Neo-fascism

Neo-fascism is a post–World War II far-right ideology that includes significant elements of fascism. Neo-fascism usually includes ultranationalism, racial supremacy, populism, authoritarianism, nativism, xenophobia, and anti-immigration sentiment, as well as opposition to liberal democracy, social democracy, parliamentarianism, liberalism, Marxism, capitalism,[1] communism, and socialism.[2] As with classical fascism, it proposes a Third Position as an alternative to market capitalism.[3]

This article is about fascism after World War II. For Nazi movements after World War II, see Neo-Nazism.

Part of a series on
Neo-fascism
Fasces
Core ideas
Varieties
Origins
Movements, organizations, and parties
People
History
Related topics
Opposition
icon Politics portal

Allegations that a group is neo-fascist may be hotly contested, especially when the term is used as a political epithet. Some post–World War II regimes have been described as neo-fascist due to their authoritarian nature, and sometimes due to their fascination with and sympathy towards fascist ideology and rituals.[4][5]

History
Part of a series on
Fascism
Fasces
Themes
Topics
Politicians
Intellectuals
Literature
Organizations
History
Lists
Variants
By continent
Related topics

According to Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, the neo-fascist ideology emerged in 1942, after Nazi Germany invaded the USSR and decided to reorient its propaganda on a Europeanist ground.[6] Europe then became both the myth and the utopia of the neo-fascists, who abandoned previous theories of racial inequalities within the white race to share a common euro-nationalist stance after World War II, embodied in Oswald Mosley's Europe a Nation policy.[7] The following chronology can therefore be delineated: an ideological gestation before 1919; the historical experience of fascism between 1919 and 1942, unfolded in several phases; and finally neo-fascism from 1942 onward.[6]

Drawing inspiration from the Italian Social Republic, institutional neo-fascism took the form of the Italian Social Movement (MSI). It became one of the chief reference points for the European far-right until the late 1980s,[8] and "the best (and only) example of a Neofascist party", in the words of political scientist Cas Mudde.[9] At the initiative of the MSI, the European Social Movement was established in 1951 as a pan-European organization of like-minded neo-fascist groups and figures such as the Francoist Falange, Maurice Bardèche, Per Engdahl, and Oswald Mosley.[10] Other organizations like Jeune Nation called in the late 1950s for an extra-parliamentarian insurrection against the regime in what extents to a remnant of pre-war fascist strategies.[11] The main driving force of neo-fascist movements was what they saw as the defense of a Western civilization from the rise of both communism and the Third World, in some cases the loss of the colonial empire.[12]

In 1961, Bardèche redefined the nature of fascism in a book deemed influential in the European far-right at large entitled Qu'est-ce que le fascisme? (What Is Fascism?). He argued that previous fascists had essentially made two mistakes in that they focused their efforts on the methods rather than the original "idea"; and they wrongly believed that fascist society could be achieved via the nation-state as opposed to the construction of Europe. According to him, fascism could survive the 20th century in a new metapolitical guise if its theorists succeed in building inventive methods adapted to the changes of their times; the aim being the promotion of the core politico-cultural fascist project rather than vain attempts to revive doomed regimes:[13] In addition, Bardèche wrote: "The single party, the secret police, the public displays of Caesarism, even the presence of a Führer are not necessarily attributes of fascism. ... The famous fascist methods are constantly revised and will continue to be revised. More important than the mechanism is the idea which fascism has created for itself of man and freedom. ... With another name, another face, and with nothing which betrays the projection from the past, with the form of a child we do not recognize and the head of a young Medusa, the Order of Sparta will be reborn: and paradoxically it will, without doubt, be the last bastion of Freedom and the sweetness of living."[14]

In the spirit of Bardèche's strategy of disguise through framework change, the MSI had developed a policy of inserimento (insertion, entryism), which relied on gaining political acceptance via the cooperation with other parties within the democratic system. In the political context of the Cold War, anti-communism began to replace anti-fascism as the dominant trend in liberal democracies. In Italy, the MSI became a support group in parliament for the Christian Democratic government in the late 1950s–early 1960s, but was forced back into "political ghetto" after anti-fascist protests and violent street clashes occurred between radical leftist and far-right groups, leading to the demise of the short-lived fascist-backed Tambroni Cabinet in July 1960.[15]

According to psychologist David Pavón-Cuéllar of the Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo, the emergence of neoliberalism in the late-twentieth century prompted neoliberalist politicians to utilize neo-fascism by authoritatively removing all limits to capital (including labor laws, social rights and tariffs), through the aestheticization of politics and by using the narcissism of small differences to find a target for hate to exploit in order to maintain a social hierarchy instead of protecting all individuals.[16]

