Mazhabi Sikh

Mazhabi Sikh (also known as Mazbhabi, Mazbhi, Majhabhi or Majabhi) is a community from Northern India, especially Punjab region, who follow Sikhism.The word Mazhabi is derived from the Arabic term mazhab (Mazhab means religion or sect), and can be translated as the faithful. They live mainly in Indian Punjab, Rajasthan and Haryana.

Mazhabi Sikh
Portrait of three unknown Mazhabi Sikh men from Lahore, ca.1862–72
ReligionsSikhism
LanguagesPunjabi
Populated statesPunjab, Rajasthan, Haryana
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Origins

When Guru Tegh Bahadur, the ninth Sikh guru, was martyred by the Mughals in Delhi, Rangreta community member recovered his dismembered body from a Muslim crowd and brought it back to his son, Guru Gobind Singh. His name was Bhai Jaita Ji. In recognition of their act, he admitted the untouchables into the Khalsa (the Sikh faith), giving them the name Mazhabi ("faithful").[1]

Divisions

Within the present-day Mazhabi community, one group calls itself the Ranghreta and claims a higher status on the grounds that one of their ancestors was Bhai Jaita Ranghreta, who carried the head of Tegh Bahadur from Delhi to Guru Gobind Singh in Anandpur Sahib On seeing this act of bravery and self renunciation Guru Gobind Singh uttered "Ranghreta Guru ka beta", which means Ranghreta is son of Guru.[2][3]

The definition of Mazhabi today is somewhat blurred because of the influence of Valmikism. While Sikhism is in theory an egalitarian faith that takes no notice of caste, gender and other social demarcations, Fenech and Singh note that "there is often a level of hypocrisy between what is taught and what is actually put into practice." Mazhabis are discriminated against by Sikhs whose origins lie with higher-ranked castes and many Chuhras have turned to Valmikism but are still referred to as Mazhabi. While young Valmikis, who accept Valmiki as their guru, increasingly object to being labelled as Sikh, their elders are less concerned.[4][lower-alpha 1] At least one of their organisations, the Valmiki-Mazhabi Sikh Morcha, conflates the terms.[6]

Mazhabis who converted from Sikhism to Christianity under the influence of Christian missionaries in the later years of the British Raj are sometimes referred to as Christian Mazhabi Sikhs.[7] Some also profess Hinduism but call themselves Mazhabi, as do a small number who follow the tenets of Buddhism.[8]

Military service

Before the British Raj era

The Mazhabis were recruited to the army of Ranjit Singh but as separate companies attached to regular battalions rather than as part of an integrated force. This situation was forced upon him because high-caste Sikhs refused any closer connection. They served as pioneers, operating mainly as a labour corps that worked on construction of roads, bridges and canals. They were not, however, mere labourers because it was expected that their infantry skills would enable them to defend themselves in the event of attack.[1]

British Raj

The Mazhabis, whom historian Stephen Cohen says "had strong caste traditions of violence and aggressiveness and were classed as a criminal caste by the British",[lower-alpha 2] lost their military employment following the defeat of the Sikhs in the Anglo-Sikh Wars. Some eventually found employment as pioneers in the army of Gulab Singh, the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir.[10] In 1857, the British turned to them for help during the Indian Rebellion, apparently to counteract the rebellious sepoys of the Bengal Army.[1][11] The First Pioneer Sikh Regiment soon found itself helping to break the Siege of Delhi, a second regiment was raised in 1858 and a third followed soon after.[11] This military employment contributed to a gradual improvement in their social status and in 1911 their official classification in Gujranwala and Lyallpur was uplifted to that of "agricultural caste" by the British authorities.[1] The British military classification system, which rated recruits according to their caste, continued to assert that Mazhabis were best suited as pioneers while, for example, Jat Sikhs should be infantry.[12]

