Bhumibol Adulyadej

Marshal and Mrs. Phibunsongkhram with Eleanor Roosevelt

In the early years of his reign, during the government of military dictator Plaek Phibunsongkhram, Bhumibol had no real political power and was little more than a ceremonial figure under the military-dominated government. In August 1957, six months after parliamentary elections, General Sarit Thanarat accused the government of Field Marshal Phibunsongkhram of lèse-majesté due to its conduct of the 2,500th anniversary celebration of Buddhism.[24]^{: 129–130, 136–137}[35] On 16 September 1957, Phibunsongkhram went to Bhumibol to seek support for his government.[39] Bhumibol advised the field marshal to resign to avoid a coup. Phibunsongkhram refused. That evening, Sarit Thanarat seized power. Two hours later Bhumibol imposed martial law throughout the kingdom.[40] Bhumibol issued a proclamation appointing Sarit as "military defender of the capital" without anyone countersigning the proclamation. It included the following:[41]

Whereas it appears that the public administration by the government under the premiership of Field Marshal P. Phibunsongkhram is untrustworthy, and that the government could not maintain the public order; and whereas the military, led by Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat, has successfully taken over the public administration and now acts as the Military Defender of the Capital; now, therefore, I do hereby appoint Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat as the Military Defender of the Capital, and command that all the citizens shall remain calm whilst all the government officers shall serve the orders issued by Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat. This Proclamation shall come into force immediately. Done this 16th Day of September, Buddhist Era 2500 (1957).

Sarit later admitted in a rare interview with foreign correspondent that the king had no involvement and did not acknowledge anything about the coup until it had been done successfully.[42]

Bhumibol visited Nakhon Si Thammarat, 1959

Bhumibol addresses a joint session of the United States Congress, 29 June 1960

During Sarit's dictatorship, the monarchy was revitalised. Bhumibol attended public ceremonies, toured the provinces and patronised development projects, he also visited the United States in June 1960, addressing Congress, and many countries in Europe, including a visit to Rome, hosted by PM Giovanni Gronchi, in September 1960.

Under Sarit, the practice of crawling in front of royalty during audiences, banned by King Chulalongkorn, was revived in certain situations and the royal-sponsored Thammayut Nikaya order was revitalised. For the first time since the absolute monarchy was overthrown, a king was conveyed up the Chao Phraya River in a Royal Barge Procession to offer robes at temples.[43][44]

Other disused ceremonies from the classical period of the Chakri Dynasty, such as the royally patronised ploughing ceremony (Thai: พิธีพืชมงคล), were also revived.[45] Bhumibol's birthday (5 December) was declared the national day, replacing the previous national day, the anniversary of the Siamese revolution of 1932 (24 June).[46] Upon Sarit's death on 8 December 1963, an unprecedented 21 days of mourning were declared in the palace. A royal five-tier umbrella shaded his body while it lay in state. Long-time royal adviser Phraya Srivisaravacha later noted that no Prime Minister ever had such an intimate relationship with Bhumibol as Sarit.[47]

Bhumibol biographer Paul Handley, in The King Never Smiles, writes that the dictator Sarit was Bhumibol's tool. Political scientist Thak Chaloemtiarana writes that Sarit used Bhumibol in order to build his own credibility.[48][49]

Following Sarit's death General Thanom Kittikachorn rose to power to lead Thailand's military dictatorship, ultimately challenged by the 1973 Thai popular uprising. Bhumibol initially asked student protestors to disband. When police attacked and killed dozens of students, sparking protest riots, Bhumibol announced general Thanom's resignation and departure from Thailand.[50] According to William Stevenson, the king had asked the three tyrants to avoid bloodshed, although the three tyrants had agreed, they later changed their minds. Eventually, it led to the incidents of October 1973.[51]

Bhumibol distanced himself from the Thai military after Thanom's fall. Political events in Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos brought powerful guerrilla and communist movements into power or prominence, which threatened the Thai monarchy and political establishment. Fearing unrest, Bhumibol began to court the military in 1975, visiting camps throughout the country, and publicly warning of internal and external threats.[37]^: 87 At this time, Bhumibol increasingly cultivated far-right militias and paramilitary forces, including the Red Gaurs and the Village Scouts, warning that students and political dissidents planned to bring communists to power in Thailand.[24]^: 232–9 Finally, Bhumibol provoked outrage among students and legal groups by inviting general Thanom back into the country.