Causes and description

A number of historians and political scientists have pointed out that the situations in a number of European countries in the 1980s and 1990s, in particular France, Germany and Italy, were in some significant ways analogous to the conditions in Europe in the period between World War I and World War II that gave rise to fascism in its many national guises. Constant economic crises including high unemployment, a resurgence of nationalism, an increase in ethnic conflicts, and the geo-political weakness of national regimes were all present, and while not an exact one-to-one correspondence, circumstances were similar enough to promote the beginning of neo-fascism as a new fascist movement. Because intense nationalism is almost always a part of neo-fascism, the parties which make up this movement are not pan-European, but are specific to each country they arise in; other than this, the neo-fascist parties and other groups have many ideological traits in common.[17]

While certainly fascistic in nature, it is claimed by some that there are differences between neo-fascism and what can be called "historical fascism", or the kind of neo-fascism which came about in the immediate aftermath of World War II. Some historians claim that contemporary neo-fascist parties are not anti-democratic because they operate within their country's political system. Whether that is a significant difference between neo-fascism and historical fascism is doubted by other scholars, who point out that Hitler worked within the existing political system of the Weimar Republic to obtain power, although it took an anti-democratic but constitutional process in the form of presidential appointment rather than election through the Reichstag. Others point to the current neo-fascists not being totalitarian in nature, but the organization of their parties along the lines of the Führerprinzip would seem to indicate otherwise. Historian Stanley G. Payne claims that the differences in current circumstance to that of the interwar years, and the strengthening of democracy in European countries since the end of the war prevents a general return of historical fascism, and causes true neo-fascist groups to be small and remain on the fringe. For Payne, groups like the National Front in France are not neo-fascists in nature, but are merely "right radical parties" that will, in the course of time, moderate their positions in order to achieve electoral victory.[18]

The problem of immigrants, both legal and illegal or irregular, whether called "foreigners", "foreign workers", "economic refugees", "ethnic minorities", "asylum seekers", or "aliens", is a core neo-fascist issue, intimately tied to their nativism, ultranationalism, and xenophobia, but the specifics differ somewhat from country to country due to prevailing circumstances. In general, the anti-immigrant impetus is strong when the economy is weak or unemployment is high, and people fear that outsiders are taking their jobs. Because of this, neo-Fascist parties have more electoral traction during hard economic times. Again, this mirrors the situation in the interwar years, when, for instance, Germany suffered from incredible hyperinflation and many people had their life savings swept away. In contemporary Europe, mainstream political parties see the electoral advantage the neo-fascist and far-right parties get from their strong emphasis on the supposed problem of the outsider, and are then tempted to co-opt the issue by moving somewhat to the right on the immigrant issue, hoping to slough off some voters from the hard right. In the absence in post-war Europe of a strong socialist movement, this has the tendency to move the political centre to the right overall.[19]

While both historical fascism and contemporary neo-fascism are xenophobic, nativist and anti-immigrant, neo-fascist leaders are careful not to present these views in so strong a manner as to draw obvious parallels to historical events. Both Jean-Marie Le Pen of France's National Front and Jörg Haider's Freedom Party of Austria, in the words of historian Tony Judt, "revealed [their] prejudices only indirectly". Jews would not be castigated as a group, but a person would be specifically named as a danger who just happened to be a Jew.[20] The public presentation of their leaders is one principal difference between the neo-Fascists and historical Fascists: their programs have been "finely honed and 'modernized'" to appeal to the electorate, a "'far-right ideology with a democratic veneer'". Modern neo-fascists do not appear in "jackboots and brownshirts", but in suits and ties. The choice is deliberate, as the leaders of the various groups work to differentiate themselves from the brutish leaders of historical fascism and also to hide whatever bloodlines and connections tie the current leaders to the historical Fascist movements. When these become public, as they did in the case of Haider, it can lead to their decline and fall.[21][20]

International networks

In 1951, the New European Order (NEO) neo-fascist European-wide alliance was set up to promote pan-European nationalism. It was a more radical splinter group of the European Social Movement. The NEO had its origins in the 1951 Malmö conference when a group of rebels led by René Binet and Maurice Bardèche refused to join the European Social Movement as they felt that it did not go far enough in terms of racialism and anti-communism. As a result, Binet joined with Gaston-Armand Amaudruz in a second meeting that same year in Zurich to set up a second group pledged to wage war on communists and non-white people.[22]

