Water supply and sanitation in Bangladesh

Bangladesh has an enormous excess of surface water during the summer monsoon (June to October) and relative scarcity towards the end of the dry season in April and May. Internal renewable water resources are about 105 km³ per year, while inflowing transboundary rivers provide another 1,100 km³ annually (average 1977–2001).[19] Bangladesh heavily depends on the flow of the Brahmaputra, Meghna and Ganges river basins that originate in India, Nepal and China. Whereas deforestation and flood control in the upstream catchment areas increase the flood peaks in Bangladesh, water withdrawals and water diversions may result in water shortages in the dry season.[20] The Ganges Water Sharing Treaty between India and Bangladesh, signed in 1996, allows Bangladesh to receive a minimum amount of 35,000 cubic feet per second (990 m³/s) during the dry season.[21][22]^{: 386–387}

In rural areas, more than 97% of the population relies on groundwater for its drinking water supply. In Dhaka, 82% of the water supply is extracted from groundwater that is free of arsenic, while three surface water treatment plants provide the remaining 18%.[23] Groundwater is being severely depleted in Dhaka where the groundwater levels are dropping at two to three metres every year. The city's water table has sunk by 50 metres in the past four decades and the closest in the near South Africa underground water is now over 60 meters below ground level.[24][25] The Asian Development Bank estimated in 2007 that by 2015 a severe supply shortage would occur if the utility did not reduce groundwater extraction.[26]

Throughout Bangladesh, as tube wells get tested for concentrations of arsenic,[27] ones which are found to have arsenic concentrations over the amount considered safe are painted red to warn residents that the water is not safe to drink.

An astonishing number of people in Bangladesh, possibly numbering up to 58 million people, were exposed to and were continually consuming the water poisoned by arsenic from around the year 1990 through 2000.[43] After the revelation that arsenic was poisoning the peoples’ water sources, it was brought to light that roughly 90% of the Bangladesh population was exposed to it on some level.[43] 20% of the total deaths are related to arsenic related cancer.[44][45][46]

About 35 million people were estimated to be exposed to arsenic above the Bangladesh standard of 50 µg/L and 57 million above the WHO guideline of 10 µg/L—approximately 28–46% of the 2001 population.[12]

The WHO estimated in 2000 that between 35 and 77 million of the 125 million Bangladeshis were at risk of drinking contaminated water.[47] Government estimates in 2008 said that up to 70 million people still drink water which exceeds the WHO guidelines of 10 micrograms per litre of arsenic, and 30 million drink water containing more than the Bangladesh National Standard of 50 micrograms per litre.[48] According to a British Geological Survey study in 1998 on shallow tube-wells in 61 of the 64 districts in Bangladesh, 46 percent of the samples were above 0.01 mg/L and 27 percent were above 0.050 mg/L. Based on the estimated 1999 population of Bangladesh, the study suggested that 28–35 million people may have been exposed to arsenic levels above 0.05 mg/L, and 46–57 million may have been exposed at the lower but still concerning level of 0.01 mg/L.[49]

The exposure to arsenic in Bangladesh was chronic (and unknown to those experiencing it for a number of years), and the resulting health outcomes are also chronic—mainly resulting in cancers and other long-term diseases.[12] This is one of the reasons for the long policy response time in this case.

Government policies to address the problem came at a delayed rate—about a decade after arsenic was first discovered—and the implementation of the policies has been slow as well.[12] Much of the practical response regarding the arsenic crisis has been funded by foreign bilateral and multilateral donors, and implemented by NGOs. There has been misallocation of resources with regard to arsenic mitigation—i.e. interventions not being provided where most needed but where there are personal/political connections.[12] In 2016 a report by Human Rights Watch noted that the government has failed to address the issue of arsenic contamination adequately due to "nepotism and neglect" so that 20 million people still drink water with higher than permissible arsenic levels.[50] Much of the affected populations were the rural poor whose voices were less likely to be taken into account in a centralised government.[12]

The Bangladesh arsenic crisis is an example of ineffective policy change because new or updated policies were put forth much too late, not implemented, or was not adequate or appropriate to deal with the crisis: The Bangladesh’s National Policy for Arsenic Mitigation (2004) was only published over a decade after the arsenic crisis was officially recognised.[12]

