Galician-Asturian

Terms used to refer to the language include gallego–asturiano, the name used in Act 1/1998 of the Principality of Asturias,[3] meaning "Galician–Asturian language"; a fala ("the speech", not to be confused with the Fala language of Extremadura); and Galego de Asturias ("Galician language of Asturias"). The term Eonaviego was first used by the linguist Xavier Frías Conde, who translated it as Eonavian in English, Éonavien in French, and Eonavienc in Catalan. In 2007, the Academy of the Asturian Language accepted the term Eonavian to refer to the dialect.

Linguistic areas of Asturias, attending only to scientific criteria. In green, Asturogalician languages and in purple, Asturoleonese languages

From a philological point of view, the origin of the language is surely in the Galician-Portuguese language family, the dominant language in the northwest of the Iberian peninsula in the Middle Ages. That follows from an examination of the more than six hundred parchments preserved in the monastery of Villanueva de Oscos. The examination of these documents allows us to recognise one of the most genuine examples of the medieval Galician-Portuguese language and many of its documents are cited as the earliest written samples of this language.[14]

For the early stage, there are only documented translations of copies of ancient Latin deeds that were beginning to be unintelligible to the common people, (v. AHN sec. clergy, carp. 1617, AHN, Sec Clergy, carp. No. 1617. 15, no. 2, Sec AHN clergy carp. 1621 No 15 etc.), and there would not be until the mid-13th century that the first original deeds were written in the Galician-Portuguese language. In the early 14th century, the oddness of this language with the rest of the galacoifonía, was noticed. The most of these developments were the result of the Castilian language advancement in the urban centres of the River Eo: Revoredo, Ribadeo and Castropol, such influence was more significant in the writings of the bishops' notaries of Oviedo in these villages, but if the influence of Castilian was growing in the urban centres, the manuscripts of the monastery notaries still kept the original features of this language, and others were added that then appeared.

Since 1865, when Aureliano Fernández Guerra y Orbe published the first texts of the monastery of Oscos, the enormous divergences with the rest of the Asturian cartularies and specifically with the Fuero de Avilés, of which many of these texts are contemporary, became evident.[15] In this sense, Rafael Lapesa, when dealing with the evolution of "Western Asturian" during the High Middle Ages, expressly excluded from his study the region to the west of the river Navia because he considered that it did not present any speciality in relation to other Galician-Portuguese cartularies.[16] Many subsequent studies have dealt with the specific features of the Galician-Portuguese languages found in this cartulary, particularly the conjugated infinitive[17] or articles system.[18]

The cartulary of Oscos is an essential landmark for understanding the evolution of the Galician-Portuguese language, but the monastery's influence was ended with the arrival of the Castillian congregation in 1511. That started another period of great economic and social growth of the monastery around the iron industries, but the installation of the reformed order ended the written language, until its re-emergence in the late 19th century.

The area where the dialects are spoken includes the Asturian municipalities of Boal, Castropol, Coaña, Eilao, El Franco, Grandas de Salime, Pezós, San Martín de Ozcos, Santalla de Ozcos, Santiso de Abres, Tapia de Casariego, Taramundi, A Veiga, Vilanova de Ozcos, and partially those of Navia, Ibias, Villayón, and Allande; as well as the Galician municipality of Negueira de Muñiz.

(*) The lateral sound ʎ: Porcia River to Navia River. The lateral sound l: Eo River to Porcia River.

Here is the evolution of the language, taking into account the Monastery of Oscos parchments:

• Falling diphthong: 'couto', 'souto', 'cantou', 'deitou', 'cantei'...
• Anticipation of the "yod", like: 'naide', 'coiro', 'agoiro', 'cadeira'...
• No nasal diphthong at the end, as noted by Menéndez García as one of the benchmark isoglosses the speeches and Asturleonesas Galaicas.[28]

Nasal consonants

Map about Galician-Portuguese speaking areas taking into account principally the nasality factor. Map based on Fernández Rei's outline, "Dialectoloxía da lingua galega".