It was calculated in 1898 that there were 2,452 Mazhabis in the army, along with 28,146 Jat Sikhs and 9,000 other Sikhs.[13] During World War I the single-battalion regiments of the Mazhabi Sikh Pioneers – the 23rd, 32nd and 34th Pioneer Regiments – were expanded to comprise three battalions each. These units served in Egypt, Europe, Mesopotamia and Palestine and performed well. The 1/34th Sikh Pioneers were awarded the title of "Royal".[14]

The Sikh Pioneer regiments, which were practically the only military employer of the Mazhabis, were disbanded in December 1932. The cause was mainly advances in road-building techniques and the need to economise. Most of their recruits were released from the army, the only means by which they had been able to advance themselves in society.[15] A Mazhabi Sikh platoon did replace Rajputs as the Indian Platoon of the Welch Regiment in 1933.[16]

The Mazhabi Sikhs, together with the Ramdasia, were recruited to the Sikh Light Infantry regiment (SLI) after its formation in 1941.[17][lower-alpha 3] Despite unwillingness among some policy makers, the British had to abandon their traditional distinction between martial and non-martial races during the Second World War. This was necessitated by the need for more recruits than could be supplied by those communities upon which they usually relied, such as the Jat Sikhs, Dogras and Punjabi Musalmans. In addition, indiscipline among Jat Sikhs caused by their concerns regarding a post-war division of India was another reason to prefer recruitment of new classes. While recruitment from the pre-war martial classes was still pre-eminent, that from newly recognised classes such as the Mazhabis and Ramdasias became significant. Mazhabis were even recruited into units such as the 13th Frontier Force Rifles, which previously would not have contemplated them.[20]

After independence of India
The Sikh Light Infantry march past during the Republic day parade in New Delhi, India

When India became independent in 1947, the British Indian Army became the Indian Army. This, like its predecessor, relies on the martial race theory for much of its recruitment and thus there is a grossly disproportionate number of Sikhs within its ranks.[21] The Mazhabi Sikhs and Ramdasias continued their service with the SLI in the new army.[17] The SLI has served in almost all of the post-1947 conflicts involving India, including the wars with Pakistan in 1947, 1965 and 1971, the Hyderabad Police Action of 1948 and the Chinese aggression in 1962. It has also served in Sri Lanka, where the 1st, 7th, 13th and 14th Battalions have contributed towards peace-keeping.[22]

The Mazhabi Sikh soldiers have a reputation for their loyalty and reliability. During Operation Blue Star in 1984, when the Indian Army entered the Golden Temple, Jat Sikh soldiers broke out in mutiny against their officers in the Sikh Regiment and Punjab regiments A total of 2,000 Sikh personnel took part in the mutinies. In the most sensational case 1,400 mainly Jat Sikhs deserted after killing their commanding officer and armed themselves. A significant number of those were also new recruits who were incited easily into mutiny and some were forced at gun point to take part in the mutinies.[23] Despite that, the Indian Army officers were correct when they expressed confidence to journalists that the Mazhabi Sikhs of the Sikh Light Infantry would not mutiny.[24]

In Punjab, Sikh militants had stepped up their attacks on law enforcement as well as civilians, including minority groups. The Punjab had now reached a state of emergency and Director General of Police, Kanwar Pal Singh Gill, responded by raising Mazhabi Sikhs as "Special Police Officers". This tactic was designed both for community protection and to dull any incentive for Mazhabis to join with the militants, although in fact Mazhabis had often been victims of attacks by those people. Their loyalty was to the government and was never questioned.[25] Mostly unemployed people, they were provided with guns by the state and were literally given a licence to kill. Gill received heavy criticism[26] for the brutality and ruthlessness of his tactics but the Sikh militants were neutralised. A large number of these special police officers were said to have been used during the February 1992 elections. An open season was declared on Sikh terrorists and the police were able to use whatever means deemed necessary to achieve victory. Major Sikh militant leaders were targeted, and many did not survive.[27]

