Integralist Uprising

Following the failed 1932 Constitutionalist Revolution (São Paulo troops pictured), both liberal constitutionalists and tenentes would be undermined in favor of the extremes of communists and Integralists.

Revolutionary leader Getúlio Vargas became president of Brazil following the month-long Revolution of 1930 against the oligarchic Old Republic. The new regime which Vargas would assume leadership of was built upon a heterogenous coalition of forces which were united only in their opposition to incumbent president Washington Luís, whom Vargas replaced after the senior military removed him from office.[2][3] Of the revolutionaries, which included the higher military, coffee growers, and politicians, the two major groups were liberal constitutionalists and the tenentes, or semi-authoritarian nationalist junior officers. The former yearned for free elections and civil liberties, while the latter feared elections as being too soon. After Vargas took power, the constitutionalists grew suspicious of the president and the tenentes following several delays to their requests for electoral reform. In early 1932, the Democratic Party of São Paulo, the main party of the constitutionalists, formed a United Front with other parties in the state. They rose in revolt during the Constitutionalist Revolution in July 1932. However, the revolt failed after two months due to regionalist sentiments alienating the São Paulo rebels from uniting with other states in opposition to the federal government.[4]

Through a series of decrees, Vargas organized a National Constituent Assembly to be elected and create a new constitution. They did so, finishing in July 1934, and afterward elected Vargas to a four-year term ending in May 1938. In theory, the National Congress, divided into the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate, gained and lost some power, with the presidency sustaining the greatest blow to its power.[5][6] Historian Jordan M. Young states, "In reality, however, the legislative branch was the docile instrument of a strong chief executive. Anything and everything that Vargas wanted was granted."[7]

Plínio Salgado, 1935

Brazilian politics were becoming increasingly radicalized during the transition in government. Liberal constitutionalists and tenentes were being replaced by political extremes. While the catastrophic revolt of 1932 undermined the liberal constitutionalists, the tenentes were not accustomed to a popular following, and despite being the leading voice for socioeconomic issues after 1930, they lost unity after mid-1932 and, essentially, disappeared after 1934.[8]

The Communist Party of Brazil formed a popular front called the National Liberation Alliance (ANL).[lower-alpha 2] The former middle class liberal constitutionalists turned to rallying for the ANL, in part due to the appeal of the movement's honorary president and former leader of the Prestes Column, Luís Carlos Prestes. The 1930 Revolution's loose-knit Liberal Alliance was being quickly supplanted by more radical, wider, national political movements.[10]

Since its creation in 1932, the Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB),[lower-alpha 3] a far-right movement founded and headed by Plínio Salgado of São Paulo, also recruited the middle class. It was born from Salgado's trip to Europe in 1930; when he returned to Brazil, though unguided before the trip, he was an ardent believer in fascism and Italian leader Benito Mussolini. With regard to the economy and public policy, Integralists favored a Ministry of National Agriculture (composed of the existing Ministry of Agriculture and various departments of other ministries), a national banking system for both manufacturers and agrarians, and a review and reform of immigration, diplomacy, foreign debt, and foreign-owned businesses.[12]

Integralists were given workbooks, memorizing such dialogues as, "Do you love your country? Yes, because it is a geographic, historic, and moral unity; it lives in my heart and my soul."[13] They had special codes using hieroglyphs, including one for "shoot the officers." The organization had its own calendar beginning in 1932, and Salgado admitted his movement depended on ritual, ceremony, uniform, and symbolism. Integralists also possessed a strong belief in God and Christianity, as well as mysticism and order and progress. By late 1937, the movement claimed between 300,000 and 400,000 Brazilians, though these inflated numbers are closer to between 100,000 and 200,000.[7][14]

Salgado (center with mustache) and Integralists, date unknown

The ANL promised on 13 May 1935 for Prestes to deliver a manifesto on 5 July the same year. Following this, on 12 July, after a week of the ANL's press turning belligerent against the government, the federal police seized archives from the ANL's headquarters and padlocked its doors.[15] In the name of the ANL, three separate insurrections broke out at Natal, Recife, and Rio de Janeiro in late November 1935. All failed to gain support and faltered quickly. In response, the government declared a national state of emergency and established government bodies (such as the National Commission for the Repression of Communism) to subdue the opposition.[16]