• Intervocalic vowels are lost. That fact is the argument of greater weight to those opposed to the theory of Astur-Galician, precisely because there is the curious fact that the phenomenon is accentuated in the municipalities close to the probable Eonaviegos West following a north-south trend is started in Portugal. The fact is manifested in the formation of plurals, on increases in the training of women, but especially in the loss of the nasal-palatal.[29]
• The velarization of nasal vowels and deformation from n-falling.[30]
• The evolution of group Latin nn > n.
• The retention of -mb-.
• The group m'l y m'n changes to m
• The loss of nasal-palatals, in diminutive feminine, vaquía, cousía, roupía, etc. and some masculines foucío, campío, en el sufijo -ieiro/a: cocieira, dieiro, mulieiro, etc.

Monastery of Oscos Apse

One of the most relevant aspects of the language is the study of its evolution in the Middle Ages through the parchments which are kept in the Villanueva de Oscos Chartulary, the fourth most important in Asturias after San Pelayo, San Vicente and the Oviedo Cathedral. It is very interesting its conservation by the massive information provided a community so small as the Villanueva de Oscos Abbey. The documents show us the vitality of this language in the Middle Ages and give very important information on Romance languages in the northwest of Iberian Peninsula. The Chartulary preserves 616 parchments about the Middle Ages: 32 from the 12th century, 261 from the 13th century, 224 from the 14th century and 99 from the 15th century.[21]^: 33

The first scholar who dealt with its study was Aureliano Fernández-Guerra in 1865, in the very important article «Speech about the Carther of Aviles». He used extracts of 19 documents from 1256 to 1316. In 1868, Martín Sangrador y Vitores included in his work about the Asturias administration a copy in Galician of the royal prerogative given away by Fernando II to the Abbey. The next edition of the documents about monastery had to wait until the mid-20th century, when the Royal Institute of Asturian Studies (RIDEA) edited the article «El convento benedictino de Villanueva de Ozcos»[44] by Marcos G. Martínez, a rather poor edition. Only in 1981, Pedro Floriano Llorente publishes in RIDEA «Colección dipolomática de Villanueva de Ozcos»,[45] which implies an important improvement concerning the previous, both by perfection technical, as by the personal and toponymic references.

Nonetheless, the edition dealt with the issue only as far as 1200. In 1994, the Britonia journal published the second serial of the monastery's parchments, edited by Floriano Llorente, covering until the first half of the 13th century. The edition, however, failed to meet the editors' expectations.because no documents were produced in Romance so Britonia published a second version, less known, to covers until 1300, more interesting for the study of the question.

The works served as a basis to publish another set of documents by Professor Alvárez Castrillón in his book Los Ozcos en los siglos X-XIII, un modelo de organización social del espacio en la Asturias medieval, (2001), but the work addresses only the historic aspects and not the linguistics. In the following years, Professor Sanz Fuentes has published also four other documents with regard to Buron Hospital. Finally, Alvárez Castrillón, edited, in 2008, 605 more parchments as attachments to the book «La Comarca de los Oscos en la Edad Media, poblamiento, economía y poder», and in 2011, he edited 293 more documents from 1139 to 1300, Colección Diplomática del Monasterio de Santa María de Villanueva de Oscos, (1139–1300)[46] and more recently Colección Diplomática del Monasterio de Santa María de Villanueva de Oscos, (1300–1511)[47]

The documents of the chartulary give important information for knowledge of the language spoken in the western Asturias in the Middle Ages. They show the origin and the evolution of this language, but the serial of parchments finishes with the arrival the Congregation of Castile in 1511 at Monastery, the end of a cycle and will be the beginning of a new one, the big economic growth around the iron industry. However, the installation of the reformed order closed the documental history of this language, until its resurgence in the late 19th century.