Social status

Discrimination within the Sikh community

Most of them live in separate clusters in villages. As the 19th century drew to a close, untouchables such as the Mazhabis were still denied equal access to the gurdwara (places of worship) by their fellow Sikhs and during the early years of the 20th century members of the Arya Samaj tried to capitalise on this in their attempts to reconvert those groups to Hinduism.[28] In spite of Sikhism's egalitarian tenets, the Singh Sabha movement also viewed them as being inferior,[29] despite initially being established in 1873 in part with the aim of eradicating untouchability.[30]

The British Raj system of land allocation in the Punjab also worked against the Mazhabis. As land in the new canal colonies was made available for cultivation, the Raj allocated it to people on the basis of the scale of existing landholdings, which meant that dominant landholding communities such as the Jats received most of the 4,000,000 acres (1,600,000 ha) that became available between 1885 and 1940 while outcastes were excluded entirely.[31][lower-alpha 4]

During the numerous discussions, conferences and proposals that preceded Indian independence, the Mazhabis sought to obtain an autonomous region within partitioned Punjab which they proposed to be called "Mazbhistan". This was one of many instances reflecting the lack of coherence among adherents of Sikhism at that time.[32]

Many Jat Sikhs continue to look down upon the Mazhabis,[33] and they are also considered to be of lower status by the other Dalit communities, being the Ramdasia/Ravidasia.[30][lower-alpha 5] The internal division between Jat Sikh and Mazhabi still broadly follows the economic distinction between farmer and landless labourer.[34] It is land-ownership rather than varna's stress on occupational status that defines discrimination within the Sikh communities of the Punjab, and Ronki Ram notes that the nature of untouchability itself in Punjab differs from the rest of India because it is "related more to prejudice than pollution". Many Mazhabi are still exploited in low-status jobs, they are often forced to live in less desirable areas of villages, cannot use the gurdwaras frequented by higher-caste Sikhs and must use special cremation grounds.[30][lower-alpha 6]

Politics

The outcome of the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC) elections in December 1954 favoured Punjabi Suba, a Jat Sikh-dominated movement. Akali Dal, a religio-political party founded in 1920 and dominated by Jat Sikhs,[30] won all 111 seats that it contested and Khalsa Dal – a new party created with government support – managing to win only three of the 132 in which it put forward a candidate. The campaign saw the Arya Samaj and Jan Sangh, who were both opposed to Punjabi Suba and believed in Hindu upper caste domination, stressing a fear of Sikh domination. They encouraged Hindu Punjabis to lie by claiming Hindi to be their first language even when it was almost always in fact Punjabi. This attempt to cause a division along religious lines had the tacit support of the government and its impact echoed down the years.[35] In 2005, 56 expelled employees of the SGPC abandoned Sikhism and alleged that they were being discriminated against because they were Mazhabis.[36]

According to a report published in The Tribune on 16 March 1966, a spokesperson for the Federation of Mazhabi Sikhs stated that "the Sikh Scheduled Castes had been reduced to a position of mere serfs by the Sikh landlords who would literally crush the Mazhabi Sikhs if Punjabi Suba was formed." The federation offered support for Arya Samaj and Jan Sangh in opposition to the Punjabi Suba.[35]

Although Sikh leaders recognise the contribution of the Mazhabis and Ravidasias to the community and have tried to include them in their organisations, not least because of the size of their population, both groups still feel alienated because of discrimination by higher-caste Sikhs, especially the Jats. It is because of this that they have turned to political parties such as the Bahujan Samaj Party rather than maintaining past associations with Sikh politics through the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) and SGPC.[37]

Perhaps the most notable politician to come from the Mazhabi community is Buta Singh, former Minister of Home Affairs and chairman of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes of the central government.