Francoist-Falangist and Nazi memorabilia in a shop in Toledo, Spain

Several Cold War regimes and international neo-fascist movements collaborated in operations such as assassinations and false flag bombings. Stefano Delle Chiaie, who was involved in Italy's Years of Lead, took part in Operation Condor; organizing the 1976 assassination attempt on Chilean Christian Democrat Bernardo Leighton.[23] Vincenzo Vinciguerra escaped to Franquist Spain with the help of the SISMI, following the 1972 Peteano attack, for which he was sentenced to life.[24][25] Along with Delle Chiaie, Vinciguerra testified in Rome in December 1995 before judge María Servini de Cubría, stating that Enrique Arancibia Clavel (a former Chilean secret police agent prosecuted for crimes against humanity in 2004) and US expatriate DINA agent Michael Townley were directly involved in General Carlos Prats' assassination. Michael Townley was sentenced in Italy to 15 years of prison for having served as intermediary between the DINA and the Italian neo-fascists.[26]

The regimes of Francoist Spain, Augusto Pinochet's Chile and Alfredo Stroessner's Paraguay participated together in Operation Condor, which targeted political opponents worldwide. During the Cold War, these international operations gave rise to some cooperation between various neo-fascist elements engaged in a "Crusade against Communism".[27] Anti-Fidel Castro terrorist Luis Posada Carriles was condemned for the Cubana Flight 455 bombing on 6 October 1976. According to the Miami Herald, this bombing was decided on at the same meeting during which it was decided to target Chilean former minister Orlando Letelier, who was assassinated on 21 September 1976. Carriles wrote in his autobiography that "we the Cubans didn't oppose ourselves to an isolated tyranny, nor to a particular system of our fatherland, but that we had in front of us a colossal enemy, whose main head was in Moscow, with its tentacles dangerously extended on all the planet."[28]

Europe

Finland

In Finland, neo-fascism is often connected to the 1930s and 1940s fascist and pro-Nazi Patriotic People's Movement (IKL), its youth movement Blues-and-Blacks and its predecessor Lapua Movement. Post-war fascist groups such as Patriotic People's Movement (1993), Patriotic People's Front, Patriotic National Movement, Blue-and-Black Movement and many others consciously copy the style of the movement and look up to its leaders as inspiration. A Finns Party councillor and police officer in Seinäjoki caused small scandal wearing the fascist blue-and-black uniform.[29][30]

Italy
See also: History of the Italian Republic
Giorgio Almirante, leader of the Italian Social Movement

Italy was broadly divided into two political blocs following World War II, the Christian Democrats, who remained in power until the 1990s, and the Italian Communist Party (PCI), which was very strong immediately after the war and achieved a large consensus during the 1970s. With the beginning of the Cold War, the American and British governments turned a blind eye to the refusal of Italian authorities to honor requested extraditions of Italian war criminals to Yugoslavia, which they feared would benefit the PCI. With no event such as the Nuremberg trials taking place for Italian war crimes, the collective memory of the crimes committed by Italian fascists was excluded from public media, from textbooks in Italian schools, and even from the academic discourse on the Western side of the Iron Curtain throughout the Cold War.[31][32] The PCI was expelled from power in May 1947, a month before the Paris Conference on the Marshall Plan, along with the French Communist Party (PCF).

In 1946, a group of Italian fascist soldiers founded the Italian Social Movement (MSI) to continue advocating the ideas of Benito Mussolini. The leader of the MSI was Giorgio Almirante, who remained at the head of the party until his death in 1988. Despite attempts in the 1970s towards a "historic compromise" between the PCI and the DC, the PCI did not have a role in executive power until the 1980s. In December 1970, Junio Valerio Borghese attempted, along with Stefano Delle Chiaie, the Borghese Coup which was supposed to install a neo-fascist regime. Neo-fascist groups took part in various false flag terrorist attacks, starting with the December 1969 Piazza Fontana massacre, for which Vincenzo Vinciguerra was convicted, and they are usually considered to have stopped with the 1980 Bologna railway bombing.