...Testo uobis et concedo per suis terminis certis per termino de Menustux e inde de super ad petram de Gio a Cornu de Menyones, et ad penna de Teyxeyra, et al Pico pequeno, et allas mestas de Bouspoulim) et como uay pello regueyro a Sobrepe aa pena das ouellas, et inde in directum ad petra Vocatoria et ad aquam de Ferueça et cómodo uertitur aquam al final de Pena Leyra, na Gauia per ubi potueritis inueniere.... Ad patrem (sic) vero regis quingentos solidos boos exsoluat.[45]^: 138 (1153)

Cunusçuda cousa seia a quantos esta carta viren commo eu María Uicentez de Cedamona vendo a uos abbade don Guillermo de Santa María de Villa Noua d'Oscos e ao conueto desse mismo lugar quanta heredade eu aio e deuo auer en Çedamona por preço qua a mí e a uos ben prougo, conuen a saber: hun boy boon e çen solidos, preço me outorgo por ben pagada e sse mays val doo por Deus e por mina alma e de meus parentes. E de este día en deante seia tirada de nosso poder e seia metuda en no uosso e no do moestero e se alzen da mina parte ou da aldea contra esta uençon contra esta doaçon veer, aia a maldiçon de Deus e a mina e con Iudas eno inferno iasca por senpre e aa uoz del rey peyte çen morabentinos e dobre ao moestero a heredade e a carta uala por senpre. Feyta a carta en Gyo...[45]^: 142 (late 13th century)

Se vos ende quissierdes yr leyxade a quarta de quanto overdes ao monasterio... a vossa morte venirdes aa septultura do monasterio con vossas mandaciones[48] (1261)

In dei nomine Amen.

Cunnuzuda cousa seia aquantos esta carta viren et oyren. Como nos don Miguel pela gracia de dios Abbade do Monesteyro de Sancta Maria de Vila Noua d'Oscos et ho Conuento dese mismo logar. Damos anos Rodrigo Affonso tam sola mente poren uossos dias emprestamo: amea daquela nossa herdade de vila Donga. Que he ena Vila d'Aures aque tenno de uos Lope Trauesso. Et damos uola todos sous terminos et con todos sous vilares assy comoa nos auemos. Per tal preyto uos damos esta herdade sobredita quela non possades vender nen supinnorar nen enallenar per neguna maneyra et adia de vosso passamento que ffique esta herdade ia dita liure et quita al Monesteyro ia dito con quanto bon paramento enela ouuer.

Et Eu Rodrigo Affonso ia dito obridome per mi et per todas mias bonas et su pena Mil mrs. de Moeda Real; que nunca esta herdade ia dita meu fillo et filla nen quen vener en mias bonas; que nuncaa embarguen al Monesteyro ia dito. Et se meu fillo ou mia filla aesta carta quiseren passar aian amia maldizion et nunca seian herdados en mia herdade, et peyten al Monesteyro mil moravidiis da moeda real et acarta seia sempre atodo tempo valiosa. Et eu Rodrigo Affonso ia dito; recibo de vos don abade et do Conuento ia dito este prestamo que me vos dades et outorgo ben et lealmente de comprir quanto esta carta diz. Et que esto seia mays ffirme et no possa venir en dolda.

Mandamos ambas las partes ffacer esta carta partida per ABC feyta carta en Vila noua d'Oscos XII dias por andar del mes de Junyo en era de mil et CCC et XIII annos. Regnante el rey don Affonso en Leon en Castela en todos los outros sous Rengos ayglegia de Oviedo porgante. Rodrigo Rodriguiz meyrino mayor del Rey eno Regno de Leon et en Asturias, osque presentes foron Suer Lopez prior testis, Pay Martiniz Suprior testis. Miguel Celareyro testis, Iohan Pelaiz vestiario testis, Pero Fernandiz cantor; testis Petro Iohanes sucantor testis, Andreu Perez clerigo desancta offemena testis, sou parente pero pelaiz clerigo testis, Lope Díaz testis, Meen Perez testis, Pay Eanes testis, Pero Chazin testis Gonzalo caio testis ffernan Díaz fillo de Diego vello testis et outros muytos que viron et oyron et eu Freire Domingo Monniz Notario puplico de Vila Nova d'Oscos scriui esta carta per mandado danbaslas partos et puys enela meusinal

[49] (12 June 1276)