Modern-day conversions

In 2014, both the SAD and the Indian National Congress (INC) voiced their opposition to Christian Mazhabi people being reconverted to the Sikh faith in a ceremony organised by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Parkash Singh Badal, then Chief Minister of Punjab and an SAD elder, said that such conversions are "unfortunate and against the basic tenets of Sikhism as Sikh gurus sacrificed their lives resisting conversion", while Amarinder Singh of the INC considered the move by the Hindutva-centric RSS to be "forced conversion". The RSS said that it was not sponsoring conversion to Hinduism but rather to Sikhism and that the SGPC had been lax in stemming the tide of poor Sikh families switching to Christianity.[7] It was claimed by an RSS colleague, Ram Gopal, that 2,470 people had already been converted in the year prior to the controversy being commented upon and that the SGPC had initially supported the idea.[38] There were also protests by Christians, who claimed that the conversions were an attempt by the RSS to drive a wedge between their religion and Sikhism where previously there had been a harmonious relationship.[39]

Reservation

The Government of India recognises Mazhabi Sikh as a Scheduled Caste as part of their official affirmative action program.[8]

Demographics

Between 30,000 and 40,000 Mazhabi Sikhs were reported to be congregated at Govindghar in an attempt to reach India during the Partition of India and Pakistan in 1947. This was one of many examples of the mass migrations that took place across the border in both directions as communities found themselves in the midst of violence driven by religious differences.[40]

As of 2011, there were 2,633,921 Mazhabis in the Indian state of Punjab, of whom 2,562,761 declared themselves to be Sikh, 71,000 as Hindu and 160 as Buddhists. The total Scheduled Caste population of the state was 8,860,179.[8] At that time, there were 158,698 Mazhabis in Rajasthan, comprising 11,582 Hindus, 147,108 Sikhs and 8 Buddhists.[41] 141,681 lived in Haryana (11,485 Hindu, 130,162 Sikh and 34 Buddhists),[42] 460 resided in Himachal Pradesh,[43] 3,166 in Chandigarh,[44] 2,829 in Delhi NCT,[45] 6,038 in Uttarakhand,[46] and 14,192 in Uttar Pradesh.[47]

See also

References

Notes
  1. The vagueness of the Mazhabi-Valmiki relationship was exemplified by tribunal rulings in 1953 and 1955, where an election candidate variously declared himself as a Harijan Hindu, a Mazhabi Sikh, a Valmiki, and a Valmiki Hindu. The first ruling determined him to be Valmiki Hindu and the subsequent one decided he was Mazhabi Sikh.[5]
  2. H. Brereton, the Superintendent of Thuggee Investigations, said in 1852 that most of the Thuggees in Punjab were Mazhabi.[9]
  3. The Sikh Light Infantry has always been a "single class" regiment in the parlance adopted from the British Raj era. This means that it recruits only from one demographic, which in this instance means the Mazhabi and Ramdasia Sikhs.[18] Indeed, the SLI was initially called the Mazhabi & Ramdasia Sikh Regiment.[19]
  4. Until 1952, Dalits were prohibited by law from buying land in Punjab.[30]
  5. Both the Ramdasia and the Ravidassia are converts from the Chamar caste.[30]
  6. As of 2003, around 10,000 of the 12,780 villages in Indian Punjab had separate gurdwaras for Dalit Sikhs.[30]