In 1987, the reins of the MSI party were taken by Gianfranco Fini, under whom in 1995 it was dissolved and transformed into the National Alliance (AN). The party led by Fini distanced itself from Mussolini and fascism and made efforts to improve its relations with the Jewish community, becoming a conservative right-wing party until its merger with Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia into the centre-right party The People of Freedom in 2009. Neo-fascist parties in Italy include the Tricolour Flame (Fiamma Tricolore), the New Force (Forza Nuova), the National Social Front (Fronte Sociale Nazionale), and CasaPound.[33][34] The national-conservative Brothers of Italy (FdI), main heirs of MSI and AN, has been described as neo-fascist by several academics,[35][36] and it has some neo-fascist factions within their internal organization.[37][38] The results of the 2022 Italian general election, in which FdI became the first party, have been variously described as Italy's first far-right-led government in the republican era and its most right-wing government since World War II.[39][40][41] The Russia-Ukraine war has divided the Italian far right, including neo-fascists, into three clusters: the pro-Western and Atlanticist extreme right (e.g. CasaPound), nostalgic and pro-Putin neo-fascism (New Force), and an ideologically evolving collection of National Bolshevik and Eurasianist militants.[42]

Greece
Golden Dawn demonstration in Greece, 2012 (I will be found dead for Greece is written on the banner).

After the onset of the Great Recession and economic crisis in Greece, a movement known as the Golden Dawn, widely considered a neo-Nazi party, soared in support out of obscurity and won seats in Greece's parliament, espousing a staunch hostility towards minorities, illegal immigrants and refugees. In 2013, after the murder of an anti-fascist musician by a person with links to Golden Dawn, the Greek government ordered the arrest of Golden Dawn's leader Nikolaos Michaloliakos and other Golden Dawn members on charges related to being associated with a criminal organization. In October, 2020, the court declared Golden Dawn to be a criminal organization, convicting 68 members of various crimes including murder. However, far-right politics continue to be strong in Greece, such as Ilias Kasidiaris' Greeks for the Fatherland, an Ultranationalist party. In 2021, Greek neo-Nazi youth attacked a rival group at a school in Greece.[43]

Portugal

After the fall of authoritarianism in Portugal after the Carnation Revolution of 1974, several neo-fascist groups arose such as the New Order (Portugal) which was created in 1978. A report by the European Parliament defined the ideology of the New Order as revolutionary fascist and hyper-nationalist.[44] The group also had connections to Fuerza Nueva in Spain. The New Order was disbanded in 1982, however its activities continued to as late as 1985.

Romania
Main article: Neo-Legionarism

In Romania, the ultra-nationalist movement which allied itself with the Axis powers and German National Socialism was the Iron Guard, also known as the Legion of the Archangel Michael. There are some modern political organisations which consider themselves heirs of Legionarism, this includes Noua Dreaptă and the Everything For the Country Party, founded by former Iron Guard members. The latter organisation was outlawed in 2015. Aside, from these Romanian organisations, the Sixty-Four Counties Youth Movement representing ultra-nationalism from the Hungarian minority is also present, especially in Transylvania.[45] Other nationalistic and irredentist groups such as the Greater Romania Party do not originate from Legionarism, but in fact grew out of national communist tendencies from the era of Nicolae Ceaușescu (the party was founded by his "court poet" Corneliu Vadim Tudor).[46]

Russia
See also: Rashism

In 1990, Vladimir Zhirinovsky founded the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia. Its leader opposes democratic values, the rights of man, a multiparty system, and the rule of law. Encyclopedia Britannica considers Zhirinovsky to be a neo-fascist.[47] Zhirinovsky endorsed the forcible re-occupation of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, and suggested nuclear waste should be dumped there.[48] During the First Chechen War in the mid-1990s, he advocated hitting some Chechen villages with tactical nuclear weapons.[49]

The Russian National Unity was a paramilitary organization which was founded by Alexander Barkashov in 1990. It used a left-pointed swastika and emphasizes the "primary importance" of Russian blood. Concerning Adolf Hitler, the organizations's leader Barkashov declared: "I consider [Hitler] a great hero of the German nation and of all white races. He succeeded in inspiring the entire nation to fight against degradation and the washing away of national values."[47] Before it was banned in 1999, and breakup in late 2000, the group estimated to have had approximately 20,000 to 25,000 members.[50] Alexander Barkashov along with other members of the Russian National Unity have engaged in religious activities and pro-Russian activism in the Russian-Ukrainian War.[51][52][53][54]

Serbia

A neo-fascist organization in Serbia was Obraz, which was banned on 12 June 2012 by the Constitutional Court of Serbia.[55][56][57]