The ensuing chaos was used as a pretext for a military coup, which Bhumibol backed and described as a manifestation of the people's will.[37]^: 90–1 The event that catalyzed the coup was the Thammasat University massacre, carried out in the name of defending Bhumibol's throne.[24]^: 9 The victorious military junta submitted three names to the king as possible premiers: Deputy President of the king's Privy Council Prakob Hutasingh, right-wing Bangkok Governor Thamnoon Thien-ngern, and staunchly anti-communist Supreme Court judge Thanin Kraivichien.[37]^: 90–1[52] Thanin was a member of the Nawaphon monarchist paramilitary group, which had the backing of the CIA, and which Bhumibol was alleged to have sponsored.[37]^: 84–5 Bhumibol chose Thanin as the most suitable premier, leading student protesters to flee to join the communists in the jungle. Thanin was overthrown in a military coup in October 1977 led by General Kriangsak Chamanan.

Kriangsak was succeeded in 1980 by the popular Army Commander-in-Chief, General Prem Tinsulanonda, who later became the Privy Council President.

Bhumibol's refusal to endorse military coups in 1981 (the April Fool's Day coup) and 1985 (the Share Rebellion) ultimately led to the victory of forces loyal to the government, despite some violence – including, in 1981, the seizure of Bangkok by rebel forces. The coups led many to believe that Bhumibol had misjudged Thai society and that his credibility as an impartial mediator between various political and military factions had been compromised.[53][54][55]

Following the death of Emperor Hirohito of Japan in 1989, he overtook the distinction as the world's longest-reigning living monarch.[56]

Royal intervention on the night of 20 May. Chamlong Srimuang (left) and Suchinda Kraprayoon (middle) submit to the King (seated).

In 1992, Bhumibol played a key role in Thailand's transition to a democratic system. The 1991 Thai coup d'état on 23 February returned Thailand to military dictatorship. After a general election in 1992, the majority parties invited General Suchinda Kraprayoon, a leader of the coup group, to be prime minister. This caused much dissent, which escalated into demonstrations called Black May that led to a large number of deaths when the military was brought in to control protesters. The situation became increasingly critical as police and military forces clashed with protesters. Violence and riots spread to many areas of the capital with rumours of a rift among the armed forces.[57]

Amidst the fear of civil war, Bhumibol intervened. He summoned Suchinda and the leader of the pro-democracy movement, retired Major General Chamlong Srimuang, to a televised audience, and urged them to find a peaceful resolution. At the height of the crisis, the sight of both men appearing together on their knees (in accordance with royal protocol) made a strong impression on the nation. Bhumibol then signed Suchinda's amnesty decree that applied to both side of a conflict, with the reason to protect security and unity of the country.[58] Suchinda resigned soon afterwards.

It was one of the few occasions in which Bhumibol directly and publicly intervened in a political conflict. A general election was held shortly afterward, leading to a civilian government.[59]

With President Vladimir Putin in Bangkok on 22 October 2003

Weeks before the April 2006 legislative election, the Democrat Party-led opposition and the People's Alliance for Democracy petitioned Bhumibol to appoint a replacement prime minister and cabinet. Demands for royal intervention were met with much criticism from the public. Bhumibol, in a speech on 26 April 2006, responded, "Asking for a Royally-appointed prime minister is undemocratic. It is, pardon me, a mess. It is irrational".[60]

After publicly claiming victory in the boycotted April parliamentary elections, Thaksin Shinawatra had a private audience with the king. A few hours later, Thaksin appeared on national television to announce that he would be taking a break from politics. Due to the election result, Bhumibol took the unprecedented step of calling the elections undemocratic.[61]

In May 2006, the Sondhi Limthongkul-owned Manager Daily newspaper published a series of articles describing the "Finland Plot", alleging that Thaksin and former members of the Communist Party of Thailand planned to overthrow the king and seize control of the nation. No evidence was ever produced to verify the existence of such a plot, and Thaksin and his Thai Rak Thai party vehemently denied the accusations and sued the accusers.

