Tunku Abdul Rahman

Tunku Abdul Rahman was born on 8 February 1903, at Istana Pelamin Palace in Alor Setar, Kedah,[3] the seventh son and one of 45 children of Sultan Abdul Hamid Halim Shah, the twenty-sixth ruler of the Kedah Sultanate. Tunku's mother was Che Menjelara (Nueang Nandanagara), a Thai, and the sixth wife of Sultan Abdul Hamid; she was the daughter of Luang Naraborirak (Kleb Nandanagara), a district officer in Thailand.[4] At that time, cholera and malaria were very common all over Kedah and at least two of Tunku's brothers and his older sister died from cholera while Tunku himself suffered from intermittent attacks of malaria until he left for London in 1920.

He received early education at the Alor Setar Malay Primary School before furthering his studies at the government English school, Sultan Abdul Hamid College. He and his fellow siblings were later sent by his parents to Debsirin School in Bangkok. He returned home in 1915 to continue his education at the Penang Free School.[5]

When Tunku was 17, he won the Kedah State Government scholarship to further his studies at Cambridge University.[6]

After about a year, Tunku realised that he was making very little progress in his studies. After a meeting with Mr. Ezekiel, his guardian, in the office of the Crown Agents, Ezekiel arranged for Tunku to move to Cambridge and to be taught by and live with Basil Atkinson. Atkinson was an experienced tutor and he also prepared Tunku to sit in a university entrance examination known as " Little Go". The following year, he took the entrance exams and he obtained high marks for all his papers with a Pass for the whole examination. He was accepted as an undergraduate at St Catharine's College, one of the colleges of the University of Cambridge, and graduated with a bachelor's degree of Arts in Law and History in 1925.

Five years after sailing from Singapore, at the age of 23, he sailed home. The Crown agents secured Tunku a berth in a passenger ship, which stopped at Penang. Tunku Ibrahim, the Regent, and his eldest brother was unhappy with Tunku's choice of degrees and he ordered Tunku to return to England to be admitted to the English Bar. On Tunku's initiative, the Malay Society of Great Britain was formed, with Tuanku Abdul Rahman of Negeri Sembilan (later the 1st Yang Di-Pertuan Agong) as president and Tunku Abdul Rahman of Kedah as Honorary Secretary and the driving force.

In January 1931, Tunku was appointed a Cadet in the Kedah Civil Service.[3] Later, he was transferred to Kulim as Assistant District Officer. In Kulim, Tunku devoted much of his time touring the district and getting to know the problems of the peasants who made up 90% of the population. Tunku also devoted some of his time to prepare for Cadet's Law exam to qualify for the promotion. He took the exams and passed them on his first attempt.

About a year later, Tunku was promoted to be District Officer of Padang Terap. The post of District Officer Padang Terap was unpopular because Kuala Nerang was rife with malaria. As soon as Tunku took over the district, he gave orders for a survey to be made of the swamps which bordered the town, obtained an estimate for draining them, and applied to the State Secretariat for the necessary funds. Unfortunately, Tunku's plea for funds was rejected. He wrote again to the State Secretariat, asking that funds be made available to drain the swamps and to rid Kuala Nerang of the main breeding place of the carriers of malaria. This time the money came and the work was carried out under Tunku's supervision.

Because Tunku Ibrahim, the Regent, was known to be strongly opposed to mixed marriages and since there was a law in Kedah which forbade members of the royal family to marry non-Malays without the prior approval of the Ruler or Regent, the Tunku married Violet Coulson who lived in Penang. In 1934, the Regent died unexpectedly and was succeeded as Regent by Tunku Mahmud, the Sultan's younger brother, who was more broad-minded and gave consent to the marriage. This enabled Violet to move to Kuala Nerang, but the Secretary to the Government showed his disapproval by transferring Tunku to the isolated post of District Officer at Langkawi.

The district consisted of a group of islands, thinly populated, sparsely cultivated, and without roads. When Tunku applied for government funds to develop Langkawi his application was rejected. Ever-resourceful, Tunku's genius in winning co-operation from members of the public of all communities led to the construction of a jetty and later to the opening of several earth roads using money and material which he collected.