Earlier, on 18 June 1990, Vojislav Šešelj organized the Serbian Chetnik Movement (SČP) though it was not permitted official registration due to its obvious Chetnik identification. On 23 February 1991, it merged with the National Radical Party (NRS), establishing the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) with Šešelj as president and Tomislav Nikolić as vice president.[58] It was a Chetnik party,[59] oriented towards neo-fascism with a striving for the territorial expansion of Serbia.[58][60]

Slovakia

Kotleba – People's Party Our Slovakia is a far-right political party with views that are considered extremist and fascist. The Party's leader, Marian Kotleba, is a former neo-Nazi,[61] who once wore a uniform modelled on that of the Hlinka Guard, the militia of the 1939–45 Nazi-sponsored Slovak State. He opposes Romani people,[62] immigrants,[63] the Slovak National Uprising,[64] NATO, the United States, and the European Union.[65] The party also endorses the clerical fascist war criminal and former Slovak President Jozef Tiso.[66]

In 2003, Kotleba founded the far-right political party Slovak Community (Slovak: Slovenská Pospolitosť). In 2007, the Slovak interior ministry banned the party from running and campaigning in elections. In spite of this ban, Kotleba's party got 8.04%[67] of votes in the Slovak 2016 parliamentary elections. As of December 2022, voter support has dropped significantly to about 3.1%, under the 5% threshold required to enter parliament.[68]

Turkey
See also: Grey Wolves (organization)

Grey Wolves is a Turkish ultranationalist[69][70][71] and neo-fascist[72][73][74][75][76][77][78] youth organization. It is the "unofficial militant arm" of the Nationalist Movement Party.[79] The Grey Wolves have been accused of terrorism.[72][74][75] According to Turkish authorities, the organization carried out 694 murders during the late-1970s political violence in Turkey, between 1974 and 1980.[80]

The nationalist political party MHP founded by Alparslan Türkeş is also sometimes described as neo-fascist.[81]

United Kingdom

The British National Party (BNP) is a nationalist party in the United Kingdom which espoused the ideology of fascism[82][83][84][85] and anti-immigration.[86] In the 2009 European elections, it gained two members of the European Parliament (MEPs), including former party leader Nick Griffin.[87] Other British organisations described as fascist or neo-fascist include the National Front,[88][89] Combat 18,[90] the English Defence League,[91] and Britain First.[92][93]

Americas

United States
See also: Fascism in North America, Alt-right, and Radical right (United States)

Groups which are identified as neo-fascist in the United States generally include neo-Nazi organizations and movements such as the Proud Boys,[94] the National Alliance, and the American Nazi Party. The Institute for Historical Review publishes negationist historical papers which are often of an antisemitic nature. The alt-right—a loosely connected coalition of individuals and organizations which advocates a wide range of far-right ideas, from neoreactionaries to white nationalists—is often included under the umbrella term "neo-fascist", because alt-right individuals and organizations advocate a radical form of authoritarian ultranationalism.[95][96]

Brazil

The Brazilian government of Jair Bolsonaro is cited as the rising point of neo-fascism in South America in the 21st century,[97][98][99][100][101][102][103] based on the denial of science, bellicose rhetoric and authoritarian measures that withdraw rights from the population linked to a strongly neoliberal economic policy.[104][105][106][107][103] As a result of factors such as opposition to Workers' Party, fear and reaction to the 2013 insurgency, as well as the economic crises of 2008 and 2014, Jair Bolsonaro emerged as a viable option, not because of a well-defined strategic project, but almost accidentally.[108][109] In this way, the multiplicity of groups that make up the Bolsonarism, the different wings (military, ideological, religious, capital, etc.) present pragmatic disagreements, strategies, objectives and distinct methods.[15] The core of this Brazilian neo-fascism converged its interests and rhetoric with Pentecostal religious fundamentalism and both allied themselves with military sectors and liberal think tanks,[104] so that within bolsonarism there is a power bloc made up of non-fascist conservatives and far-right neo-fascists; although still without the support of the broad and fanatical mass movement which was the basis of European fascism.[104]

Bolivia

The Bolivian Socialist Falange party founded in 1937 played a crucial role in mid-century Bolivian politics. Luis García Meza Tejada's regime took power during the 1980 Cocaine Coup in Bolivia with the help of Italian neo-fascist Stefano Delle Chiaie, Nazi war criminal Klaus Barbie and the Buenos Aires junta. That regime has been accused of neo-fascist tendencies and of admiration for Nazi paraphernalia and rituals. Hugo Banzer Suárez, who preceded Tejada, also displayed admiration for Nazism and fascism.