E por esta doaçión e por esta esmolna que vos Pedro Méndez façedes ao monsterio sobredito e abade e convento que son e que an de de vir, e por cuanto ben e emparamento façedes ao mosterio e prometedes de façer, nos abbade e convento logo de presente reçebemosvos llogo por noso familiar e damosvos e outorgamos parte en todo o ben que se feçer no mosterio de Santa María de Villa Nova en toda a orden de Cistel ata o día da fin do mundo...[50]^: 144 (late 13th century)

Sepan quantos esta carta viren commo Teresa Meen, frada profesa no Monesterio de Santa María de Villa Nova d'Oscos, do en doazon al dito monesterio, por las almas de meu padre de mina madre e mía, e de aquelos a quen eu son teuda, todos benes asy mobres commo rayzes que eu aio en Lanteyro, en Bullaso, en Lavallos e en Mon, e en todos los terminos e jurdiçon da Probra de Castropol, e otorgo e mando que seian do monesterio todos, por quanto os mandaron y meu padre e mina madre con meu otorgamento. E vos, o dito don Abbad e convento, non me avedes a tirar estos erdamentos nen parte de delos, nen los otros que y el monesterio que levava meu padre e mia madre por los trinta maravedís según teno huna carta per que nos aforastes e dovos liçençia que vos pósades trocar e ministrar por lo dito foro os novos delos. E non avedes a dar nen aforar, nen vender, nen supinnorar, nen allear, nen malparar estos ditos herdamentos e benes. E Eu Teresa Meen frada profesa do dito monesterio asy o otorgo e prometo de ter e gardar todo esto que se aquí reconta.[50]^: 187 (1377)

...per tal preyto e condyçon vos aforo estas ditas herdades que as lavredes ben, e paredes ben, e que diades nos el dito don Abade e monesterio por foro cada anno huna taega de bon centeno medido per la medida dita de Santalla, livre de polvo e de palla; e que seyades amigos boos e leales do monesterio ennas cousas que vos poderdes, e qe estas ditas herdades que vos non posades vender nen subpynorar nen escabyar a outra parte por ninguna manera, e a la morte ou saydo del postermeyro de vos a los desste foro sayr que nos fiquen ao dito monesterio as ditas erdades lyvres e quitas e desenbargadas de vos e de vosa voz con todos sous chantados e aboamentos que elas estevere, vosa novydade alçada dando al monesterio aquelo que lle deverdes deste dito foro as quales herdades iaçcen su signo de Santalla d'Oscos...[50]^: 215 (1417)

Sepan quantos esta carta viren commo nos don Lope abbad del moesterio de Santa María de Uilla Nova d'oscos, e prior e conuento do dito moesterio aforamos a uos Lopez Pérez e a uosa muller Ynés Fernández, e a os fillos e netos que ouierdes unos de outros, conuén a saber que uos aforamos o noso casal de Bustapena asy commo lebóu e usou Miguel Andrés que ende moróu, casa e orrio e teytos e paos e erdamentos [bravos e] mansos que lle pertenescen e con la erdad que foy de [...] Domínguez e de Aluaro que lauraua Aluaro de Perdigueros. [Esto] todo asy commo senpre andóu esto commo dito [he vos] aforamos que déades e pagedes de foro en cada hun anno todos los foros e deretos ao convento e [ao moesterio] asy commo pagaua o dito Miguel Andrés e desta erdad que auedes de dar el quarto a Dominga Fernández por seus días muller que foe de Aluaro de Perdigueros...[50]^: 233 (1466)

Deita palla al boi Gonzalvo
Deita palla á ó boy
Freija Ferrández fiandera honrada
puja cada fío, va pucherada[51] (late 16th century)

Lliras che quito, nel marco las poño, toma, can, lliras y pan.
En Villanova nin vaca nin nora nacen os gutos y votanlos fora.
En Llanteiro nun hay mozas, en Mezà todas son veyas, en Miñagon milindrosas y en Serandías a fror d'ellas.
Pernas tortas das Cavanas, regallóis os da Pilella, chamuscados os de Boal, viva el llugarín de Armal.
Veite cerzo, cercellín, de este valle regueirín, qu'ei che vèn Xuan de riba, xurando y devotando, que ch'a partir ua dida, si te coye costa arriba, que ch'a partir un brazo si te coye costa abaxo.[25]