With the Japanese's bombing Penang, the Regent and his family fled. They were given accommodation in Sidim when the second and more severe bombing of Penang town took place on 11 December 1941, which caused hundreds of civilians to be killed. Upon returning, to Kulim, Tunku found out that all the Police were no longer on duty. Tunku's first concern was to prevent looting and he called all members of the disbanded Kedah Volunteer Force in Kulim to come to his assistance. These men formed a vigilante corps and Tunku arranged for them to patrol the town at night. He was also responsible for the acquiring of emergency food stores from the Government Rice Mill at Bagan Serai in Perak. By 16 December 1941, the Japanese army had occupied the west coast of Kedah, including all the main towns. The Japanese Military Governor of Kedah an assuming office appointed another of Tunku's brothers, Tunku Mohamed Jewa, to be a temporary Regent until the Sultan returned to Alor Setar.[7]

On 17 December, the Sultan, the Regent, and his family and senior officers of the State Government set off for Alor Setar with a Japanese military escort. In Kulim, Tunku reluctantly remained as District Officer for another year as a servant to the Japanese Military Administration.

Friction between Tunku and the Japanese officials were frequent, and he was removed from his position of authority. The Siamese was then put in charge. Soon after the takeover by the Siamese, Tunku was appointed the Superintendent of Education.

In 1942, the Japanese transported thousands of young male Malayans to work on the construction of a railway from North Siam to Burma. Tunku helped house and feed some escapees from the railway construction project at considerable risk to himself.

On 6 and 9 August 1945, atom bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki respectively. A week later, the Japanese Imperial government in Tokyo agreed to an unconditional surrender.

When the Japanese surrender was announced over the wireless in mid-August, plans were hurriedly prepared in Ceylon for the dispatch of a British Military Administration. At the same time, the top Chinese Communist leaders in Malaya, Fong Chong Pik, who was nicknamed "the Plen" and a young Chinese Rebel named Chin Peng decided to try to seize control of the civil administration in as many states as possible. Tunku and his followers were responsible for the peace-keeping efforts and the protection of Alor Setar from the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army.[7]

On 19 August, the surrender of the Japanese Army had become common knowledge in Alor Setar. With the Japanese surrender, several groups of people talked about independence and discussed how it might be attained. Malay societies were formed all of the peninsular with similar objectives, but with no coordination. On 10 October 1945, the Secretary of State for the Colonies issued his Policy Statement on a "Malayan Union". In Kedah, both the principal Malay organisations held protest meetings and rallies. Tunku spoke forcefully at these rallies, but he recommended opposition by peaceful means.

Sir Harold MacMichael, representing the British Government, arrived in Kuala Lumpur on 11 October 1945. He came to Alor Setar after visiting the Sultans of Johor, Selangor, Pahang, and Perak and securing their signatures to a new treaty. In Kedah, MacMichael was told that the Ruler would consult his Council of State before discussing with him. With these consultations proceeded, rallies and processions in opposition to the treaty were held in every district and the center of Alor Setar. Tunku was one of the most popular speakers in Alor Setar, Sungai Petani, and Kulim, but he was not invited to take part in any of the discussions convened by his half-brother, Sultan Badlishah. After three days of negotiations, the Sultan followed the example of his brother rulers. The Sultan's surrender was vigorously criticised by the public and by Tunku. MacMichael flew back to London after securing all the signatures from the rulers for the new treaty. Then the British Prime Minister announced that the Malayan Union would come into effect on 1 April 1946.

A British officer who had held Tunku's post before the war was appointed Superintendent of Education, Kedah in his place. The State Government did not give Tunku any new position. During this period, Tunku held no office in any Malay organisation.

Tunku applied for 18 months' study leave and arranged to return to England to resume his law studies. He arrived in bunker on 27 December 1946 and travelled by train to London, and remained there for the next 18 months.

When he passed all his law exams, Tunku sailed back to Malaya on the P.&.O. Corfu in January 1949 to be met by his wife, children, and friends in Penang. A few days later he called on the Secretary to the Government to inform him that he was now a qualified advocate and solicitor, but the reception was neutral. Tunku was instructed to report to the State Legal Advisor for duty as a deputy public prosecutor.[3] His work was routine and he spent his days reading case files.