Oceania

Australia and New Zealand

Brenton Harrison Tarrant, the Australian perpetrator of the Christchurch mosque shootings at Al Noor Mosque and Linwood Islamic Centre in Christchurch, New Zealand, was an admitted fascist who followed eco-fascism and admired Oswald Mosley, the leader of the British fascist organization British Union of Fascists (BUF), who is quoted in the shooter's manifesto The Great Replacement (named after the French far-right theory of the same name).[110][111]

Africa

South Africa

The Economic Freedom Fighters are a self-described pan-Africanist political party founded in 2013 by the expelled former African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) President Julius Malema, and his allies.[112] Malema and the party have frequently courted controversy for engaging in anti-White[113][114] and anti-Indian racism.[115] In November 2019, the Professor of International Relations at University of the Witwatersrand, Vishwas Satgar, defined them as a manifestation of a new phenomena, 'Black Neofascism'.[116]

Asia

India
Main articles: Hindutva and Akhand Bharat

The Hindutva ideology of organisations such as RSS have long been compared to fascism or Nazism. An editorial published on 4 February 1948, for example, in the National Herald, the mouthpiece of the Indian National Congress party, stated that "it [RSS] seems to embody Hinduism in a Nazi form" with the recommendation that it must be ended.[117] Similarly, in 1956, another Congress party leader compared Jana Sangh to the Nazis in Germany.[118][lower-alpha 1] After the 1940s and 1950s, a number of scholars have labelled or compared Hindutva to fascism.[120][121][122] Marzia Casolari has linked the association and the borrowing of pre-World War II European nationalist ideas by early leaders of Hindutva ideology.[123] According to the Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics and International Relations, the term Hindutva has "fascist undertones".[124] Many scholars have pointed out that early Hindutva ideologues were inspired by fascist movements in early 20th-century Italy and Germany.[125][126][127][128]

The Indian Marxist economist and political commentator Prabhat Patnaik calls Hindutva "almost fascist in the classical sense". He states that the Hindutva movement is based on "class support, methods and programme".[129] According to Patnaik, Hindutva has the following fascist ingredients: "an attempt to create a unified homogeneous majority under the concept of "the Hindus"; a sense of grievance against past injustice; a sense of cultural superiority; an interpretation of history according to this grievance and superiority; a rejection of rational arguments against this interpretation; and an appeal to the majority based on race and masculinity".[129]

Japan
See also: Nippon Kaigi and Uyoku dantai

After World War II, neo-fascism and ultra-nationalism were ostracized from mainstream politics in Germany, while in Japan, they were partially related to major right-wing conservative politics.[130][131] Since 2006, all prime ministers of Japan's LDP have been members of far-right ultranationalist Nippon Kaigi.[132]

Mongolia

With Mongolia located between the larger nations Russia and China, ethnic insecurities have driven many Mongolians to neo-fascism,[133] expressing nationalism centered around Genghis Khan and Adolf Hitler. Groups advocating these ideologies include Blue Mongolia, Dayar Mongol, and Mongolian National Union.[134]

Pakistan

Pakistan's Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan is considered fascist by some analysts because of its engagement in Islamic extremism.[135][136]

Taiwan
Main article: National Socialism Association

The National Socialism Association (NSA) is a neo-fascist political organization founded in Taiwan in September 2006 by Hsu Na-chi (許娜琦), a 22-year-old female political science graduate of Soochow University. The NSA views Adolf Hitler as its leader and often uses the slogan "Long live Hitler". This has brought them condemnation from the Simon Wiesenthal Center, an international Jewish human rights centre.[137]

Indonesia

Adolf Hitler's propaganda which advocated the hegemony of "Greater Germany" inspired similar ideas of "Indonesia Mulia" (esteemed Indonesia) and "Indonesia Raya" (great Indonesia) in the former Dutch colony. The first fascist party was the Partai Fasis Indonesia (PFI). Sukarno admired Nazi Germany under Hitler and its vision of happiness for all: "It's in the Third Reich that the Germans will see Germany at the apex above other nations in this world," he said in 1963.[138] He stated that Hitler was 'extraordinarily clever' in 'depicting his ideals': he spoke about Hitler's rhetorical skills, but denied any association with Nazism as an ideology, saying that Indonesian nationalism was not as narrow as Nazi nationalism.[139]

See also

References

Informational notes

  1. The Hindutva organisations were not exclusively criticised in the 1940s by the Indian political leaders. The Muslim League was also criticised for "its creed of Islamic exclusiveness, its cult of communal hatred" and called a replica of the German Nazis.[119]