It was in this anti-communist climate that the left was undermined and the nation as a whole backed president Vargas. Additionally, Salgado had offered Vargas 100,000 green shirts to help the government during the short insurrection.[17] Integralists looked to the presidential election of 1938 with, in the words of historian John W. F. Dulles, "an assurance born of the Communist rebellion."[18] Many important officials were associated with Integralism; the director of the Government Mint and an important official of the Bank of Brazil were both on the "Council of 40," the top political organ of the AIB, and on the "Council of 400," in charge of promoting Integralism throughout Brazil, sat members of the state police and the Armed Forces. Police Chief Filinto Müller and numerous generals, potentially even Vargas himself at one point, fully backed the AIB. Benito Mussolini's son-in-law Galeazzo Ciano sent contributions to the movement. Salgado entered the presidential election in June 1937, both claiming he was going to save democracy in the name of Jesus Christ and threatening enemies of the AIB with punishment. He joined the race at a time when the presidential campaign seemed to be in shambles with government candidate José Américo de Almeida leaning to the left and attacking the government, an imminent war in Europe, and the military and federal government wishing for interventions in states they deemed difficult.[19][20]

In late September 1937, captain Olímpio Mourão Filho, an Integralist, was found typing a plan in the office of the Army Chief of Staff, eventually reaching senior officials who exposed it to the nation. Newspapers were filled with the Integralist's fabricated plan calling for a communist takeover and hundreds to be massacred. It was only revealed years later that, as a member of the AIB's "historical department," Filho was drafting a theoretical communist attack to prepare a counterattack, and that the publicized Cohen Plan, as it was called, differed from his original version. The impression on Congress was strong, and they met the day after the plan was made public (1 October) to declare a state of war.[22][23]

Francisco Campos authored a new constitution, approved by a strong majority of the military. When Campos met with Salgado to tell him about the secretive plan for a new regime, Salgado expressed support even if he did not agree entirely with the strong government prescribed by the constitution, telling Campos the Integralists were essentially democratic. Campos assured Salgado the Integralists would become the "base of the New State", and the two men got along extremely well.[24]

The 1937 coup was largely enabled by the Cohen Plan (Correio da Manhã newspaper report pictured). The Integralists, though initially supportive of the coup which created a dictatorship, were quickly disillusioned by Vargas's treatment of them.

Events escalated quickly. On 1 November, Integralists held the parade of "50,000 Green Shirts" (though, in reality, Vargas's counters reported it was closer to 17,000), observed by president Vargas and military aides, including the pro-Integralist general Newton Cavalcanti.[25][26] Salgado declared the marchers were "taking this opportunity to affirm their solidarity with the President of the Republic and the Armed Forces in their fight against Communism and anarchical democracy, and to proclaim the principles of a new regime", adding the fight was against international capitalism, and finally stated, "What I desire is not to be President of the Republic, but simply the adviser of my country."[26]

Instead of gambling his power with elections, on 10 November Vargas, with military and Integralist support, abrogated the 1934 constitution in favor of Campos's quasi-totalitarian one, gave a speech in which he attacked Congress, declared a national emergency, and transitioned the country from a failing democracy to an official dictatorship.[27][28] When Vargas made his first public appearance after the installation of the new regime, the Estado Novo, on 15 November to inaugurate a statue of Brazil's first president, Deodoro da Fonseca, the Integralists were there to salute him.[29] However, despite the Integralists's ties with the government, general Pedro Aurélio de Góis Monteiro gave, as one of his reasons for the coup of 10 November, that the strength of the Integralists could lead to their own coup.[30]

Over the course of the Estado Novo, Integralists proved to be disillusioned. They were the only political group to remain untouched, and they believed they would gain from the coup. Vargas believed that Salgado and the Integralists were keen on pursuing the example of Adolf Hitler in replacing Paul von Hindenburg and hoped to curtail this.[29][31] The first signs of the break between the government and the Integralists was Vargas's failure to mention them in his 10 November radio broadcast and Salgado being informed about the coup much later than he believed appropriate.[lower-alpha 4][32]