Citations
  1. Yong, Tan Tai (2005). The Garrison State: The Military, Government and Society in Colonial Punjab, 1849–1947. SAGE. p. 73. ISBN 978-8-13210-347-9.
  2. McLeod, W. H. (2009). The A to Z of Sikhism. Scarecrow Press. p. 171. ISBN 978-0-81086-344-6.
  3. Cole, W. Owen (2004). Understanding Sikhism. Dunedin Academic Press. p. 153. Archived from the original on 6 September 2017. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  4. Fenech, Louis E.; Singh, Pashaura, eds. (2014). The Oxford Handbook of Sikh Studies. Oxford University Press. p. 356. ISBN 978-0-19100-412-4.
  5. Galanter, Marc (1984). Competing Equalities: Law and the Backward Classes in India. University of California Press. p. 307. Archived from the original on 13 October 2017. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  6. "12 Vakmiki-Mazhabi Sikh Morcha Members Injured in Police Action". Hindustan Times. 31 July 2014. Archived from the original on 12 October 2017. Retrieved 20 December 2017.,
  7. "Despite Akali Stand, RSS Set to Bring Back 30 Mazhabi Christians Back to Sikh Fold". Hindustan Times. 3 December 2014. Archived from the original on 13 October 2017. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  8. "SC-14 Scheduled Caste Population By Religious Community (States/UTs) – Punjab" (XLS). The Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. Retrieved 27 June 2021.
  9. Singh, Birinder Pal (20–26 December 2008). "Ex-Criminal Tribes of Punjab". Economic and Political Weekly. 43 (51): 58–65. JSTOR 40278313.
  10. Cohen, Stephen (2013). "The Untouchable Soldier". In Karsten, Peter (ed.). Recruiting, Drafting, and Enlisting: Two Sides of the Raising of Military Forces. Routledge. p. 161. ISBN 978-1-13566-150-2.
  11. Cohen, Stephen (2013). "The Untouchable Soldier". In Karsten, Peter (ed.). Recruiting, Drafting, and Enlisting: Two Sides of the Raising of Military Forces. Routledge. p. 162. ISBN 978-1-13566-150-2.
  12. Marston, Daniel (2003). Phoenix from the Ashes: The Indian Army in the Burma Campaign. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 13. ISBN 978-0-27598-003-0.
  13. Metcalf, Thomas R. (2008). Imperial Connections: India in the Indian Ocean Arena, 1860–1920. University of California Press. p. 126. ISBN 978-0-52025-805-1.
  14. "The Story of the Renowned and the Redoubtable Sikh Light Infantry". The Sikh Light Infantry Regimental Centre. Archived from the original on 15 April 2009.
  15. Hookway, John Dugdall (2012) [1999]. M & R: A Regimental History of the Sikh Light Infantry 1941–1947 (2nd ed.). pp. 15–17.
  16. Lomax, Cyril Ernest Napier; De Courcy, John (1952). The History of the Welch Regiment, 1919–1951. Western Mail & Echo. p. 29.
  17. Wilkinson, Steven I. (2015). Army and Nation: The Military and Indian Democracy Since Independence. Harvard University Press. p. 11. ISBN 978-0-67472-880-6.
  18. Wilkinson, Steven I. (2015). Army and Nation: The Military and Indian Democracy Since Independence. Harvard University Press. pp. 39–41. ISBN 978-0-67472-880-6.
  19. Cohen, Stephen (2013). "The Untouchable Soldier". In Karsten, Peter (ed.). Recruiting, Drafting, and Enlisting: Two Sides of the Raising of Military Forces. Routledge. p. 170. ISBN 978-1-13566-150-2.
  20. Marston, Daniel (2003). Phoenix from the Ashes: The Indian Army in the Burma Campaign. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 218–220, 236. ISBN 978-0-27598-003-0.
  21. Roy, Kaushik (2015). "Indian Society and the Soldier". In Pant, Harsh V. (ed.). Handbook of Indian Defence Policy: Themes, Structures and Doctrines. Routledge. pp. 66–67. ISBN 978-1-31738-009-2.
  22. "Story of The Sikh Light Infantry". The Sikh Review. Archived from the original on 31 May 2002.
  23. Ahuja, Amit (2013). "India". In Hassner, Ron E. (ed.). Religion in the Military Worldwide. Cambridge University Press. p. 171. ISBN 978-1-10751-255-9.
  24. Wilkinson, Steven I. (2015). Army and Nation: The Military and Indian Democracy Since Independence. Harvard University Press. p. 221. ISBN 978-0-67472-880-6.
  25. Telford, Hamish (August 2001). "Counter-Insurgency in India: Observations from Punjab and Kashmir". Journal of Conflict Studies. Retrieved 17 June 2016.