Polavila polavila, Eu ben sei donde la hay, indo porlo río arriba no moliño de meu pay.[25]^: 76 (Villanueva de Oscos)

En casa chía, llougo se fai a cía.
Condo che dian a oveya, coye a corda y vay por ella.
As cuitas ayías, num me quitan dormir.
A mía fiya arruita fame muita, a mía nora vocía e de chía.
A terra que da á ortiga è pra mía fiya/, a que nun la cría è pra mía vecía
Pra que nun queren, teño èo abondo
Antroido, godoiro, paso por Arbon con un cesto na mau comendo rapón.
D'os sesenta pra riba, nun moyes a barriga.
De valdre texen os cais, que nun rompen a roupa.
A vaca da mía vecía, da meyor lleite ca mía.
Condo Dios nun quer, os Santos nun poden.
Que mañá nos traiga, un boo día de solín.
Arco de veya revolve na terra, col dido monín que nun chova por mín, col dido pulgar que chova nel mar.
Foyas na figueira, farros na ribeira.
Cerco lluar ponte a enxugar.
Xente de marina, xente de gran caldeirada, día de muyto víspera de nada.
Home fraque y non de fame, mira que nun te agarre.
Condo chove y fai frío, cantan os gallos na veira del río.
Condo Dios quer, de todos os ventos chove
El anada de un mal ano, máyase nun eirado.
Cantaide nenas, cantaide, /cantaide y nun teñais pena/que ven un barco de mozos/ a dous cuartos á docena.
Si a Candeleira chora/ el inverno xa vai fora / si a candeleira rí / El inverno ta por vir
Alló enriba, nun, sei unde, encontrein con nun sei quen, en casa de xa me esqueice, nun me podo acordar ben.[26]^: 112

Este neñín que teño nel collo
e d'un amor que se tyama Vitorio,
Dios que madeu, treveme llongo
por non andar con Vitorio nel collo.[52] (Navia)

As laxas d'a nosa entrada tan, madeus, muito moyadas, non miou mia sogra por elas e que anuncian a xelada
Poderan ser cuadradas y tamén alongadas mais nunca veredes cocías redondiadas

— Labandera Campoamor, JA; Boletín de letras del Real Instituto de Estudios Asturianos nº 71, 1970, [53]

(River Eo)

Ayer dicícheme c'hoy
hoy dicesme que mañá
y mañá as me decir
¿Cocéronxe xa as patacas?
– Non: pero eiyes atizar candela –[54]

Vaich'a fer muito bèn
Tèdes que vir a fèsta
¿Pareceche que fòron us nenos, us lladrois ou us parcoteixos us que tiraron as patacas al alto?
¿Sachasche el hòrto, atendich'as vacas ou fixich'a xanta?
Fun al eiro, pero nun puiden sachar nada?
Teis que ter ma(i)s tempo al fougo, parecem'a min esa caldeira.
De recoyeredes entre us dous, el herba, è fácil que nun vola piye'l augua
Tèinch'ua búa chía de d'herba
Vid'a mía casa pra miraremos esos llibros
Xa verás como en chegando'l vrao, imos a'ndar de fèsta'n fèsta
Nun vos quèro delante, iscai xa![24]

Here are the results by ALPI quiz (Atlas Lingüístico de la Península Ibérica, 'Linguistic Atlas of the Iberian Peninsula') in the 1930s[55] in regard to the following points placed among Eo and Navia rivers and the general rule set out for all the region by Acevedo y Fernández in the first dictionary of the language, published in 1932.