Mitigation solutions are mainly technological: involving switching to arsenic-free groundwater (i.e. from deeper aquifers), treated surface water (for example with sand filters), rainwater harvesting, and arsenic filtration.[12] Switching sources is not so simple—since this comes with a range of issues, such as increased travel time to fetch water, sharing water sources, and navigating various socio-cultural complexities with regard to water access.[12]

Intervention measures include awareness programs and the painting of tube-wells red if the water is above the government limit of 50 ppb (µg/L) arsenic (and painting them green otherwise).[12]

The government sells four types of household-level arsenic filters through a "Deployment of Arsenic Removal Technologies" (DART) Programme supported by CIDA. The four filters are the Sono arsenic filter, the Alcan Enhanced Activated Alumina filter, the Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) Activated Alumina filter and the Stevens Institute of Technology filter.[51] Until 2008, nearly 18,000 household filters and 50 community filters have been installed under the DART programme alone.[52] Through the programme, individuals can buy the filters for between 3,500 and 5,000 takas (US$50–70). For the very poorest, the filters are available at 10 per cent of the full price. Nevertheless, some people cannot afford filters and continue to drink arsenic-contaminated water.[53] Other programs distribute filters for free. For example, of 32,500 Sono filters installed until 2008, two-thirds were distributed for free.[54]

Among 11 cities participating in performance benchmarking in 2006–07, none provided water continuously to all customers. According to the benchmarking data, the city with the shortest supply per day was Bagerhat with 2 hours and the city with the longest supply was Dhaka with 23 hours, followed by Manikganj and Chandpur with 20 hours.[4] Within cities, the duration of supply often varies, as it does between seasons. Major water shortages in Bangladesh occur during the dry season.[20] As of 2011, however, intermittent supply was common in at least parts of Dhaka, forcing families to purchase drinking water and use pond or river water for their other needs. Regular power cuts, which turn off well pumps, also contribute to the intermittency of supply.[24]

Salinity distribution in the (a) shallow (first) and (b) deep (second) aquifers, in Southwest Coastal Bangladesh.[30]

Hydrogeology in Bangladesh is considerably complex. Therefore, the groundwater risk in terms of availability and quality is, spatially, highly variable. With arsenic predominantly found in shallower depths, the exploitation of groundwater resources in deeper aquifers via deep tube wells has been the principal arsenic mitigation measure, especially in the northern part of the coastal zone.[30]

Salinity is the more dominant water quality parameter of concern in the southern coastal zone. There is a high degree of spatial variability in different aquifers, including both those at shallow and deeper depths. Salinity in groundwater has been a widespread problem in the coastal aquifers and is caused by both natural and human-induced reasons, such as sea level rise, storm surges and freshwater pumping.[30]

In Bangladesh, the acceptable level of salt (chloride) in groundwater, set by the Ministry of Environment and Forest (MoEF) in the Environment Conservation Rules (1997), for the coastal districts is 1000 mg/L. This is higher than the standard set at 600 mg/L for the rest of the country and higher than the standard set by the World Health Organization of 250 mg/L.[30]

In Dhaka, nearly one third of domestic effluents do not receive any kind of treatment. About 30% of the served population of the Dhaka Water Supply and Sewerage Authority (DWASA) is covered by a sewerage system, the only one in the entire country.[3] There is one sewage treatment plant with a capacity of 120,000 m³ per day. About 30% of the population uses conventional septic tanks and another 15% uses bucket and pit latrines. During the rainy season, sewage overflows are common.[55]

The first central institution in the water sector in what is now Bangladesh was the East Pakistan Water and Power Development Agency (EPWAPDA), created in 1959 to plan, construct and operate all water development schemes. In 1964, EPWAPDA, with the assistance of the United States development agency USAID, prepared a 20-year Water Master Plan, including flood control. Although infrastructure was constructed, the lack of operation and maintenance, among other things, soon led to its deterioration.