In a rare, televised speech to senior judges, Bhumibol requested the judiciary to take action to resolve the political crisis.[60] On 8 May 2006, the Constitutional Court invalidated the results of the April elections and ordered new elections scheduled for 15 October 2006.[62] The Criminal Court later jailed the Election Commissioners.[63][64]

On 14 July 2006, Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda addressed graduating cadets of the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy, telling them that the Thai military must serve the nation and the king—not the government.[65]

On 20 July, Bhumibol signed a royal decree endorsing new House elections for 15 October 2006. In an unprecedented act, the King wrote a note on the royal decree calling for a clean and fair election. That very day, Bhumibol underwent spinal surgery.[66]

On the evening of 19 September, the Thai military overthrew the Thaksin government and seized control of Bangkok in a bloodless coup. The junta, led by the Sonthi Boonyaratglin, Commander of the Army, called itself the Council for Democratic Reform under the Constitutional Monarchy. It accused the deposed prime minister and his regime of crimes, including lèse majesté, and pledged its loyalty to Bhumibol. Martial law was declared, the constitution repealed and the October elections cancelled. Protests and political meetings were banned.[67]

The king's role in the coup was the subject of much speculation among Thai analysts and the international media, although publication of such speculation was banned in Thailand. The king had an audience with Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda at the same time that special forces troops were mobilised.[68] Anti-coup protesters claimed that Prem was the mastermind of the coup, although the military claimed otherwise and banned any discussion of the topic. In a BBC interview, Thitinan Pongsudhirak of Chulalongkorn University noted, "This coup was nothing short of Thaksin versus the King... He [the king] is widely seen as having implicitly endorsed the coup." In the same interview, social critic Sulak Sivaraksa claimed, "Without his [the king's] involvement, the coup would have been impossible." Sulak added that the king is "very skillful. He never becomes obviously involved. If this coup goes wrong, Sonthi will get the blame, but whatever happens, the King will only get praise."[69] On Saturday, 23 September 2006, the junta warned it would "urgently retaliate against foreign reporters whose coverage has been deemed insulting to the monarchy."[70] Prem did help secure the appointment of Surayud Chulanont, another member of the King's Privy Council, as Premier, and allegedly had a say in the appointment of Surayud's Cabinet. Critics claimed the cabinet was full of "Prem's boys".[71][72][73]

On 20 April 2009, Thaksin claimed in an interview with the Financial Times that Bhumibol had been briefed by Privy Councillors Prem Tinsulanonda and Surayud Chulanont about their plans to stage the 2006 coup. He claimed that General Panlop Pinmanee, a leader of the People's Alliance for Democracy, had told him of the briefing.[74][75] The Thai embassy in London denied Thaksin's claims.

The junta appointed a constitutional tribunal to rule on alleged polling fraud involving the Thai Rak Thai and Democrat political parties. Guilty rulings would have dissolved both parties, Thailand's largest and oldest, respectively, and banned the parties' leadership from politics for five years. The weeks leading up to the verdicts saw rising political tensions. On 24 May 2007, about a week before the scheduled verdict, Bhumibol gave a rare speech to the Supreme Administrative Court (the president of which is also a member of the constitutional tribunal). "You have the responsibility to prevent the country from collapsing", he warned them in the speech, which was shown on all national television channels simultaneously during the evening. "The nation needs political parties... In my mind, I have a judgment but I cannot say", he said. "Either way the ruling goes, it will be bad for the country, there will be mistakes".[76][77][78] The tribunal later acquitted the Democrat Party, but dissolved the Thai Rak Thai Party and banned 111 of its executives from politics for five years.

