Tohono Oʼodham Nation

Prior to colonization, the O'odham migrated along a north–south axis in a "two village" system, rotating between summer and winter settlements.[24] These migrations formed the foundation of their subsistence economies and enabled religious pilgrimages.[25] This pattern continued throughout Apache, Spanish, and American expansion, but shifted with the re-drawing of boundaries that followed the Mexican–American War.[26] At the Border of Empires: The Tohono O'odham, Gender, and Assimilation, 1880–1934. Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2013. Unlike aboriginal groups along the U.S.-Canada border, the Tohono Oʼodham were not offered dual citizenship when the US drew a border across their lands in 1853 by the Gadsden Purchase. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo did not specify the rights of the Oʼodham in crossing the international border.[27] The population was split between Mexico and the United States, however, after the treaty the U.S. government guaranteed that the Oʼodham freedom of movement would be protected. For decades, members of the nation continued to move freely across the current international boundary. Throughout this time, tribal members traveled and migrated to work, participate in religious ceremonies, keep medical appointments in Sells, Arizona and visit relatives. The O'odham were deliberate in attending their religious festivals, and they would leave their employers for two to four weeks to travel to Magdalena, Sonora. Oʼodham labor was so valued that employers began to drive their O'odham employees to the festivals rather than lose 4–8 days of labor while tribal members traveled the 140–200 miles by wagon.[25]^{: 147–148} The end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th saw a decline in the subsistence economies of the Oʼodham, and after the Bureau of Indian Affairs drilled wells for the Oʼodham, their need for constant migration declined.[24]^: 96 Despite these changes, the Oʼodham continued to move through the region with their families, working as hired hands on farms, mines, and ranches where work appeared.

The pre-contact legacy and economic lifestyles of the Oʼodham gave them a "transnational identity", but Indigenous conflicts on the Mexico–United States barrier arose. Land theft and forced assimilation decreased the numbers of southern Oʼodham and alienated them from their northern counterparts. By 1910, it was estimated that only 1,000 Oʼodham remained in Mexico.[28] The disparities in wealth between the two sides also led to cultural shifts. The traditional practice of lending between Oʼodham decreased as many Arizona Oʼodham felt that those on the Mexican side would not be able to pay loans back. During WWI concerns were raised about the proximity of the Oʼodham to the border, but the U.S. government ignored requests for additional military presence and trans-border smuggling thrived in the 1910s and 1920s.[24]^: 112 This included liquor, food, and guns. The War Department attempted to halt these illegal activities, but the reporting system on such a wide area of land was slow and ineffective. Ironically, the Oʼodham were accused of participating in the Yaquis' international weapons smuggling.[24]^: 116 As Mexicans were deported during the Great Depression, the Mexican government gave them Oʼodham tribal lands.[25]^: 141 Notions of isolation were further intensified during WWII as the U.S. Mexico border was militarized to protect against potential invasions via the Sea of Cortez, and tribal lands in Sonora were privatized to increase government production.[29][30] In 1977 the Los Angeles Times published a scathing article, writing that Mexican O'odham were taking advantage of medical facilities and welfare checks on the Arizona side of the border.[25]^: 156 An increase in militarization occurred again in the 1980s and 1990s, and further inhibited the ability of tribal members to travel back and forth and slowed migration. The Mexican government made gestures to improve the condition of the O'odham in Mexico by opening the office of the National Indian Institute, but the office struggled with inadequate resources and institutionalized corruption. In the 1980s, O'odham in Sonora responded to decades of land theft and bureaucratic failure by staging an occupation at the "weak and underfunded" National Indian Institute offices. the tribal constitution ratified in 1986 reads: "All members of the Tohono O'odham Nation shall be given equal opportunity to participate in the economic resources and activities of the Tohono O'odham Nation."[31] However, many tribal members felt that these promises were not guaranteed for them. At the end of the decade, O'odham on the Mexican side of the border wrote an "open letter" to O'odham on the American side. In the letter they stated: "our human rights and aboriginal rights have slowly been violated or disappeared in Mexico."[25]^{: 132–133} This articulated the concerns among many Oʼodham about the growing international divide and population loss in Sonora. In its 1990 census, the government of Mexico recorded no Oʼodham living in Sonora.[25]^: 160

The O'odham saw a subsequent rise in illegal crossing and smuggling through tribal lands as the surrounding security increased.[32] In 2003 the Nation hosted a Congressional hearing on the illegal activity occurring on tribal lands. In the hearing tribal leaders and law enforcement officers testified of "incidents of cross-border violence, and even incursions by Mexican military personnel in support of drug smugglers."[33] Along with the cross-border violence, tribal members continued to experience other social and legal consequences from the border. Tribal members born in Mexico or who have insufficient documentation to prove U.S. birth or residency, found themselves trapped in a remote corner of Mexico, with no access to the tribal centers only tens of miles away. In 2001, a bill was proposed that would give citizenship to all Tohono Oʼodham, but the bill was forgotten in the aftermath of 9/11.[25] Since then, bills have repeatedly been introduced in Congress to solve the "one people-two country" problem by granting U.S. citizenship to all enrolled members of the Tohono Oʼodham, but so far their sponsors have not gained passage.[34][35] Opponents of granting U.S. citizenship to all enrolled members of the Nation include concerns that many births on the reservation have been informally recorded, and the records are susceptible to easy alteration or falsification. O'odham can cross the border with Tribal Identification Cards, but these can be denied at the border and legal documentation on the reservation is poor. Separation from family members and detainment are possibilities for O'odham crossing into the United States.[27]