After the independence from Pakistan in 1971, EPWAPDA was restructured and renamed the Bangladesh Water Development Board. The new republic soon gained support from several agencies. The World Bank published the Land and Water Sector Study in 1972, advocating small-scale flood control and irrigation projects. As a result, small-scale irrigation spread quickly during the 1970s and 1980s, partly financed by the private sector.[57]

In light of the growing population and the expanding agricultural and industrial sectors, in 1983 the National Water Resources Council (NWRC) was founded and the newly created Master Plan Organization (MPO) started to draw up a comprehensive National Water Plan (NWP). The first phase of the NWP was completed in 1986 and included an assessment of available water resources and future demand. According to the Asian Development Bank (ADB), a lack of attention to intersectoral and environmental issues led the national government to reject the plan.[58] Consequently, the second phase of the NWP was drawn up from 1987 to 1991, including an estimate of the available groundwater and surface water as well as a draft water law. The draft also took into account environmental needs. In 1991, the MPO was restructured and renamed the Water Resources Planning Organization (WARPO).[59]

Two destructive floods in 1987 and 1988 were followed by increased international attention and assistance. In 1989, several studies were prepared by the United Nations Development Fund (UNDO) and national agencies from France, the United States, Japan, and others. The World Bank coordinated the donor activities. At the end of the year, the Flood Action Plan (FAP) was approved by the national government of Bangladesh. However, according to Chadwick the plan was criticised by some donors and civil society. The planned participation of civil society was hampered by the military dictatorship that governed the country at that time. Later, the national government approved the FAP's final report, called the Bangladesh Water and Flood Management Strategy (BWFMS), in 1995 with the support of donor agencies. Among other things, the strategy proposed the formulation of a comprehensive national water management plan, increased user participation and environmental impact assessment as integral parts of planning. Consequently, the Flood Planning Coordination Organization (FPCO), which had been established in 1992 to co-ordinate the studies, was merged with WARPO in 1996.[60]

In 1999, on the recommendation of the World Bank[57] and after extensive consultation with all relevant actors, including NGOs and the civil society, the National Water Policy (NWP) was adopted. The document explicitly states 6 main objectives:[61]

1. To address the use and development of groundwater and surface water in an efficient and equitable way
2. To ensure the availability of water to all parts of the society
3. To accelerate the development of public and private water systems through legal and financial measures and incentives, including appropriate water rights and water pricing rules
4. To formulate institutional changes, encouraging decentralisation and enhancing the role of women in water management
5. To provide a legal and regulatory framework which encourages decentralisation, consideration of environmental impacts, and private sector investment
6. To develop knowledge and capability to facilitate improved future water resources management plans to encourage, among other things, broad user participation

Furthermore, WARPO has developed a National Water Management Plan (NWMP), which was approved by NWRC in 2004 and aims at implementing the NWP within 25 years.[62] It is expected to be reviewed and updated every five years.[63] In 2005, the national government included the improvement of water supply and sanitation as part of its agenda for reducing poverty.[64]

Complementing the National Water Policy, the government adopted the National Policy for Safe Water Supply and Sanitation in 1998.[65] In 2004 it also adopted a National Policy for Arsenic Mitigation in 2004.[66] The policy emphasises public awareness, alternative safe water supply, proper diagnosis and management of patients, and capacity building. In terms of alternative supplies it gives "preference to surface water over groundwater". The latter aspect is controversial, since surface water is often highly contaminated with pathogens while deeper groundwater is often safe and free of arsenic.[67]

In 2000 a new approach to increasing sanitation coverage, called community-led total sanitation (CLTS), was first introduced in Bangladesh in a small village in the Rajshahi District by Dr. Kamal Kar in co-operation with WaterAid Bangladesh and the Village Education Resource Centre (VERC).[70]

In 2006, the number of villages with total sanitation was estimated at more than 5,000 throughout the country. At the same time, CLTS had spread in at least six countries in Asia and three in Africa.[71]

This section is an excerpt from Community-led total sanitation.[edit]

CLTS triggering process: Community members in Ghana are drawing a map of open defecation for their community.

Community-led total sanitation (CLTS) is an approach used mainly in developing countries to improve sanitation and hygiene practices in a community. The approach tries to achieve behavior change in mainly rural people by a process of "triggering", leading to spontaneous and long-term abandonment of open defecation practices. It focuses on spontaneous and long-lasting behavior change of an entire community. The term "triggering" is central to the CLTS process: It refers to ways of igniting community interest in ending open defecation, usually by building simple toilets, such as pit latrines. CLTS involves actions leading to increased self-respect and pride in one's community.[72] It also involves shame and disgust about one's own open defecation behaviors.[72] CLTS takes an approach to rural sanitation that works without hardware subsidies and that facilitates communities to recognize the problem of open defecation and take collective action to clean up and become "open defecation free".

