated construct "Israeli Arabs" ('Aravim-Yisraelim) or, sometimes "Arabs of Israel" ('Arviyey-Yisrael).
    The new idiom Israeli Arabs, while purporting to be no more than technical, bureaucratic label, evidenced a deliberate design. A clear reflection of the politics of culture via language, it intentionally misrecognized the group's affinity with and linkage to Palestine as a territorial unit, thus facilitating the erasure of the term Palestine from the Hebrew vocabulary. The term puts "Israel" in the fore, constructing it as a defining feature of "its" Arabs. The Palestinians, already uprooted in the physical sense of the word, were also transformed into a group bereft of history.
  21. Amal Jamal (17 March 2011). Arab Minority Nationalism in Israel. Taylor & Francis. p. 56. ISBN 978-1-136-82412-8.
  22. "65th Independence Day – More than 8 Million Residents in the State of Israel" (PDF). Israel Central Bureau of Statistics. 14 April 2013. Archived from the original (PDF) on 28 November 2017. Retrieved 6 December 2013.
  23. "The Arab-Israeli Power Broker in the Knesset". The New Yorker. 22 October 2021.
  24. Boxerman, Aaron. "Arabs should move past contesting Israel's Jewish identity, Ra'am chief Abbas says". www.timesofisrael.com.
  25. "We cannot continue to ignore the Palestinian citizens of Israel | Sami Abu Shehadeh". The Independent. 2 June 2021. Archived from the original on 24 May 2022.
  26. "Citizenship, Identity and Political Participation: Measuring the Attitudes of the Arab Citizens in Israel, December 2017: pages 22, 25 and 28; quote (p.28): "The positions of the participants in the focus groups reflect the strength of Palestinian-Arab identity among Arab citizens and the fact that they do not see a contradiction between Palestinian-Arab national identity and Israeli civic identity. The designation "Israeli-Arab" aroused great opposition in the focus groups, as did Israel's Independence Day. A comparison of views expressed in the focus groups with the general results of the survey points to differences between collective positions and memory and individual feelings and attitudes. The collective position presented in the focus group discussions finds expression in the public sphere and emphasizes the Palestinian national identity. Conversely, the responses of the survey participants reveal individual attitudes that assign a broader (albeit secondary, identity) dimension to the component of Israeli civic identity"" (PDF).
  27. Lynfield, Ben (27 September 2017). "Survey: 60% of Arab Israelis have positive view of state". The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com. Retrieved 23 October 2017.
  28. Smooha, Sammy (January 2020). "Still Playing by the Rules: Index of Arab-Jewish Relations in Israel 2019". Still Playing by the Rules: Index of Arab-Jewish Relations in Israel 2019.
  29. Margalith, Haim (Winter 1953). "Enactment of a Nationality Law in Israel". The American Journal of Comparative Law. 2 (1): 63–66. doi:10.2307/837997. JSTOR 837997. The Israeli Nationality Law came into effect on 14 July 1952. Between Israel's declaration of independence on 14 May 1948 and the passage of this bill four years later, there technically were no Israeli citizens. In this article, the phrase "Arab citizen" is used to refer to the Arab population in Israel, even in the period after the 1949 armistice agreement and before the passage of the Nationality Law in 1952.
  30. "עיצוב יחסי יהודים - ערבים בעשור הראשון". lib.cet.ac.il.
  31. "Changes to Family Unification Law". Adalah, The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel. Archived from the original on 4 October 2006. Retrieved 2 October 2006.
  32. Segev, Tom (29 May 2007). 1967: Israel, the War, and the Year that Transformed the Middle East. Henry Holt and Company. ISBN 978-1-4299-1167-2 – via Google Books.
  33. Kodmani-Darwish, p. 126, Féron, pp. 37, 40
  34. Ian S Lustick and Matthew Berkman,'Zionist Theories of Peace in the Pre-State Era: Legacies of Dissimulation and Israel's Arab Minority,' in Nadim N. Rouhana, Sahar S. Huneidi (eds.), Israel and its Palestinian Citizens: Ethnic Privileges in the Jewish State, Cambridge University Press, 2017 ISBN 978-1-107-04483-8 pp. 39–72, p.68.
  35. Eisenstadt, S.N. (1967). Israeli Society. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. p. 403. ISBN 978-0-8133-0306-2.
  36. Kodmani, p. 126
  37. "The National Significance of Israeli Demographics at the Outset of a New Decade". INSS. July 2021.
  38. "Palestinians in West Bank, Israel declare general strike in unprecedented show of unity". The New Arab. 17 May 2021. Archived from the original on 17 May 2021. Retrieved 26 May 2021.
  39. Affairs, Berkley Center for Religion, Peace and World. "A Second Look at the Political Mobilization of the Palestinian Citizens of Israel". berkleycenter.georgetown.edu.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  40. Akram, Fares; Nessman, Ravi. "Palestinians go on strike as Israel-Hamas fighting rages". The Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Archived from the original on 27 May 2021. Retrieved 23 May 2021.
  41. "In Pictures: In show of unity, Palestinians go on strike". Al Jazeera. 18 May 2021. Archived from the original on 22 May 2021. Retrieved 26 May 2021.
  42. Kershner, Isabel (6 July 2021). "Israel's New Government Fails to Extend Contentious Citizenship Law". The New York Times – via NYTimes.com.
  43. Boxerman, Aaron (6 July 2021). "With ban on Palestinian family unification expiring, what happens next?". The Times of Israel. Archived from the original on 4 October 2021. Retrieved 4 October 2021.
  44. Kershner, Isabel (6 July 2021). "Israel's New Government Fails to Extend Contentious Citizenship Law". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 6 August 2021. Retrieved 4 October 2021.
  45. "Palestinians start applying for citizenship under family unification laws". The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com.
  46. "With the Budget Approved, These Are the Challenges Awaiting Israel's Governing Coalition". Haaretz.
  47. Tal Ben Zvi (2006). "Hagar: Contemporary Palestinian Art" (PDF). Hagar Association.
  48. Halperin, Neta (23 March 2012). "The Palestinian art scene is flourishing". City Mouse Magazine (Tel Aviv). Retrieved 18 April 2013.
  49. Ben Zvi, Tal. "Landscape Representations in Palestinian Art and Israeli Art Discourse: The Case of Asim Abu Shaqra". Journal of Levantine Studies. 3 (2): 115. Archived from the original on 19 February 2014. Retrieved 2 March 2014.
  50. Ben Zvi, Tal. "Landscape Representations in Palestinian Art and Israeli Art Discourse: The Case of Asim Abu Shaqra". Journal of Levantine Studies. 3 (2): 118. Archived from the original on 19 February 2014. Retrieved 2 March 2014.

Notes
  1. Pro-Palestinian activists have dubbed the May 2021 Palestinian reaction to Israeli policies in Sheikh Jarrah and the Al-Aqsa compound as the "Unity Intifada." The term denotes the national solidarity and religious duty shared by the resisting Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank, Eastern Jerusalem, and Israel.[39]
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