Citations

  1. Castelli Gattinara, Pietro; Forio, Caterina; Albanese, Marco (1 January 2013). "The appeal of neo-fascism in times of crisis. The experience of CasaPound Italia". Journal of Comparative Fascist Studies. 2 (2): 234–258. doi:10.1163/22116257-00202007. Previous research has established that there is a connection between economic crises and the emergence of fascism, and that the critique of neo-liberalism and market economy constitutes a central feature of neo-fascist groups.
  2. Fritzsche, Peter (1 October 1989). "Terrorism in the Federal Republic of Germany and Italy: Legacy of the '68 Movement or 'Burden of Fascism'?". Terrorism and Political Violence. 1 (4): 466–481. doi:10.1080/09546558908427039. ISSN 0954-6553.
  3. Castelli Gattinara, Pietro; Forio, Caterina; Albanese, Marco (1 January 2013). "The appeal of neo-fascism in times of crisis. The experience of CasaPound Italia". Journal of Comparative Fascist Studies. 2 (2): 234–258. doi:10.1163/22116257-00202007. We find that the crisis offers a whole new set of opportunities for the radical right to reconnect with its fascist legacy, and to develop and innovate crisis-related policy proposals and practices. The crisis shapes the groups' self-understanding and its practices of identity building, both in terms of collective rediscovery of the fascist regime's legislation, and in terms of promotion of the fascist model as a 'third way' alternative to market capitalism. Even more importantly, the financial crisis plays the role of the enemy against which the fascist identity is built, and enables neo-fascist movements to selectively reproduce their identity and ideology within its practices of protest, propaganda, and consensus building.
  4. Oosterling, Henk (1997). "Fascism as the Looming Shadow of Democracy: A Critique of the Xenophobic Reason". Philosophy and Democracy in Intercultural Perspective/Philosophie et démocratie en perspective interculturelle. Amsterdam/Atlanta: Rodopi. pp. 235–252.
  5. Deutsch, Sandra McGee (2009). "Fascism, Neo-Fascism, or Post-Fascism? Chile, 1945–1988". Diálogos-Revista do Departamento de História e do Programa de Pós-Graduação Em História 13.1: 19–44.
  6. Camus, Jean-Yves; Lebourg, Nicolas (20 March 2017). Far-Right Politics in Europe. Harvard University Press. 9–10, p. 38. ISBN 9780674971530.
  7. Laqueur, Walter (1997). Fascism: Past, Present, Future. Oxford University Press. pp. 93–94. ISBN 9780198025276.
  8. Ignazi, Piero (2003). Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe. Oxford University Press. p. 51. ISBN 9780198293255.
  9. Casadio, Massimiliano Capra (2014). "The New Right and Metapolitics in France and Italy". Journal for the Study of Radicalism. 8 (1): 45–86. doi:10.14321/jstudradi.8.1.0045. ISSN 1930-1189. JSTOR 10.14321/jstudradi.8.1.0045. S2CID 144052579.
  10. Bosworth, R. J. B. (2009). The Oxford handbook of fascism. Oxford University Press. p. 592. ISBN 978-0-19-929131-1 – via Google Books.
  11. Gautier, Jean-Paul (2017). Les extrêmes droites en France: De 1945 à nos jours [The extreme right in France: From 1945 to the present day] (in French). Syllepse. pp. 40–41. ISBN 9782849505700.
  12. Sedgwick, Mark (2019). Key Thinkers of the Radical Right: Behind the New Threat to Liberal Democracy. Oxford University Press. p. 79. ISBN 9780190877613.
  13. Bar-On, Tamir (2016). Where Have All The Fascists Gone?. Routledge. pp. PT14. ISBN 9781351873130.
  14. Bardèche, Mauriche (1961). Qu'est-ce que le fascisme?. Paris: Les Sept Couleurs. pp. 175–176.
  15. Fella, Stefano; Ruzza, Carlo (2009). Re-inventing the Italian Right: Territorial Politics, Populism and 'post-fascism'. Routledge. 13–16. ISBN 9781134286348.
  16. Pavón-Cuellar, David (2020). "Turning from Neoliberalism to Neo-Fascism: Universalization and Segregation in the Capitalist System". Desde el Jardín de Freud. National University of Colombia. 20: 19–38. doi:10.15446/djf.n20.90161. S2CID 226731094.