Deep tubewells with electric pumps are common as source of water supply for irrigation in Bangladesh. The government had long been interested in making the operation of these tubewells more financially viable. One option considered was to increase revenues by selling water from deep tubewells as drinking water and for small-scale commercial operations, thus at the same time addressing the arsenic crisis. Also, the government was interested in developing new management models beyond pure community management to both mobilise funding and improve the quality and sustainability of service provision. To that effect two parallel innovative approaches have been pursued.

Rural Development Academy multipurpose schemes. These efforts to combine piped drinking water and irrigation schemes were initiated in 1999 by the Rural Development Academy (RDA) with government funds and no donor involvement. RDA invited sponsors and offered to finance the construction of the well and the water supply system under the condition that:

• the sponsors from the community would create a water user association (samitee),
• pay for 10% of the investment costs at the time of completion of the construction,
• operate and maintain the system for 10 years, and
• pay back the remaining 90% of the investment costs over this period.

As of January 2008, 73 small schemes had been completed, both in areas where the shallow aquifer is contaminated by arsenic and those where this is not the case. Sponsors are NGOs, cooperatives or individuals. The number of applicants each year outnumbers the schemes to be constructed. However, tariffs have been set at relatively low levels, so that the operators barely break even and have not paid back the loans for 90% of the investment costs. Revenues from irrigation typically account for a third of the revenues of the water schemes, the remainder coming from the sale of drinking water.

Bangladesh Water Supply Program Project. Another approach has been supported by the World Bank through the Bangladesh Water Supply Program Project (BWSPP), implemented by the Department of Public Health and Engineering (DPHE). This approach, initiated in 2001, has been inspired by the RDA experience, but with two crucial modifications: First, it required sponsors to come up with the entire financing up-front, which was supposed to be recovered through revenues from the sale of water. Second, only drinking water was to be provided and no irrigation water. Finding sponsors willing to put their own capital at risk proved to be difficult. For this reason, and due to project management difficulties, only two schemes had been built as of January 2008, providing water to 2,000 households. Neither scheme has become financially viable. An NGO built and operates the schemes, since no private company was interested in doing so.

Numerous ministries in Bangladesh have responsibilities relating to water and sanitation services. The Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives has overall responsibility for monitoring and governing the sector, including policy formulation through its Local Government Division. Within the Division, the Department of Public Health Engineering (DPHE) assists municipalities and communities in building water supply infrastructure in all parts of the country, except for the three largest urban areas, Dhaka, Khulna and Chittagong. Other ministries with competencies in the areas of water and sanitation include those of education, health and family welfare; water resources; environment and forests; finance; and the Planning Commission.[53] The National Water Management Plan (NWMP) lists not less than 13 ministries involved in the sector.[74]

Map of Bangladesh

Concerning water resources management, the National Water Resources Council (NWRC) chaired by the Prime Minister formulates policies and oversees their implementation.[75] The Water Resources Planning Organization (WARPO) under the Ministry of Water Resources acts as Secretariat of the executive committee.[76]

Water supply and sanitation in the three largest cities is carried out by semi-autonomous municipal utilities. In the cities of Dhaka, Chittagong and Khulna, the semi-autonomous Dhaka Water Supply and Sewerage Authority (DWASA), the Chittagong Water Supply and Sewerage Authority (CWASA) and the Khulna Water Supply and Sewerage Authority (KWASA) provide water for domestic, industrial, and commercial consumption as well as sewerage and stormwater drainage.[77] KWASA was only established in 2008, while the two other utilities are older.[78]

Bangladesh is subdivided into 328 municipalities (Paurashavas). Outside of Dhaka, Chittagong and Khulna, each municipality is directly responsible for its own water supply, sewerage, and storm drainage. They are empowered to charge tariffs and receive assistance from the Department of Public Health Engineering (DPHE),[79] which is responsible for waterworks development projects as well as planning in the rural water sector and all urban areas except for the three largest cities.[22]^: 393 Once the projects are completed, the facilities are handed over to the municipalities.[80]

In addition to government institutions, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the private sector are involved in the provision of services and are acknowledged within the institutional sector framework in the NWMP.[81] The improvement of the investment climate for the private sector is included in the six main objectives of the document.[82] However, private sector participation in the Bangladeshi water supply and sanitation sector remains limited to small businesses. According to Das Gupta, direct private investment is almost non-existent.[22]^: 394 The NWMP recognises that large-scale private participation remains a challenge.[83]

The Joint Rivers Commission (JRC) under the Ministry of Water Resources has the main function of working on transboundary water issues together with the other riparian countries. Environmental standards are set and enforced by the Department of Environment. The Bangladesh Water Development Board (BWDB) is responsible for the implementation of water projects that exceed 10 km² in size, whereas the Local Government Engineering Department (LGED) is entrusted with smaller projects.[84] The Rajdhani Unnayan Kartipakkha, Bangladesh's capital development authority, is in charge of urban development and setting building codes in Dhaka.

