Gapsin Coup

After the Imo Incident of 1882, early reform efforts in Korea suffered a major setback.[1] The aftermath of the event also brought the Chinese into the country where they began to directly interfere in Korean internal affairs,[1] undertaking several initiatives to gain significant influence over the Korean government.[1] A Korean historian stated that "the Chinese government began to turn its former tributary state into a semi-colony and its policy towards Korea substantially changed to a new imperialistic one where the suzerain state demanded certain privileges in her vassal state".[2] On October 4, 1882, the Korean government signed a new set of trade regulations with the China–Korea Treaty of 1882[nb 2] that permitted Chinese merchants to trade in Korea and gave them substantial advantages over the Japanese and Westerners, the regulations also granted the Chinese unilateral extraterritoriality privileges in civil and criminal cases.[2] Although it allowed Koreans reciprocally to trade in Beijing the agreement was not a treaty but was in effect issued as a regulation for a vassal,[1] it also reasserted Korea's dependency on China.[2] In December, two high-level offices, the Oeamun (Foreign Office) and the Naeamun (Home Office) were established. The Oeamun dealt with foreign affairs and trade while the Naeamun was responsible for military matters and internal affairs. At the recommendation of the Chinese two advisors were appointed to the foreign office: the German Paul Georg von Möllendorff who had served in the Chinese Maritime Customs Service and the Chinese diplomat Ma Jianzhong.[3] A new Korean military formation, the Chingunyeong (Capital Guards Command), was also created and trained along Chinese lines by Yuan Shikai.[3] The Chinese also supervised the creation of a Korean Maritime Customs Service in 1883 with von Möellendorff as its head.[1] Korea was again reduced to a tributary state of China with King Gojong unable to appoint diplomats without Chinese approval[3] and troops stationed in Seoul in order to protect Chinese interests in the country. China also obtained concessions in Korea, notably the Chinese concession of Incheon.[4][5]

The Gaehwapa members had failed to secure appointments to vital offices in the government and subsequently were unable to implement their reform plans.[10] As a consequence, they were prepared to seize power by all means necessary. An opportunity presented itself to stage a coup d’état in August 1884. As hostilities between France and China erupted over Annam, half of the Chinese troops were withdrawn from Korea.[10] On December 4, 1884, with the help of the Japanese minister Takezoe Shinichiro, who promised to mobilize Japanese legation guards to provide assistance, the members of the Gaehwapa staged their coup under the guise of a banquet hosted by Hong Yeong-sik, director of the General Postal Administration (Ujeong Chongguk) to celebrate the opening of the new national post office.[10] King Gojong was expected to attend together with several foreign diplomats and high-ranking officials, most of whom were members of the pro-Chinese Sadaedang faction. Kim Ok-gyun and his comrades approached King Gojong, falsely stating that Chinese troops had created a disturbance and escorted him to a small palace, the Gyoengu Palace, where they placed him in the custody of Japanese legation guards. They then proceeded to kill and wound several senior officials of the Sadaedang faction.[10]

After the coup, the Enlightenment Party members formed a new government and devised a program of reform. The radical 14-point reform proposal stated that the following conditions be met: an end to Korea's tributary relationship with China; the abolition of ruling-class privilege and the establishment of equal rights for all; the reorganization of the government as virtually a constitutional monarchy; the revision of land tax laws; cancellation of the grain loan system; the unification of all internal fiscal administrations under the jurisdiction of the Ho-jo; the suppression of privileged merchants and the development of free commerce and trade, the creation of a modern police system including police patrols and royal guards; and severe punishment of corrupt officials.[10]

However the new government failed, lasting no longer than a few days,[10] especially as the members of Gaehwapa were supported by no more than 140 Japanese troops facing at least 1,500 Chinese garrisoned in Seoul[10] under the command of General Yuan Shikai. Facing this threat to her power, Queen Min secretly requested military intervention from the Chinese. Consequently, even before the reform measures were made public, within three days the coup was suppressed by the Chinese troops who attacked and defeated the Japanese forces and restored power to the pro-Chinese Sadaedang faction.[10] During the ensuing melee Hong Yeong-sik was killed, the Japanese legation building was burned down and forty Japanese soldiers were killed. The surviving Korean coup leaders, including Kim Ok-gyun, Pak Yung-hio, Seo Gwang-beom, and Soh Jaipil, escaped to the port of Chemulpo under escort of the Japanese minister Takezoe. From there they boarded a Japanese ship for exile in Japan.[10] On 23 October, 9 participants including Kim Ok-gyun, Seo Jae-pil, Ryu Hyeok-ro, Byeon Su, Lee Kyu-wan, Jeong Nan-gyou, Shin Ung-hui successfully exiled to Japan.[11]

After the abortive coup, King Gojong voided the reform measures proposed by the coup leaders and sent an envoy to Japan protesting its involvement in the coup and demanding repatriation of the conspirators.[10] The Japanese government instead demanded an apology and reparations for damages from the Korean government over the incident. In January 1885, with a show of force, the Japanese dispatched two battalions and seven warships to Korea,[12] which resulted in the Japan–Korea Treaty of 1885 (Treaty of Hanseong), signed on 9 January 1885 by the Korean government with the Japanese envoy, Foreign Minister Inoue Kaoru. The treaty restored diplomatic relations between the two nations, and the Korean government agreed to pay the Japanese ¥100,000 for damages to their legation[12] and provide a site and buildings for a new legation.

Prime minister Ito Hirobumi, in order to overcome Japan's disadvantageous position in Korea followed by the abortive coup, visited China to discuss the matter with his Chinese counterpart, Li Hongzhang. The two parties succeeded in concluding the Convention of Tianjin on May 31, 1885. The two parties also pledged to withdraw their troops from Korea within four months, with prior notification to the other, if troops were to be sent to Korea in the future.[12] After both countries withdrew their forces, they left behind a precarious balance of power on Korean peninsula between those two nations.[12] Meanwhile, Yuan Shikai remained in Seoul appointed as the Chinese Resident and continued to interfere with Korean domestic politics.[12]

• History of Korea
• Gabo Reform

• Duus, Peter (1998). The Abacus and the Sword: The Japanese Penetration of Korea. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 0-52092-090-2.
• Keene, Donald (2002). Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852–1912. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-12341-8.
• Kim, Jinwung (2012). A History of Korea: From "Land of the Morning Calm" to States in Conflict. New York: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-00024-8.
• Kim, Djun Kil (2005). The History of Korea. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. ISBN 9780313332968; ISBN 9780313038532; OCLC 217866287
• Kleiner, Jergen (2001). Korea: A Century of Change. River Edge, New Jersey: World Scientific Publishing Company. ISBN 9810246579 ISBN 9789810246570; OCLC 48993770
• Seth, Michael J. (2011). A History of Korea: From Antiquity to the Present. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-742-56715-3.