Tunku was invited to accept the chairmanship of the Kedah branch of UMNO, the political party which had been formed by Dato' Onn Bin Jaafar. But before long, the Attorney-General, Fosters-Sutton, visited Kedah and met Tunku in his office to ask if he would like to take up a new appointment in Kuala Lumpur, which Tunku accepted. In Kuala Lumpur, Tunku was allotted an office in the Federal Secretariat, together with other Deputy Public Prosecutors. Tunku's work received a favourable report and he was transferred with promotion, to the post of President of the Selangor Court. At the same time, a political crisis was brewing in UMNO. When the Communist revolutionaries launched an armed rebellion from jungle bases during the Malayan Emergency, UMNO founder and president, Onn, felt the need for racial harmony and a non-communal political party.[7]

A General Assembly was to be held in Kuala Lumpur in August 1951, and Onn had made it known that if his proposals were not accepted in this meeting, he would resign. Malay leaders while discussing the crisis recognised that they must find a successor to Onn. At that time, Tunku's qualities and ability as a leader were almost unknown outside Kedah. Finally, three candidates, including Tunku, were suggested to be nominated for the post of President if Onn stepped down. Abdul Razak, the State Secretary of Pahang and UMNO vice president went to meet Tunku in his house, to ask him to agree to the nomination, but Tunku was reluctant. Instead, Tunku replied that Razak himself was much better qualified to be nominated. But Razak convinced Tunku that he was much too young to gain the support of the Malay masses.[8] After much persuasion, Tunku reluctantly accepted the nomination. The UMNO Assembly met on 23 August 1951, where Tunku received 57 votes and his nearest rival had 11. In his acceptance speech, Tunku demanded that independence should be granted to Malaya as soon as possible. Tunku was still President of the Sessions Court in Kuala Lumpur, with daily duties to perform drawing a government salary and living in government quarters. Tunku informed the Chief Justice of his intention to resign from government service.

In the eyes of the average UMNO member, Tunku was first and foremost the brother of the Sultan of Kedah, and a member of a royal house, which carried some prestige within Malaya. Tunku had acquired a wealth of experience as a district officer in Kedah, which enables him to understand and sympathise with the problems of the rural population, who made up a large proportion of the UMNO membership.

At the time of Onn Jaafar's resignation from the presidency of UMNO, he had predicted that the party would disintegrate within three months. But even before the end of that period, it became clear that although influential Chinese and some prominent Indians and Ceylonese had become members of Onn Jaafar's new party, very few Malays had done so. Tunku held and expressed the view that Malayan communities could not be united within a single political party. He believed that each community needs its political party and its political leaders, and he was proven to be right. The first trial of strength between all the rival political parties took place in January 1952.[8]

On 6 October 1951, Sir Henry Gurney was killed in an ambush by communist revolutionaries. He was replaced by General Sir Gerald Templer who brought with him a new policy from the British Government in London. Templer was to guide the people of Malaya towards the attainment of a United Malayan Nation. The policy had also called for the partnership of all communities. To put this new policy into effect, the government had agreed to hold elections at the Municipal and Town Council level, as the first step towards a democratic government, and Kuala Lumpur was chosen as one of the venues for the experiment. All the existing political parties were prepared to contest.

One of these political organisation was the Malayan Chinese Association, or MCA. MCA was brought into existence in 1949 by two men, Colonel H. S. Lee, the President of the Selangor Mining Association, and Tan Cheng Lock of Malacca. It occurred to him that if MCA and UMNO allied at the municipal level, their chances of success would be greater. Together with his deputy, they met and sought the approval of Dato' Yahaya, the Chairman of UMNO in Kuala Lumpur. They quickly reached an agreement. Under the chairmanship of Col. H. S. Lee, a combined committee from the MCA and UMNO was formed and 12 candidates were selected, one for each area, some Malays, some Chinese, and one Indian. The committee then began a vigorous campaign to enlist support for "The Alliance".

News of the venture appeared in all the leading newspapers. Tunku was in Province Wellesley when he read the news. He received a telephone call from a UMNO leader in Kuala Lumpur asking him to come back at once for a discussion. On his way to meet the UMNO leaders in Kuala Lumpur, he saw a leading member of Independence of Malaya Party, or IMP, and asked for his opinion of the "Alliance". Tunku was confronted by protesting political colleagues, but he told them that he supported the Alliance and Intended to help in the campaign in Kuala Lumpur.