The National Water Master Plan provides for the gradual increase of tariffs to fully recover the costs of service provision in urban areas using an increasing block tariff structure. In rural areas, the tariffs should cover at least all operation and maintenance costs.[85] Since this framework is not yet implemented, municipalities or water utilities have the right to set their own tariffs controlled by the government.[86]

Dhaka The average tariff in Dhaka was US$0.08 per m³ in 2007.[4] Those connected to sewerage had to pay double. Connection fees were between US$29 and US$60, according to the diameter of the pipe.[2] Despite the extremely low tariff, the utility recovered more than its operating cost.

Other urban areas Cost recovery varies between cities. In a sample of 11 utilities, the operating ratio averaged 0.89. In principle, this indicates that on average operating costs were covered, but because of unreliable data it is not sure if this is actually true. The water tariff was on average 4.38 Takas per cubic meter (US$0.06), the lowest one being 2.11 Takas (0.03) in Rajshahi, the highest one being 6.89 Takas (US$0.09) in Chittagong.[4]

Rural areas. Tariffs in rural areas vary. In piped multi-purpose schemes supported by RDA households pay a flat fee equivalent to about US$1.20 per month for drinking water and a flat fee equivalent to US$72/season/hectare for irrigation. Revenues from these tariffs allow to recover operation and maintenance costs.

Investment. Water and sanitation are not the subject of a separate budget line, but spread over the budgets of different institutions, which makes it difficult to assess how much government funding is spent on water and sanitation, and for what purposes.[53] In the Annual Development Programme (ADP) of the Bangladeshi Planning Commission, the government's development investment in water supply and sanitation ranged between US$50 million and US$101 million from fiscal years 1994–1995 to 2000–2001.[87]

From 1994–1995 to 2000–2001, the water resources subsector, including flood control and irrigation received much more funding than the water supply and sanitation sector, which is shown above. On average, US$74 million or US$0.55 per capita have been spent per year. In 1996–1997, the investment for water resources was more than almost four times as high as the amount provided for water supply and sanitation.[8][9] From 1973 to 1990, the share of development expenditures for water supply and sanitation decreased gradually in the respective five-year plans. In the first one, it was 2.48% of development investment, dropping to 2.14% and 1.25% in the second and third five-year plans, respectively. In the fourth plan, the allocation increased slightly to 1.41% of the budget.[88]

According to an ADB document comparing water supply in major Asian cities, DWASA's capital expenditure was US$26 million or US$3.51 per user in 2001.[2]

Rural areas According to an evaluation by the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 30% of the rural water supply and sanitation in Bangladesh is financed by the national government, whereas 34% comes from bilateral and multilateral donors and another 4% from international and local NGOS. The users contribute the remaining 32%, a remarkable share compared to other countries evaluated in the study, such as Ghana, Egypt or Benin.[10]

Financing. Many cities rely on development grants by the central government. In small urban water supply systems, property taxes are used to mobilise local resources.[89] Funding can also be obtained from the Municipal Development Fund. External funding is also common (see section on external donors).

By 2003, the ADB had provided 19 loans amounting to nearly US$700 million in the Bangladeshi water management sector.[91] Under the partnership framework, the bank provides a program loan of US$50 million and a project loan of US$150 million within the Dhaka Water Supply Sector Development Program, approved in April 2008.[92] The former loan aims to support reforms in the urban water supply and sanitation sector, including the strengthening of local institutions and the structure of DWASA, the preparation of a sector strategy and plan and the improving of financial sustainability. The project loan comprises physical investment to rehabilitate and optimise DWASA's distribution network and improve the quality of the services provided, as well as a capacity building and institutional strengthening component, and project management and implementation support. The program and the project, which are both accompanied by technical assistance, are expected to be completed at the end of 2013.[93]