By presidential decree on 2 December, all political parties were outlawed, including the AIB; by a new law code announced via a radio broadcast at midnight, 31 December, and per Article 2 of the new national constitution, only the national flag, anthem, and coat of arms would be permitted instead of those of the states' and the Integralists; and, by inquiring with Campos, Salgado learned Vargas made the appointment of a new Minister of Education contingent on the complete suppression of Integralism.[31][33][34] Vargas had earlier offered Salgado the post, to which Salgado refused, and when Salgado reconsidered and recommended it be offered to another Integralist, Gustavo Barroso, the government ignored him.[32]

An aerial view of the Naval School in 2015. During the March 1938 uprising, rebels planned to kidnap Vargas, who was supposed to have lunch at the school.

Late in 1937, a conspiracy began against the Estado Novo. It involved many intertwined persons and groups: Washington Luís's former Foreign Minister, Otávio Mangabeira; a participant in the Constitutionalist Revolution who had turned down the option to lead the 1930 Revolution, general Euclides Figueiredo; the exiled former governor of Rio Grande do Sul, Flores da Cunha; the head of the Army's War Material Division, José Maria Castro Júnior; Integralists such as Belmiro Valverde, the national secretary of the AIB's finances; and Integralist Navy officers. Mangabeira and Figueiredo plotted at the Glória Hotel in Rio; Cunha provided monetary contribution when an agent for the conspiracy visited Argentina and Uruguay for support; Valverde, the Integralists' finance secretary, was appointed by Salgado as head of the Integralists in Rio, and the physician too also joined the conspiracy; Júnior took leadership of the military aspect of the movement; Salgado kept ties with the hotel's conspirators; and in early January 1938, commander of the Navy Vítor Pujol and another officer told Valverde, the Council of 40's secretary Barroso, and Integralist Olbiano de Melo that the Navy would march on the Guanabara Palace, seat of the presidency, with or without Integralist support.[35][36][37]

Meanwhile, the government had been attacking the AIB even more. Salgado had reorganized the AIB as the Brazilian Cultural Association (Associação Brasileira de Cultura) to accommodate with the 2 December decree, and Integralist symbols, uniform, and rituals quietly disappeared.[32] The organization divided into those who wanted to accommodate and operate under the new regime and those who opposed and wished to overthrow it. The Council of 40 voted in late January 1938 38–2 to not collaborate with Vargas.[lower-alpha 5][34]

Proactive authorities, however, foiled the plot, scheduled for 10 March 1938.[39] A small group of insurgents attacked the Post Office and Telegraph building, electricity plants, the Mayrink Veiga Radio Station, and the Naval School. The Naval School was the most important part of the plan, which would involve the taking of the installations by Integralist sailors which in turn would lead to the capture of Vargas who would have lunch at the base that day.[35] There was terrible confusion among rebels. Dulles states that "it became complete during the following days when messages for starting and stopped the 'rebellion' were issued in rapid succession."[39]

• Dulles, John W.F. (2012). Vargas of Brazil: A Political Biography. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-74078-5.
• Fausto, Boris; Fausto, Sergio (2014). A Concise History of Brazil (2nd, revised ed.). New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-63524-1.
• Levine, Robert M. (1970). The Vargas Regime: The Critical Years, 1934–1938. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-03370-1.
• Marques, Anthéro José (1942). Livro Histórico do Corpo de Fuzileiros Navais (in Portuguese). Rio de Janeiro: Ministério da Marinha.
• Menandro, Heloísa. "Revolta Integralista". FGV CPDOC. Retrieved 20 March 2022.
• Skidmore, Thomas E. (2007). Politics in Brazil, 1930–1964. New York City, New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-533269-8.
• Young, Jordan M. (1967). The Brazilian Revolution of 1930 and the Aftermath. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. OCLC 651337306.