At the counting of votes on 16 February 1952, the "Alliance" won nine seats, IMP, two, and an Independent one. The success of the UMNO-MCA alliance was repeated in other municipal and town council elections, starting in Johor Bahru, where, to the chagrin of Dato' Onn, the Alliance won all the seats.

Tunku followed up the Municipal elections by holding a 'Round Table Conference' on 3 February 1953, attended by leaders of the MCA and UMNO, in the Selangor Miner's Club, Kuala Lumpur. Everyone agreed to establish a permanent alliance of UMNO and MCA as a political body with Independence for Malaya as its principal objective.

They also discussed the possibility of forming a united front with the Independence of Malayan Party, or the IMP. Tunku arranged a meeting with Onn. He brought H. S. Lee and Dr. Ismail. Onn brought three lawyers and two Malay civil servants. At the meeting, Onn told Tunku that IMP could only work together with the Alliance leaders if they disbanded the Alliance and joined IMP. Tunku tried to find some ground for compromise, but Onn was adamant and the meeting ended. Tunku disagreed fundamentally with Onn's conception of a single political party consisting of members of all communities. He knew by instinct that each community needed its political party. The challenge that lay before him was finding a way to unite the communal parties. Soon, the Alliance leaders met again to discuss their campaign. They drew up proposals that included a request for an elected majority and a firm date for the first elections.

At the Legislative Council, when the demands by the Alliance were discussed, Onn told the Legislative Council that the holding of the elections should be planned as a gradual process and he questioned Tunku's demand. Onn's remarks were relayed to the Secretary of State and damaged Tunku's image.

In August 1953, Gerald Templer offered Tunku a portfolio in the Government, but Tunku refused it. Earlier in July 1953, the government set up a working committee to examine the possibility of holding State and Federal Elections. The committee was set up after Templer obtained the concurrence of Malay Rulers who at first were quite reluctant to accept such proposals due to their deep-rooted fear of what might befall them if Independence were granted. When the names of the members of the Election Committee were announced, Tunku observed that a majority of them were Onn Jaafar's supporters.[8]

During the discussion, the members found themselves in two groups. The majority approved certain recommendations while the Alliance minority disagreed and made their proposals. When the majority of recommendations were accepted and proposed by the Government. Alliance representatives all over the country attacked the Government's proposals with a new rallying cry – 'Merdeka'. By then, recommendations had been forwarded to London, and Tunku in consultations with the Alliance leaders decided that they must ask for an interview with the Secretary of State in London. Tunku sent a long telegram to the Secretary of State asking him to meet a delegation from the Alliance.

On 14 April 1954, a reply was received from the Secretary of State who rejected the request for an interview. Emergency meetings of UMNO and MCA leaders were held and a decision was made. The decision was severely criticised both inside and outside the Alliance and it required great courage and determination for Tunku to proceed. Next were the financial problems. Tunku called for an emergency meeting at UMNO in Malacca where he asked for financial help. The response from UMNO members was swift. A quantity of money and even personal jewellery were handed to Tunku. After some final travel arrangements, Tunku and T.H Tan left Singapore on 21 April 1954, for London. Tunku flew to London all too conscious of the doubts of his Alliance partners and the strong criticism from Government officials.

Before he left, he was aware that Onn Jaafar had dissolved IMP and formed a new political party called 'Parti Negara'. Onn had abandoned his vision of an all-communities party and directed his attention to the Malay community. Tunku realised that Parti Negara would attempt to weaken UMNO and subvert some of his UMNO supporters. But Tunku also knew that he must act now if the granting of Independence was not to be delayed indefinitely. London in mid-April 1954 was cold, damp, and cheerless. There was not even one press reporter to meet Tunku. Knowing their financial resources were limited, Tunku took T.H. Tan with him to Gloucester Road Hotel and booked a double room. He then telephoned his old friend, David Rees, who was now a prominent member of the British Labour Party.

