Democratic Left Movement (Lebanon)

During the late 1990s, there was a growing number of intellectuals (Samir Kassir, Ziad Majed, Elias Khoury) and a network of independent student groups ("Independent Leftist Groups") who advocated democracy, individual liberties, secularism and center-left economic policies in Lebanon. On the other hand, a growing number Lebanese Communist Party (LCP) members were dissatisfied with the status of their party: the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and the failure of the LCP to assume a more democratic socialist platform ushered in an era of political decline for the party. This, coupled with perceived Syrian domination of its leadership, led to increasing frustration among rank-and-file communists against the upper echelons of the party.[2]

On 13 September 2000, a group calling itself "the reform and democracy forces in the Lebanese Communist Party" wrote an open letter demanding the resignation of party leadership. Led by Elias Atallah,[n 1] the dissidents accused LCP leaders of subservience to Syria and called for full democratization of the party and abandonment of the Stalinist line. Atallah was expelled from the party on 26 September of that year.[2]

These activists who split from the LCP along with the leftist student groups and the intellectuals with no prior affiliation to the LCP, formed the Democratic Left Movement.[3][4] An initial "temporary preparatory committee" for the movement emerged, which issued statements critical of Syrian intervention in Lebanon and called for the birth of a new left.[5] In September 2004, the Democratic Left Movement was officially established.[3] On 17 October, at a ceremony commemorating its foundation attended by figures across the political spectrum,[1] Elias Atallah declared that the movement was founded on three principles: "[First], we are preachers of real social and cultural change on the basis of democracy, national independence and reconciliation with the Arab nation and Arab nationalism. Second we are preachers of cultural and ideological renaissance for the sake of secularism and political and religious reforms in the Arab east... Thirdly we believe in fighting for freedom and against tyranny and oppression."[1]

Shortly after foundation, the DLM, Qornet Shehwan Gathering, Democratic Renewal, and Democratic Gathering formed a "multi-party opposition" to oppose the constitutional amendment that extended the presidential term of Emile Lahoud.[6] The informal coalition, which sought to defend the constitution and republic, appealed for free elections based on an equitable electoral law, curtailing corruption, fostering an independent judiciary, and reforming public administration. It was divided on the Syrian military presence in the country and on the use of arms to resolve the Shebaa farms dispute.[6] Later, in December 2004 and again in February 2005, the movement was among an agglomeration of opposition parties to gather at Beirut's Le Bristol Hotel Beirut and demand a "total withdrawal" of Syrian troops.[7][8]

The DLM actively participated in the 2005 Independence Intifada (Cedar Revolution),[9] a so-called colour revolution in which hundreds of thousands rallied against the Syrian occupation of Lebanon and its supporters in the Lebanese government.[10] As the only leftist, nonsectarian element in the demonstrations, the DLM proved important for the opposition's public relations.[11] Following the resignation of pro-Syrian Prime Minister Omar Karami in a wave of demonstrations, DLM leader Elias Atallah is quoted as saying, "Today the government fell. Tomorrow, it's the one huddled in Anjar," in reference to the Syrian chief of intelligence based in that city.[12] The New York Times credited Samir Kassir, a founder of the movement, with orchestrating the protests.[13] On 14 March 2005, Atallah addressed the demonstrators, articulating the need for a free, sovereign, and united Lebanon.[14] The DLM called on the protesters to press on to Baabda Palace, residence of the president, hoping to use the momentum to compel Emile Lahoud to resign. However, resistance by Maronite Patriarch Nasrallah Sfeir prevented this, resulting in a temporary fallout between the DLM and opposition.[11]

The movement remains critical of perceived Syrian interference in Lebanon, citing its participation in the March 14 Alliance parliamentary bloc as "defending Lebanese independence against the Syrian government’s attacks and against Hezbollah and its allies' attempts to impose their views and choices".[15] It lists "attaining full independence of the country" as a political goal.[16]

This poster commemorates Samir Kassir and reads "Martyr of the Independence Uprising; Democratic Left."

On 2 June 2005, Samir Kassir, a founder and leader of the movement, a prominent Lebanese journalist, and an outspoken critic of Syria[17] was assassinated in a car bombing.[18] DLM activists marched to the presidential palace in the Beirut suburb of Baabda to lay a wreath representing guilt for Kassir's death. Elias Atallah, head of the DLM, explained that the wreath would "place the blame at the head of the joint Lebanese-Syrian security regime".[17] Emile Lahoud, then president, condemned the killing and told reporters, "My conscience is clear".[17] After Kassir's death, membership in the DLM surged to a few thousand.[11]

Less than one month later, on 21 June 2005, George Hawi, a former secretary general of the LCP, was killed in a similar car bombing in Beirut.[19] Hawi, an outspoken critic of Syria in recent years, actively campaigned for DLM leader Elias Atallah's candidacy in Lebanon's 2005 Elections.[20] Atallah and other allies of Hawi blamed the bombing on pro-Syrian forces in the Lebanese-security apparatus.[21] In an interview with NOW Lebanon, former DLM Vice President Ziad Majed explained, "Georges Hawi ... was trying to bring the communist party, or at least part of it, to join efforts with us [the DLM]."[15]

In Al Mustaqbal newspaper, Elias Atallah called for broadening the planned inquiries into Rafic Hariri's assassination to include the Kassir and Hawi bombings. He demanded Lahoud's resignation, saying the president was "incapable of protecting leadership figures in Lebanon."[22]

The DLM backs a Western European-style social democracy to promote equality without hampering personal liberty or economic productivity.[3] In an interview with NOW Lebanon, DLM Former Vice President Ziad Majed classified the movement as center-left economically.[15] However, he went on to say that the party adopted a decentralized model when founded to enable the coexistence of divergent views in which internal movements are encouraged.[15] Its political manifesto identifies the movement as "beyond the requirement of singularity of thought"[n 2] and open to leftists of all denominations.[26] This emphasis on pluralism distinguishes the DLM from other leftist groups in Lebanon.[11]

Marxists, socialists, social democrats, all believe in the same basic program – social justice, secularism, a non-police state ... democracy.

— Ziad Majed, in an interview with The Daily Star[11]

The DLM is one of a few parties to propose secularization of the Lebanese state.[3] This includes abolishing sectarian appropriation of public jobs,[16] replacing the confessional parliamentary system with a representative system,[3][16] and permitting the execution of civil marriage on Lebanese soil.[27] The Economist magazine described the party as the "most avowedly secular component" of the March 14 Alliance.[28]

The DLM appeals for administrative reform in the public sector through a decentralization, modernization, and mechanization plan.[16] It defends human rights and calls for the respect of public freedoms and rule of law. Listed within its platform is support for the marginalized and the abandonment of divisive particularism. The movement supports prohibiting the discrimination of the disabled.[16]

On foreign policy, the DLM platform is more uniform.[11] The party calls for a diverse, unified, and democratic Arab society. It opposes foreign interference in Lebanese politics and supports correcting imbalanced relations with Syria.[16] In the Shebba farms dispute, the movement advocates resolving the identity of the territory through diplomacy. If the farms are determined Lebanese, the cabinet should authorize their "liberation" either diplomatically or militarily but through state institutions alone[24] to allow the state to fulfill its role there.[16] On the broader Arab-Israeli Conflict, the DLM appeals for the creation of a regional defense strategy which protects Lebanese sovereignty from Israeli aggression while promoting the interests of the region.[16] It opposes American intervention in Iraq and elsewhere while also rejecting authoritarian governments like the Ba'ath. The party advocates democracy in Syria and associates with its democratic opposition, particularly the Syrian Democratic People's Party.[11]