The junta-appointed Constitution Drafting Assembly later tried to use the King in a propaganda campaign to increase public support for its widely criticised draft constitution. The CDA placed billboards saying "Love the King. Care about the King. Vote in the referendum" throughout northeast Thailand, where opposition to the junta was greatest.[79]

The military's constitution passed the referendum, and a general election was held in December 2007. The People's Power Party (PPP), consisting of many former Thai Rak Thai Party MPs and supporters, won the majority and formed a government.[80] The People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) refused to accept the election results and started protests, eventually laying siege to Government House, Don Mueang Airport, and Suvarnabhumi Airport. Although the PAD claimed they were defending the monarchy, Bhumibol remained silent. However, after a PAD supporter died in a clash with police, Queen Sirikit presided over her cremation. Princess Sirindhorn, when asked at a US press conference whether PAD was acting on behalf of the monarchy, replied, "I don't think so. They do things for themselves."[81] Questioning and criticism over Bhumibol's role in the crisis increased, particularly from the international press.[82][83][84][85][86][87][88] "It is more and more difficult for them to hold the illusion that the monarchy is universally adored", says a Thai academic.[89]

In April 2008, Bhumibol appointed alleged coup plotter General Surayud Chulanont to the Privy Council of Thailand. In the weeks leading up to the 2011 general election, Bhumibol appointed Air Chief Marshal Chalit Pukbhasuk, a leader of the 2006 military coup, to his privy council.[90]

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Proclamation on Appointment of Leader of the National Council for Peace and Order

After Prayut Chan-o-cha, Commander of the Royal Thai Army launched a coup d'état, the 12th since the country's first coup in 1932,[91] against the caretaker government, following six months of political crisis. On 24 May 2014, the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) said Bhumibol had acknowledged the coup, but stopped short of describing the response as an endorsement.[92] However, on 26 May 2014 Bhumibol formally appointed General Prayut to run the country. In Thailand the monarchy is highly respected and royal endorsement was seen as legitimation of the takeover.[93]

Paul Chambers said that the military is the only institution that can sustain the power of Bhumibol monarch, and Bhumibol gave legitimacy to the military and blessing each of the coups. Past two coups showed relationship between the military and the monarch.[94] Serhat Uenaldi said that Bhumibol helped kill off democracy since last 2006 coup by endorsed a military coup against the popular Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.[95]

Bhumibol suffered from lumbar spinal stenosis, and received a microsurgical decompression for the condition in July 2006.[96][97] He was admitted to the hospital in October 2007 and diagnosed with a blood shortage to his brain.[98] He received treatment for various ailments including heart problems and was released after three weeks.[99]

King Bhumibol Adulyadej in 2010

Bhumibol was again admitted to Siriraj Hospital in September 2009, apparently suffering from flu and pneumonia. In 2011, it was revealed as part of WikiLeaks' leak of United States diplomatic cables that he had suffered from Parkinson's disease and depression.[100] He was diagnosed with diverticulitis in hospital in November 2011, and was treated for the condition in January 2012.[101] Bhumibol suffered minute subdural bleeding in the left frontal area of his brain for which he was treated in July 2012.[102] Bhumibol left the hospital in July 2013,[103] and travelled to Klai Kangwon Palace at Hua Hin on 2 August 2013,[104] but returned intermittently in the following years, most recently on 1 June 2015.[105] Bhumibol was too ill to appear for the public celebration of his birthday on 5 December 2015,[106] but made a televised appearance on 14 December, his first in several months.[107] The King temporarily left hospital to visit Chitralada Royal Villa on 11 January 2016 but returned later that day.[108]

On 1 October 2016, the palace released a bulletin stating that after recovering from a fever, King Bhumibol underwent tests that revealed a blood infection and an X-ray found inflammation on his left lung, along with water in his lungs.[109] He had been in kidney failure for some time and received dialysis.[110][111] By 9 October, he had been placed on a ventilator and doctors pronounced him "not yet stable".[112] Crowds of well-wishers, many dressed in pink symbolizing good health and luck, gathered outside Siriraj Hospital and the Grand Palace to offer prayers and support.[113]

By 12 October, the royal children had arrived at Siriraj Hospital and Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn had met with the prime minister.[114][115] There were some internal concerns about the succession of the crown prince, in that he was not perceived to be as well-respected as his father and it was speculated that some palace elites, responding to the people's admiration for Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn, might try to position her to take the throne.[116][117]