The first known writer in Eonavian perhaps could be Fernan Soares de Quiñones or Quinhões dos cancioneiros, a troubadour of the last third of the 13th century. He was the author of four songs of moral satire, known as (cántigas de escarnio y maldecir). One of the cántigas relates, in ancient Galician-Portuguese language, to the "costumes" (manners) and "feituras" (facts) of the "Cavalon" (old horse), which tells the adventures of a nobleman who lived in Seville, and had come from Oscos Region in "Esturas" (Asturias) on the border with Galicia. The verses are included in a "cántiga" that is within the theme of "escarnio" (ridicule) and "maldecir" (cursing) but with the impersonation which is typical of the "Cántiga de amigo" (friend song). Anyway, it seems that the reference to the knight of Oscos presents allegorical connotations to the origin of the Asturian knight that might be related with the type of speech used in the cantiga.[56][57]

After the arrival of the Castillian Congregation at the monastery of Santa María de Villanueva de Oscos in 1511, the written record of the language ended until its resurgence in the late 19th century.

In the early years of the 20th century was an identification with Galician, reflected in authors like Cotarelo Valledor and Antolin Santos Ferraria, who wrote entirely in Galician. Fernandez and Fernandez and Bernardo Acevedo Huelves were the first authors who are aware of the peculiarities of this language. The latest one is usually attributed the first sonnet in this language: "Vusté era un gran señor, Eu era un gran probe"(You was a great lord, I was a large poor man). A poet contemporary of them was Ramón García González, (1870–1938), who showed the influence of the modernist spirit, prevailing in the early 20th century. His best-known work is a long poem entitled "El xardín". Another poet in that time was Villar Conrado Loza (Taramundi 1873-Tapia 1962), who focused on themes around migration, recurring theme in folk literature on the early 20th century.

After the Spanish Civil War was a decline of the literature in Asturian Galician, which lost the identity features that were beginning to appear. Folk literature was mixing Galician and Castilian and tended to be anecdotic rather than purely literary. In the 1970s, thanks to the work of authors such as Damaso Alonso, writers of the western end of Asturia began to reaffirm the identity of their language, such as Manuel Garcia Sanchez, known Manolo Galano, particularly concerned about the popular culture of the region and published, in 1994, with Jacinto López Díaz "Vocabulario da Roda" and had published in 1984: "Cuentos Parzamiques". He was a frequent contributor to the magazine Entrambasauguas and published, in 2005, a recast of twenty written contributions to the magazine in the book "Vento d'outono". Beside them are some more recent authors as Xose Miguel Suarez (Mantaras, Tapia, 1965) and Xavier Frias Conde. The writers started their literary careers, from the philological study of the language albeit from very different perspectives.

The difficulty of publishing books for an audience so small makes it most remarkable of all that the literature projects through various magazines of the region. The oldest magazine is "A Freita", which appeared in eleven numbers, a general magazine that started to being published in 1992. Among its contributors were writers like Benigno Fernandez Braña, Xan Castañeira, Xosé Maximo Fernandez Muniz, Adela Valledor Conde, etc. In 1995, the magazine attached a literary supplement, published to makes noticed to the authors of Eonavia in other formats, through a kind of less formal book.[58]

Since 1996, the Department of Linguistics of Eo Navia has published the magazine "Entrambasauguas". Among the writers often to collaborating are Veiguela Crisanto (Vegadeo 1959), Alejandro Blanco Antunez, (Navia 1933), Teresa Lopez, (Boal 1950), Xoxe Carlos Alvarez Blanco, Xavier Vilareyo (Mieres 1967), Fredo de Carbexe (El Franco 1967), etc.

In theatre, there is some tradition like in Villar and Manuel Galano. Lately, old plays have been recovered: "Condo el cariño è de Verdá", a comedy released in 1936 by Association Armal, and "El tratto de FF Arias", premiered in Figueras in 1926.

In the dialectal area are associations supporting each side, such as Asociación Abertal (defending the Galician theory) and Xeira or Fala Viva (defending the Asturian theory). Its protection and language policy are the responsibility of the Asturian government and the Secretaría Llingüística del Navia-Eo, a division of the Academia de la Llingua Asturiana responsible for the area. There are two different orthographies for Eonavian, the official one (more Asturian-like) as well as one made by the Mesa prá Defensa del Galego de Asturias (more Galician-like).

• Iberian languages

• Eonavian grammar (Galician theory)
• Mesa for the defense of Gallego de Asturias (defending the Galician theory)
• Xeira (defending the Asturian theory)