From 1997 to 2009 Danida supported the Coastal Belt which promoted rural and small towns water supply, sanitation and hygiene promotion in the coastal regions of Bangladesh, which built 30,000 arsenic-free deep hand tube wells and promoted the construction of over 300,000 household latrines.[94]

Bangladesh Water Supply Program Project The World Bank is contributing a US$40 million loan to the Bangladesh Water Supply Program Project, designed to support Bangladesh in achieving the MDGs in water supply and sanitation by 2015 through safe water free from arsenic and pathogens in small towns and rural areas. Private-sector participation in rural areas as well as in municipalities is promoted. In small arsenic-affected villages, measures are introduced to mitigate arsenic. The project is accompanied by a monitoring and evaluation system. Furthermore, adequate regulations, monitoring, capacity building, and training, as well as the development of a local credit market and risk mitigation mechanisms for village piped water supply are supported under the project. It began in 2004 and will likely end in 2010.[95]

Arsenic Mitigation Water Supply Project This project, supported by a US$44.4 million credit and implemented from 1998 to 2006, aimed at "reducing mortality and morbidity in rural and urban populations caused by arsenic contamination of groundwater using sustainable water supply, health, and water management strategies." The project focused primarily on deep tubewells as an alternative to shallow tubewells contaminated with arsenic. It supported the drilling of 9,772 deep tubewells, 300 rainwater harvesting systems and 393 dug wells in more than 1,800 villages, all of which operated and maintained by communities and benefiting between 2 and 2.5 million people. The project was implemented by the Department of Public Health Engineering (DPEH) of MOLGRDC.[67]

Dhaka Water Supply and Sanitation Project. Under the partnership framework, the World Bank approved in 2008 a US$149 million loan to assist DWASA, the utility serving Dhaka. The project will finance sewers, the rehabilitation and expansion of the Pagla wastewater treatment plant, and stormwater drainage.,[96] after a six-year hiatus since the closure of the Fourth Dhaka water supply project.

Fourth Dhaka Water Supply Project The Fourth Dhaka Water Supply Project was carried out from 1996 to 2002. The World Bank contributed US$80.3 million. It was launched to "support institutional reforms in the sector, applying commercial principles and increasing private sector participation". The existing infrastructure was rehabilitated and a water treatment plant was constructed in Saidabad, producing 225 million litres per day. Private sector participation and the application of commercial principles were limited to the introduction of outsourcing of billing and collection in two revenue zones. Furthermore, a managing director with a private sector background was appointed to manage DWASA.[97]

The Chittagong water supply and sanitation improvement project, a US$170 million loan approved in 2010, supports the construction of two water treatment plants and water distribution systems in Chittagong.[98]

• ADB (November 2003). Water Sector Roadmap: Bangladesh (PDF) (Report). Asian Development Bank. Retrieved 21 May 2013.
• Chadwick, Matthew; Datta, Anjan. Water Resource Management in Bangladesh A Policy Review Livelihood-Policy Relationships in South Asia (Report). International Institute for Environment and Development. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.62.3923.
• Haq, Khondaker Azharul (June 2006). "Water Management in Dhaka". International Journal of Water Resources Development. Routledge. 22 (2): 291–311. doi:10.1080/07900620600677810. S2CID 216152375.
• Kar, Kamal; Bongartz, Petra (April 2006). Update on Some Recent Developments in Community-Led Total Sanitation (PDF). Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex. ISBN 1-85864-614-6. Retrieved 28 April 2008.
• Kuroda, Haruhiko (15 November 2007). Proposed Loans and Technical Assistance Grant. People's Republic of Bangladesh: Dhaka Water Supply Sector Development Program (PDF) (Report). Asian Development Bank. Archived from the original (PDF) on 28 May 2008. Retrieved 28 April 2008.
• Ministry of Water Resources (December 2001). National Water Management Plan, Volume 2: Main Report (PDF) (Report). Dhaka: Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2 August 2014. Retrieved 23 April 2008.
• Ministry of Water Resources (30 January 1999). National Water Policy (PDF) (Report). Dhaka: Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh. Archived from the original (PDF) on 28 May 2008. Retrieved 22 April 2008.
• Newborne, Peter (June 2006). "Study of National Water Sector 'Apex Bodies' and Civil Society Involvement in Asia: Case studies of Thailand, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka" (PDF). WaterAid. Retrieved 22 April 2008.