Bhumibol in a meeting with US president Barack Obama, 2012

Bhumibol retained enormous powers, partly because of his immense popularity and partly because his powers – although clearly defined in the Thai constitution – were often subject to conflicting interpretations. This was highlighted by the controversy surrounding the appointment of Jaruvan Maintaka as Auditor-General. Jaruvan had been appointed by The State Audit Commission, but in July 2004, the Constitutional Court ruled that her appointment was unconstitutional. Jaruvan refused to vacate her office without an explicit order from Bhumibol, on the grounds that she had previously been royally approved. When the Senate elected a replacement for Jaruvan, Bhumibol refused to approve him.[123] The Senate declined to vote to override Bhumibol's veto.[124] Finally in February 2006 the Audit Commission reinstated Jaruvan when it became clear from a memo from the Office of the King's Principal Private Secretary that King Bhumibol supported her appointment. Bhumibol only vetoed legislation on rare occasions. In 1976, when the Parliament voted 149–19 to extend democratic elections down to district levels, Bhumibol refused to sign the law.[24]^: 233 The Parliament refused to vote to overturn the King's veto. In 1954, Bhumibol vetoed parliamentary-approved land reform legislation twice before consenting to sign it.[24]^: 126 The law limited the maximum land an individual could hold to 50 rai (80,000 square metres (860,000 sq ft)), at a time when the Crown Property Bureau was the kingdom's largest land-owner. The law was not enforced as General Sarit soon overthrew the elected government in a coup and repealed the law.

Bhumibol had the constitutional prerogative to pardon criminals, although there are several criteria for receiving a pardon, including age and remaining sentence. The 2006 pardoning of several convicted child rapists, including an Australian rapist and child pornographer, caused controversy.[125][126][127] However, under the Thai constitution, the king has the prerogative to grant pardons and all laws, royal rescripts, and royal commands relating to state affairs must be countersigned by a minister unless otherwise provided for in the constitution.

City decoration in observance of King Bhumibol's birthday in Phitsanulok, Thailand

Several academics outside Thailand, including Duncan McCargo and Federico Ferrara, noted the active but indirect political involvement of Bhumibol through a "network monarchy", whose most significant proxy is Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda. McCargo claimed that Bhumibol's conservative network worked behind the scenes to establish political influence in the 1990s, but was threatened by the landslide election victories of Thaksin Shinawatra in 2001 and 2005.[128] Ferrara claimed, shortly before the Thai Supreme Court delivered its verdict to seize Thaksin Shinawatra's assets, that the judiciary was a well-established part of Bhumibol's network and represented his main avenue to exercise extra-constitutional prerogatives despite having the appearance of being constitutional. He also noted how, in comparison to the Constitutional Court's 2001 acquittal of Thaksin, the judiciary was a much more important part of the "network" than it was in the past.[129]

The network's ability to exercise power is based partly on Bhumibol's popularity and strict control of Bhumibol's popular image. According to Jost Pachaly of the Heinrich Böll Foundation, Bhumibol "plays an important role behind the scenes. But the role is difficult to assess because nothing is reported about it and no one really knows anything specific", due to lese majeste laws forbidding discussion about Bhumibol's political activities.[130] Bhumibol's popularity was demonstrated following the 2003 Phnom Penh riots in Cambodia, when hundreds of Thai protesters, enraged by rumors that Cambodian rioters had stomped on photographs of Bhumibol, gathered outside the Cambodian embassy in Bangkok. Photographs of the stomping were not published in Thailand, but were available on the internet. The situation was resolved peacefully only when Police General Sant Sarutanonda told the crowd that he had received a call from royal secretary Arsa Sarasin conveying Bhumibol's request for calm. The crowd dispersed.[131]

Bhumibol Dam

The development of the country must be fostered in stages. It must start with the construction of infrastructure, that is, the provision of food and basic necessities for the people by methods which are economic, cautious and conforming with principles. Once the foundation is firmly established, progress can be continually, carefully and economically promoted. This approach will prevent incurring mistakes and failures, and lead to the certain and complete achievement of the objectives.

— Bhumibol's speech at Kasetsart University Commencement Ceremony, 19 July 1974.[132]

Bhumibol was involved in many social and economic development projects. The nature of his involvement varied by political regime.[133]

The government of Plaek Phibunsongkhram (1951–1957) limited Bhumibol to a ceremonial role. During that period Bhumibol produced some films and operated a radio station from Chitlada Palace using personal funds.