David Rees was the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies under the Labour government from 1947 to 1950. David Rees was a valuable and influential ally. Tunku and Tan went to meet him the next morning in his chambers near the Inner Temple. David Rees promised to do everything possible to persuade Oliver Lyttleton to receive Tunku and his delegation. His persuasion proved to be potent, and on 24 April, Lyttleton agreed to meet Tunku. However, there was one problem. Lyttleton had arranged to leave for Uganda on an official visit on the following day and would not return until 10 May. It was a long time to wait and it would be stretch their financial resources to the limit, but Tunku decided to stay on.

Meanwhile, with David Rees's help, Tunku gave a Press Conference at which he explained the popular support for the Alliance. He then had meetings with members of parliament of all three parties. Tunku's relaxed manner, the fluency of his spoken English and his genial personality attracted his audience and provided ample justification for his mission. When the contents of the 'Election Proposal' were released by the Colonial Office only then did Tunku discover that the Secretary of State had not accepted all the recommendations of the Election Committee. But Tunku was not satisfied. He had asked for at least 60 elected members. A substantial majority of elected members was essential.

While Lyttleton was overseas Tunku prepared his brief and on 14 May, Tunku, Abdul Razak and T.H Tan were ushered into the Secretary of State's room in the Colonial Office. Tunku explained in detail the Alliance's views on the importance of a workable elected majority and the need for early elections, but the Secretary of State insisted that the Alliance try out the Colonial Office Election proposals. Tunku pressed on further for an agreement on at least three-fifths of the elected majority but the Secretary of State wouldn't commit to his suggestion.

Finally, the meeting came to an end. Tunku had to fly back on 20 May, to attend the debate on the Elections Committee proposals in the Legislative Council. A letter from the Colonial Office was delivered to Tunku's hotel room on 19 May. It was beautifully phrased, but the contents could be summarised in two words – no change. T.H Tan cabled the gist of the reply to the Alliance co-chairman, Tan Cheng Lock. He and Tunku then left London the next day, leaving Abdul Razak to open a UMNO-MCA Merdeka Freedom Bureau through which publicity material in support of early independence could be distributed in England.

In Kuala Lumpur, Tunku met members of the UMNO Executive Committee in the morning, and the "Alliance Round Table" members the same night. The Alliance leaders accepted the view that the mission had achieved a measure of success. It was also agreed that the request from the Secretary of State to give the elections proposals a trial could not be accepted. They prepared a resolution which was drafted by Col. H.S. Lee, rejecting the Colonial Office proposals. The next day, Tunku, Dr. Ismail and Leong Yew Koh, the Secretary-General of MCA took the Resolution to General Templer's office. Templer read the document without comment and then requested that the release of the resolutions to the press be delayed.[7]

At the Alliance Round Table meeting that night, the Alliance was adamant and the boycott went into effect. About a thousand Alliance members at all levels took part. It was a subtle process with results that were not immediately felt, but which were cumulative. The boycott was widely criticised. The Secretary of State called for consultations with the Rulers by the High Commissioner. Tunku decided that the Alliance should take the initiative and present their views first.

That day, nearly 2,000 Alliance supporters assembled at the government office building in support of the proposals. Attempts to break the Alliance boycott were made by Michael Hogan, the Attorney General, and David Gray, the acting Chief Secretary, Hogan and Gray met MacGillivray with their suggestions, and the High Commissioner agreed to their initiative.

Hogan and Gray then met H.S. Lee in Kuala Lumpur and explained the motive of their visit. H. S. Lee then contacted Tunku and Dr. Ismail who was in Johor Bahru with the news. Tunku reacted positively to the compromise offered but he wanted further assurance from the High Commissioner himself. On 6 July, MacGillivray signed a letter agreeing to the Alliance's request after receiving approval from Lyttleton. The Alliance then called off the boycott.

After The Alliance called off the boycott, Elections to State Councils with Alliance participation could now proceed. Tunku and his colleagues travelled tirelessly to prepare for the coming trial of strength. Tunku took Tan Cheng Lock and H.S Lee with him whenever possible and in particular when touring the northern Malay states, and emphasised the importance of unity among Malayans of all communities. At each State capital, the Alliance leaders called on the Ruler and assured him of their loyalty and support.[8]

The links between UMNO and MCA grew stronger and on Tunku's initiative, a National Council which became the supreme executive body of the Alliance was established. It took the place of the 'Round Table' which had no executive power and Tunku was formally recognised as 'Leader of the Alliance'. The first two elections to State Councils took place late in 1954 in Johor and Terengganu. In both states, the Alliance won sweeping victories. Parti Negara did not capture a single seat. Tunku was now a popular figure in every state and almost every kampung. He travelled constantly.