  26. "Police chief K.P.S. Gill turns the tide in Punjab with controversial and ruthless methods". India Today. 15 April 1993. Retrieved 17 June 2016.
  27. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. "Punjab Human Rights Update". UNHCR. Retrieved 17 June 2016.
  28. Fox, Richard Gabriel (1985). Lions of the Punjab: Culture in the Making. University of California Press. pp. 111, 173. ISBN 978-0-52005-491-2.
  29. Fazal, Tanweer (2014). "Nation-state" and Minority Rights in India: Comparative Perspectives on Muslim and Sikh Identities (Revised ed.). Routledge. p. 108. ISBN 978-1-31775-179-3.
  30. Ram, Ronki (November–December 2004). "Untouchability in India with a Difference: Ad Dharm, Dalit Assertion, and Caste Conflicts in Punjab". Asian Survey. 44 (6): 895–912. doi:10.1525/as.2004.44.6.895. JSTOR 10.1525/as.2004.44.6.895.
  31. Fazal, Tanweer (2014). "Nation-state" and Minority Rights in India: Comparative Perspectives on Muslim and Sikh Identities (Revised ed.). Routledge. p. 147. ISBN 978-1-31775-179-3.
  32. Jalal, Ayesha (2002). Self and Sovereignty: Individual and Community in South Asian Islam Since 1850. Routledge. p. 436. ISBN 978-1-13459-938-7.
  33. Ahmed, Ishtiaq (7 September 2004). "400 years of Guru Granth Sahib". Daily Times. Unfortunately Sikhism did not succeed in eliminating caste prejudices. Most Jat Sikhs look down upon the inferior castes and the former untouchable ranks, known as Mazhabi Sikhs. Still the egalitarian message of Sikhism is undeniable.
  34. Talbot, Ian A. (1991). "Politics and Religion in Contemporary India". In Moyser, George (ed.). Politics and Religion in the Modern World. Routledge. p. 139. Archived from the original on 23 August 2017. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  35. Crenshaw, Martha, ed. (1995). "Terrorism in India: Identity, Culture, and Territorial Claims". Terrorism in context. Penn State Press. p. 377. ISBN 978-0-271-01015-1.
  36. Rambani, Vishal (17 April 2005). "56 Sacked S.G.P.C. Employees Give Up Sikh Religion". The Hindustan Times. Retrieved 12 March 2009.
  37. Singh, Joginder (2014). "Sikhs in Independent India". In Fenech, Louis E.; Singh, Pashaura (eds.). The Oxford Handbook of Sikh Studies. Oxford University Press. pp. 84–85. ISBN 978-0-19100-412-4.
  38. "SGPC Supported Ghar Wapsi Programme Initially: Ram Gopal". Hindustan Times. 2 January 2015. Archived from the original on 23 August 2017. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  39. "Christians Protest, Lambast Ghar Wapsi Agenda of RSS". Hindustan Times. 4 January 2015. Archived from the original on 23 August 2017. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  40. Kaur, Ravinder (3–9 June 2006). "The Last Journey: Exploring Social Class in the 1947 Partition Migration". Economic and Political Weekly. 41 (22): 2221–2228. JSTOR 4418295.
  41. "SC-14 Scheduled Caste Population By Religious Community (States/UTs) – Rajasthan" (XLS). The Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. Retrieved 18 June 2016.
  42. "SC-14 Scheduled Caste Population By Religious Community (States/UTs) – Haryana" (XLS). The Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. Retrieved 18 June 2016.
  43. "SC-14 Scheduled Caste Population By Religious Community (States/UTs) – Himachal Pradesh" (XLS). The Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. Retrieved 18 June 2016.
  44. "SC-14 Scheduled Caste Population By Religious Community (States/UTs) – Chandigarh" (XLS). The Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. Retrieved 18 June 2016.
  45. "SC-14 Scheduled Caste Population By Religious Community (States/UTs) – NCT of Delhi" (XLS). The Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. Retrieved 18 June 2016.
  46. "SC-14 Scheduled Caste Population By Religious Community (States/UTs) – Uttarakhand" (XLS). The Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. Retrieved 18 June 2016.
  47. "SC-14 Scheduled Caste Population By Religious Community (States/UTs) – Uttar Pradesh" (XLS). The Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. Retrieved 18 June 2016.
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