In the military governments of Sarit Thanarat and his successors (1958–1980), Bhumibol was portrayed as the "development King" and the inspiration for the economic and political goals of the regime. Royally ordered projects were implemented under the financial and political support of the government, including projects in rural areas and communities under the influence of the Communist Party of Thailand. Bhumibol's visits to these projects were heavily promoted by the Sarit government and broadcast in state-controlled media.

During the governments of General Prem Tinsulanonda (1981–1987), the relationship between the Thai state and the monarch was at its closest. Prem, later to become President of Bhumibol's Privy Council, officially allocated government budgets and manpower to support royal projects. Most activities in this period involved the development of large-scale irrigation projects in rural areas.

During the modern period (post-1988), the structured development of the royal projects reached its apex. Bhumibol's Chaipattana Foundation was established, promoting his "sufficiency economy" theory, an alternative to the export-oriented policies adopted by the period's elected governments. Following the 2006 coup, establishment of a "sufficiency economy" was enshrined in the constitution as being a primary goal of the government, and government financial support for royal projects was boosted.

Bhumibol on agricultural practice in Chitralada Royal Villa

• 'Sandwich' and 'Supersandwich' artificial rainmaking project under the Thailand Royal Rainmaking Project
• Chai Pattana Waste Water Aerator, awarded gold medal by BKU (The Belgian Chamber of Inventors) at Brussels Eureka 2000
• 'Sufficiency economy' Theory
• New Theory of Agriculture
• Rice policy, especially increasing production[134] and improvement of germplasm collections which continues through today.[135] For this he received the first Borlaug Medallion in 2007.[136]
• Use of Vetiver Grass for soil improvement,[134][135] awarded the International Merit Award by the IECA (International Erosion Control Association)
• Kaem Ling Project, formation of detention basins[137]
• Klaeng Din Project, acidic soil treatment[138]
• Fai Maeo Project, formation of check dams
• Khun Dan Prakanchon Dam, Nakhon Nayok Province
• Pa Sak Jolasid Dam, Lop Buri Province
• Pa Sak River Basin Improvement Project
• Khlong Lat Pho Project, water diversion to prevent flooding in Bangkok
• Rama VIII Bridge
• Ratchadaphisek Road
• Bangkok Industrial Ring Road/Bhumibol Bridge
• Huai Ongkod Land Rehabilitation Project, Kanchanaburi Province
• Khao Hin Son Royal Development Study Centre, Chachoengsao Province
• Phikun Thong Royal Development Study Centre, Narathiwat Province
• Huai Sai Royal Development Study Centre, Phetchaburi Province
• Royal Medical Team. Bhumibol's private physicians accompanying him on village tours were encouraged to provide medical care for local residents. In addition, the Royal Household sends letters of support to physicians who volunteer to serve in hospitals in provinces where royal palaces are present.[139]
• In honour of his work in soil science, the United Nations observes the king's birthday, 5 December, as World Soil Day. The first observance was in 2014.[140][141]

Saxophone of Bhumibol Adulyadej, displayed at Bangkok National Museum

Bhumibol was an accomplished jazz saxophone player and composer, playing Dixieland and New Orleans jazz, and also the clarinet, trumpet, guitar, and piano.[146] It is widely believed that his father, Mahidol Adulyadej, may have inspired his passion for artistic pursuits at an early age.[147] Bhumibol initially focused on classical music exclusively for two years but eventually switched to jazz since it allowed him to improvise more freely. It was during this time that he decided to specialize in wind instruments, especially the saxophone and clarinet.[147] By the time Bhumibol turned 18, he started to compose his own music with the first being Candlelight Blues.[147] He continued to compose even during his reign following his coronation in 1946. Bhumibol performed with Preservation Hall Jazz Band, Benny Goodman, Stan Getz, Lionel Hampton, and Benny Carter.[146][148] Throughout his life, Bhumibol wrote a total of 49 compositions. Much of it is jazz swing but he also composed marches, waltzes, and Thai patriotic songs. His most popular compositions were Candlelight Blues, Love at Sundown, and Falling Rain which were all composed in 1946.[146] Bhumibol's musical influences included Louis Armstrong, Sidney Bechet, Benny Carter, and Johnny Hodges.[146] The Bhumibol Adulyadej (King of Thailand) Collection, 1946–1954 at the Library of Congress Music Division includes some of his compositions, including 13 music manuscripts, 100 pieces of printed music, clippings, correspondence, and other miscellaneous documents.[149]