Towards the end of 1954, Tunku was invited by the Director of Operations to serve on the Federation War Executive Committee. The government had promised to hold elections to the Federal Legislative Council in 1955, and in March of that year, it was announced that Nomination Day would be in June and that 27 July would be Election Day. Many Malay government officers resigned to offer themselves as candidates. As nomination day approached, Tunku was plagued by demands that a high proportion of the candidates should be Malay.

Tunku brought the matter to the next UMNO Assembly and urged the members to adopt what he called "a policy of racial unselfishness". Tunku's arguments were compelling and he won a unanimous vote of confidence. Almost at the eleventh hour, Tunku's repeated emphasis on the importance of unity during the elections brought him a bonus. The Malayan Indian Congress, MIC, which had wavered in its support of Parti Negara, now promised to back the Alliance, representing the Indian community.

On Nomination Day, the Alliance entered a candidate in every one of the 52 constituencies. Parti Negara entered 30 candidates. 29 Malays and one Chinese. Four other political parties entered a total of 29 candidates. Eighteen others stood as Independents. Two weeks before Nomination Day, Onn announced that he would stand in Johor Bahru, and challenged Tunku to stand against him. It was a tactical error. The Alliance let it be known that the Party would decide where Tunku should stand, and it allowed the headquarters to select a candidate who could be expected to defeat Onn.

Tunku's resisted invitations to forecast the election results, but he let it be known that he was confident of an Alliance victory. It was only during the last week of the elections that Tunku toured his constituency. Everywhere he went, he was promised total support. He spent the day before the elections in the UMNO House in Alor Setar and telephoned the Alliance headquarters in every state.

On polling day, after casting his vote, he drove himself on a whirlwind tour to constituencies in Kedah and then set off to Kuala Lumpur accompanied by T.H Tan. Tunku stopped at every main polling station en route and only arrived in Kuala Lumpur at 11 pm, making it possible for him to enter the town unrecognised. Tunku always enjoyed the company of his friends but on the night of 27 July, he was exhausted and wanted to be alone. Tunku spent the night at the Eastern Hotel, listening to the results of the elections until the Kuala Lumpur Radio Station went off the air at 3 AM.

Tunku won with a majority of more than 20,000 votes, Sulaiman won with 5,943 votes and Dato' Onn only managed to secure 2,802 votes. The Alliance won 51 seats, the Pan Malayan Islamic Party (PMIP) won only one seat, and the National Party (PN) won none.

High Commissioner MacGillivray invited Tunku to the King's House for a first formal discussion on Sunday, 31 July. Tunku handed the High Commissioner a list of 11 Cabinet Ministers: six Malays, three Chinese, and two Indians. The list would still have to be passed to the Rulers for their formal concurrence that would take some time. On 1 August, Tunku was received by a British Assistant Secretary to the Government at the Federal Secretariat building.[7]

On 9 August, Tunku made his first broadcast to the nation from an old wooden structure at Young Road, Kuala Lumpur. During the broadcast, he said:

I am very determined to strive for self-government and Independence as soon as possible by constitutional means. Others have been obliged to fight the colonial power before they achieved their freedom and this will not be necessary in Malaya.

The Alliance has proved that they have the support of at least 80 percent of adult population, and that the three principal communities worked closely together at all levels to win the election. I will take the opportunity to ask the new Secretary of State for the Colonies to arrange for constitutional talks in London as soon as possible since the present Federal Constitution is now workable during his visit to Kuala Lumpur.

The Malayan Emergency continues to obstruct progress and swallow up funds that should be used for development and I will try my best to end the Emergency through a fresh initiative. Finally, I assure government officers who belong to other political parties that they have no reason to fear official disfavor.

There had been another General Election in the United Kingdom, won again by the Conservatives. Alan Lennox-Boyd was the new Secretary of States for the Colonies. He was to visit Malaya and be present at the new Legislative Council meeting on 1 September. At their first informal meeting at King's House in Kuala Lumpur, Tunku found in the new Secretary of State an unexpected affinity. They were able to speak freely and they shared a sense of humour. Lennox-Boyd agreed to hold constitutional talks in London in January 1956,[3] provided that the Rulers were represented. When the Rulers met at their conferences in Kuala Lumpur in September 1955, Tunku sought and was granted a special audience. Tunku asked the Rulers to appoint representatives for the constitutional talks to be held in London. As the days for the talks got closer, travel plans were discussed.