Border fence, photograph from Tohono Oʼodham Nation

Today, the tribal government incurs extra costs due to the proximity of the U.S.-Mexico border. There are also associated social problems. In an area of acute poverty offers from smugglers for Oʼodham to assist in illegal activity are common, and in some instances drug traffickers have purchased Oʼodham land along the border.[24]^: 166 Many of the thousands of Mexican nationals, and other nationals illegally crossing the U.S. border to work in U.S. agriculture or to smuggle illicit drugs into the U.S., seek emergency assistance from the Tohono O'odham police when they become dehydrated or are stranded. On the ground, border patrol emergency rescue and tribal EMTs coordinate and communicate. The tribe and the state of Arizona pay a large proportion of the bills for border-related law enforcement and emergency services. The former governor of Arizona, Janet Napolitano, and Tohono Oʼodham government leaders have requested repeatedly that the federal government repay the state and the tribe for the costs of border-related emergencies. Tribe Chairman Ned Norris Jr. has complained about the lack of reimbursement for border enforcement.[36]

Citing the impact it would have on wildlife and on the tribe's members, Tohono O'odham tribal leaders have expressed opposition in a series of official statements to President Donald Trump's stated plan to build a wall along the U.S.–Mexico border.[37][38] While the 1986 Tohono O'odham constitution gives the tribe sovereignty over their territory, this is nonetheless subject to the plenary power of Congress.[31][39] Approximately 2,000 members live in Mexico, and a wall would physically separate them from members in the United States.[40] Most of the 25,000 Tohono Oʼodham today live in southern Arizona, but several thousand of the Oʼodham, many related by kinship, also live in northern Sonora, Mexico. Today, many tribal members still make an annual pilgrimage to San Xavier del Bac and Magdalena, Sonora, during St. Francis festivities to commemorate St. Francis Xavier and St. Francis of Assisi, founder of the Franciscan Order.[41]

Integrated fixed towers (IFTs) are solar-powered structures that integrates high technology, such as infrared and video machinery, to provide long-range, 360-degree, all-weather surveillance along the border.[42] The proposed layout and size of the IFTs is said to range between 120 and 180 feet high, with each tower having its own equipment such as generators, propane tanks, and equipment shelters. The lot size of each tower varies between 2,500 square feet and 25,600 square feet, plus a fence that encompasses up to 10,000 feet. The radio technology of the tower permits the machine to be able to detect movement as far as from a 9.3-mile radius and vehicles from an 18.6 mile radius, while the long-range camera allows for video footage from 13.5 miles away.[41]

During March 2014, in efforts to raise border security, the United States Customs and Border Protection contracted a project with Elbit Systems of America to design and manufacture Integrated Fixed Towers (IFTs) along the Arizona border. The competition for a $145 million contract lasted between major defense contractors such as General Dynamics, Lockheed Martin, and Raytheon.[43] This contract gave Elbit jurisdiction to implement these structures to an unknown amount of sites at anonymous locations and the power for both the company and Border Patrol to deeply monitor the border.[41] Originally, it was stated that there would be sixteen IFTs placed along the southern border of Mexico and western border of the Organ Pipe Cactus National Monument. In an article published in March 2018, it revealed that there are 52 IFTs set in place along Arizona's southern border.[42]

Before the implementation of IFTs, the government had been using SBInets. These machines were intended to serve the same purpose as the towers, while also allowing Border Patrol agents to observe information from a common operational picture. However, the technology and functionality of SBInets did not meet expectations and costs began to exceed the budget by $1.4 billion. This eventually led to a shift towards IFTs.[44]

The implementation of these towers will aid Border Patrol in monitoring illegal crossings and any suspicious activity that occurs near the border. Although the towers would benefit Border Patrol in controlling illegal activities, for the Tohono O'odham nation, the integration of these structures will result in further territorial disputes and invasion of privacy. The rapidly increasing surveillance and security that is being brought to the borderlands has instilled fear within Indigenous communities. The existence of IFTs have begun to interfere with the spiritual rituals and daily routines of the Tohono O'odham nations. Tribes such as the Tohono O'odham no longer have the freedom to cross the border to visit their families or explore outside of their homes without risk of being scrutinized by agents.[45] Even with set boundaries and size guidelines for the towers, the current IFTs have exceeded the established range and are beginning to occupy parts of O'odham territory. Moreover, the growing number of towers along the border has brought increased numbers of Border Patrol agents: 1,500 positioned in three districts that control the reservation.[41]