Bhumibol initially received general music training privately while he was studying in Switzerland, but his older brother, then King Ananda Mahidol, who had bought a saxophone, sent Bhumibol in his place.[148] King Ananda would later join him on the clarinet.[148] On his permanent return to Thailand in 1950, Bhumibol started a jazz band, Lay Kram, whom he performed with on a radio station he started at his palace.[148] The band grew, being renamed the Au Sau Wan Suk Band and he would perform with them live on Friday evenings, occasionally taking telephoned requests.[148] Bhumibol also performed with his band at Thai universities, composing anthems for the universities of Chulalongkorn, Thammasat, and Kasetsart.[148] Bhumibol performed with Benny Goodman at the Amphorn Sathan Residential Hall, in 1956, and later played at Goodman's home in New York in 1960.[146] Many bands such as Les Brown and His Band of Renown, Claude Bolling Big Band, and Preservation Hall Jazz Band recorded some of Bhumibol's compositions and can still be heard in Thailand.[146] A 1996 documentary, Gitarajan, was made about Bhumibol's music.[146]

Bhumibol still played music with his Au Sau Wan Suk Band in later years, but was rarely heard in public.[148] In 1964, Bhumibol became the 23rd person to receive the Certificate of Bestowal of Honorary Membership on behalf of Vienna's University of Music and Performing Arts.[147] In 2000, he was awarded the Sanford Medal for his contribution in music from Yale School of Music. He was the first Asian in both cases to be honored as such. In 2003, the University of North Texas College of Music awarded him an honorary doctorate in music. Bhumibol's influence is widely regarded as one reason why Thailand, and Bangkok in particular, has for decades had a strong jazz and improvised music "scene" relative to other Asian nations.

Bhumibol was an accomplished sailor and sailboat designer.[150] He won a gold medal for sailing in the Fourth Southeast Asian Peninsular (SEAP) Games in 1967, together with Princess Ubol Ratana whom he tied for points.[151] This accomplishment was all the more remarkable given Bhumibol's lack of binocular depth perception. On 19 April 1966, Bhumibol also sailed the Gulf of Thailand from Hua Hin to Toey Ngam Harbour[152] in Sattahip, covering 60 nautical miles (110 km) in a 17-hour journey on the "Vega 1", an OK Class dinghy he built.[24]

Like his father, a former military naval engineer, Bhumibol was an avid boat designer and builder. He produced several small sailboat designs in the International Enterprise, OK, and Moth classes. His designs in the Moth class included the "Mod", "Super Mod", and "Micro Mod".[153]

Bhumibol was a radio amateur with the call sign HS1A. He was also the patron of the Radio Amateur Society of Thailand (RAST).[154]

Bhumibol was the only Thai monarch to hold a patent.[155] He obtained one in 1993 for a waste water aerator named "Chai Pattana", and several patents on rainmaking after 1955: the "sandwich" rainmaking patent in 1999 and the "supersandwich" patent in 2003.[156][157][158]

• 5 December 1927 – 9 July 1935: His Highness Prince Bhumibol Aduldej (พระวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าภูมิพลอดุลเดช Phra Worawong Thoe Phra Ong Chao Bhumibol Aduldej)
• 9 July 1935 – 9 June 1946: His Royal Highness Prince Bhumibol Adulyadej of Siam (พระวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าภูมิพลอดุลยเดช Somdet Phrachao Nongya Thoe Chaofa Bhumibol Adulyadej)
• 9 June 1946 – 13 October 2016: His Majesty The King of Thailand
  • 9 June 1946 – 5 May 1950 (สมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัว Somdet Phrachao Yuhua)
  • 5 May 1950 - 13 October 2016 (พระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัว Phrabat Somdet Phrachao Yuhua)

His highest rank was as a field marshal.[174] His other ranks in the military include Admiral of the Fleet[175] and Marshal of the Royal Thai Air Force.[174]