In dealing with the Emergency, Tunku had offered amnesty to the communist revolutionaries soon after he became Chief Minister. 186 "Safe Areas" were named in four million leaflets, which were dropped over the jungle from Air Force planes. The results had been disappointing but an unsigned letter from Communist headquarters in South Thailand asked for a ceasefire. Tunku showed the letter to MacGillivray and General Bourne. Then, with their agreement, Tunku issued a reply in the Press stating that he was willing to meet Chin Peng.[8]

After a further exchange of letters, Tunku and Chin Peng met in Southeast Kedah near the Siamese border in December 1955. Tunku had 2 objectives for the meeting, one was to clarify the amnesty terms, the other was to make it clear that Tunku spoke for the people of Malaya and not as a representative of the British. Chin Peng could not accept the amnesty terms because the British did not allow communists in the jungle to enjoy equal status with other Malayans. Chin Peng demanded that the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) be legalised and be allowed to participate in the elections.

Singaporean Chief Minister David Marshall asked if the MCP would lay down their arms if Malaya was granted Independence, Chin Peng refused as the amnesty offer was unacceptable to the MCP, and that they would never disband the MCP. Discussions continued after dark without either side making any concessions. The talks failed to reach an agreement and ended at 10 AM the next morning.

Following the failure of the talks, Tunku decided to withdraw the offer of an amnesty on 8 February 1956, five months after it had been offered. He stated that he would not willingly meet the communists again unless they indicated beforehand their desire to see him make "a complete surrender". He said that the Communists had made it clear to him that their ideology and that of himself and his party could not exist side by side. Therefore, the war must be intensified until one or the other gave in. "I have every confidence that the people of Malaya will give their fullest support and co-operation to the action I have taken."

The shape as well as the design of the Merdeka 118 tower resembles the silhouette of Tunku with his hand raised while chanting “Merdeka!” during the proclamation of the independence of Malaya on 31 August 1957.

Several places were named after him, including:

• Putrajaya
  •  KT3  Putrajaya Sentral
• Universiti Putra Malaysia
• Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman
• Tunku Abdul Rahman University College
• Tunku Abdul Rahman National Park, a marine park in Kota Kinabalu, Sabah
• Tunku Abdul Rahman Foundation
• Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Football Cup
• KD Tunku Abdul Rahman
• Perdana Putra
• Putra Bridge
• Putra Specialist Hospital
• Putra World Trade Centre
  •  SP4  AG4  LRT PWTC
  •  KA04  KTM Komuter Putra
• Putrajaya Line
• Bandar Menjalara, a township in Kuala Lumpur named after Tunku's mother
• Putra World Trade Centre a convention and exhibition centre
• Masjid Putra, a mosque in Putrajaya
• Tunku Abdul Rahman Memorial Academy in Nazapur, Senbag, Bangladesh
• Jalan Tengku Abdul Rahman in Beurawe, Kuta Alam, Banda Aceh City, Aceh, Indonesia
• Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman, a major road in Putrajaya
• Akuarium Tunku Abdul Rahman, Batu Maung, Penang
• Masjid Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj, a mosque in Jalan Merbok-Yan Kechil
• Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman in George Town, Penang
• Institut Teknologi Tunku Abdul Rahman, Kuala Lumpur
• Kampung Tunku Abdul Rahman Petra, a village in Jeli, Kelantan
• Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman, a major road in Kuching, Sarawak
• Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman, a major road in Kota Kinabalu, Sabah
• Bukit Rahman Putra, a township in Sungai Buloh, Selangor
• Bukit Tunku in Kuala Lumpur
• Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman in Taman Juta, Kuala Kubu Bharu
• Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman, a road in Taman Permai, Ipoh Perak
• Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman, a major road nearby Batu Berendam Airport, Melaka
• Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman, a major road in Bandar Alor Setar, Kedah
• Jalan Putra in Alor Setar, Kedah
• Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman, Taman Mekar, Krubong, Melaka
• Taman Putra Perdana in Puchong Selangor
• Putra Heights in Subang Jaya, Selangor
• Putra Glass Hall, event venue in Kampung Bukit Lancung, Shah Alam, Selangor
• Dewan Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra al-Haj, a community hall centre in Jelai, Batu Kurau, Perak
• Dewan Tunku Abdul Rahman, Kuala Terengganu
• Asrama Tunku Abdul Rahman, SMK Kuala Kubu Bharu, Selangor
• Kolej Tingkatan Enam, Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, Sabak Bernam, Selangor
• Dewan Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, an event venue hall in Universiti Malaysia Sarawak
• Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman a road in Sibu, Sarawak
• Sekolah Menengah Kebangsaan Tunku Abdul Rahman in Kuching, Sarawak
• Mural Tunku Abdul Rahman, a street art honouring him in Jalan Sultan Muhammad Jiwa, Alor Setar, Kedah
• Sekolah Menengah Kebangsaan Tunku Abdul Rahman, a national secondary school in Kulai Johor
• Sekolah Menengah Teknik Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, a national technical secondary school in Jelutong, Penang
• Sekolah Kebangsaan Tunku Abdul Rahman, a national primary school in Kuala Nerang, Kedah
• Sekolah Menengah Kebangsaan Tunku Abdul Rahman, a national secondary school in Taman Rakyat Mergong, Alor Setar, Kedah
• Sekolah Menengah Kebangsaan Tunku Abdul Rahman, a national secondary school in Nibong Tebal, Penang
• Memorial Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj in Alor Setar, Kedah
• Tunku Abdul Rahman Bridge in Perai, Penang
• Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Mosque in Kuala Kedah, Kedah
• Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Mosque in Lunas, Kedah
• Masjid Tunku Abdul Rahman, a mosque in Kampung Tepi Laut, Kuala Kedah, Kedah
• Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Memorial, a memorial in Kuala Lumpur
• Kolej Tunku Abdul Rahman, a residential college at Universiti Malaysia Perlis, Arau, Perlis
• Kolej Tunku Abdul Rahman, a residential college at Universiti Teknologi MARA, Machang, Kelantan
• Kolej Rahman Putra, a residential college at Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Skudai, Johor

•  Malaysia :
  • Recipient of the Order of the Crown of the Realm (DMN) (1970)[15]
•  Kedah :
  • Member of the Kedah Supreme Order of Merit (DUK) (1958)[16]
  • Member of the Royal Family Order of Kedah (DK) (1982)
•  Johor :
  • First Class Member of the Royal Family Order of Johor (DK I) (1961)[17]
•  Kelantan :
  • Recipient of the Royal Family Order or Star of Yunus (DK) (1970)
•  Perlis :
  • Member of the Perlis Family Order of the Gallant Prince Syed Putra Jamalullail (DK) (1965)[18]
•  Selangor :
  • Knight Grand Commander of the Order of the Crown of Selangor (SPMS) – Dato' Seri (1961)
  • First Class Member of the Royal Family Order of Selangor (DK I) (1965)[19]
•  Terengganu :
  • Member First Class of the Royal Family Order of Terengganu (DK I) (1964)[20]
•  Malacca :
  • Knight Grand Commander of the Premier and Exalted Order of Malacca (DUNM) – Datuk Seri Utama (1985)

•  Brunei :
  • Grand Commander of the Order of Seri Paduka Mahkota Brunei (SPMB) – Dato Seri Paduka (1958)[21]
  • Family Order of Brunei 1st Class (DK) – Dato Laila Utama (1959)[22]
•  Australia :
  • Honorary Companion of the Order of Australia (AC) (1987)
•  United Kingdom :
  • Honorary Member of the Order of the Companions of Honour (CH) (1961)[23]
•  Belgium :
  • Grand Cross of the Order of the Crown (1958)
•  Cambodia :
  • Grand Cross of the Royal Order of Sahametrei (1962)
•  Philippines :
  • Grand Collar of the Order of Sikatuna (1959)
•  South Korea :
  • Recipient of the Order of Merit for National Foundation (1965)
•  Thailand :
  • Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Chula Chom Klao (1958)
•  South Vietnam :
  • Grand Officer of the National Order of Vietnam (1965)[24]