  17. Golsan, Richard J. "Introduction" in Golsan (1998), pp.2–6
  18. Golsan, Richard J. "Introduction" in Golsan (1998), pp. 6–7.
  19. Judt (2005), pp.736–46
  20. Judt (2005), pp. 742–746.
  21. Wolin, Richard. "Designer Fascism" in Golan (1998), p.49
  22. Tauber, Kurt P. (1959). "German Nationalists and European Union". Political Science Quarterly. 74 (4): 564–89. doi:10.2307/2146424. ISSN 0032-3195. JSTOR 2146424.
  23. Documents concerning attempted assassination Archived 7 June 2006 at the Wayback Machine of Bernardo Leighton, on the National Security Archives website.
  24. "Terrorism Western Europe (PDF)" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 December 2006. Retrieved 7 June 2006. Archived 7 November 2006 at the Wayback Machine
  25. "Gladio". Archived from the original on 9 December 2006. Retrieved 7 June 2006.
  26. "mun6". Jornada.unam.mx. 22 May 2000. Archived from the original on 22 April 2011. Retrieved 22 October 2008.
  27. "During this period we have systematically established close contacts with like-minded groups emerging in Italy, Belgium, Germany, Spain or Portugal, for the purpose of forming the kernel of a truly Western League of Struggle against Marxism." (Yves Guérin-Sérac, quoted by Stuart Christie, in Stefano Delle Chiaie: Portrait of a Black Terrorist, London: Anarchy Magazine/Refract Publications, 1984. ISBN 0-946222-09-6, p. 27)
  28. Preface Archived 6 May 2006 at the Wayback Machine to Los Caminos del Guerrero, 1994.
  29. Kaplan, Jeffrey (2002). Millennial Violence: Past, Present, and Future. Routledge. p. 209. ISBN 978-0-7146-5294-8. Archived from the original on 27 April 2022. Retrieved 30 August 2022.
  30. "Finns Party splinter group dons colours of 1940s fascists". Finnish Broadcasting Company. 13 January 2021. Archived from the original on 3 June 2021. Retrieved 30 August 2022.
  31. Alessandra Kersevan 2008: (Editor) Foibe – Revisionismo di stato e amnesie della repubblica. Kappa Vu. Udine.
  32. Pedaliu, Effie G. H. (2004). "Britain and the 'Hand-over' of Italian War Criminals to Yugoslavia, 1945–48". Journal of Contemporary History. 39 (4, Collective Memory): 503–29. doi:10.1177/0022009404046752. ISSN 0022-0094. JSTOR 4141408. S2CID 159985182.
  33. Castelli Gattinara, Pietro; Forio, Caterina; Albanese, Marco (1 January 2013). "The appeal of neo-fascism in times of crisis. The experience of CasaPound Italia". Journal of Comparative Fascist Studies. 2 (2): 234–258. doi:10.1163/22116257-00202007.
  34. Andriola, Matteo Luca (2019). La Nuova destra in Europa. Il populismo e il pensiero di Alain de Benoist (in Italian). Edizioni paginauno. ISBN 978-8899699369.
  35. Benveniste, Annie; Campani, Giovanna; Lazaridis, Gabriella (2016). The Rise of the Far Right in Europe: Populist Shifts and 'Othering'. Springer. p. 36. ISBN 978-1-1375-5679-0. Retrieved 5 November 2021 – via Google Books.
  36. Campani, Giovanna; Lazaridis, Gabriella (2016). Understanding the Populist Shift: Othering in a Europe in Crisis. Taylor & Francis. p. 45. ISBN 978-1-3173-2606-9. Retrieved 5 November 2021 – via Google Books.
  37. Bruno, Valerio Alfonso; Downes, James F.; Scopelliti, Alessio (12 November 2021). "Post-Fascism in Italy: 'So Why This Flame Mrs. Giorgia Meloni'". Cultorico. Retrieved 28 September 2022.
  38. Lowen, Mark (26 August 2022). "Giorgia Meloni: Far-right leader who's favourite to run Italy". BBC News. Retrieved 21 September 2022.
  39. Leali, Giorgio; Roberts, Hannah (25 September 2022). "Italy on track to elect most right-wing government since Mussolini". Politico. Retrieved 27 September 2022.
  40. Braithwaite, Sharon; DiDonato, Valentina; Fox, Kara; Mortensen, Antonia; Nadeau, Barbie Latza; Ruotolo, Nicola (26 September 2022). "Giorgia Meloni claims victory to become Italy's most far-right prime minister since Mussolini". CNN. Retrieved 26 September 2022.
  41. "Italy election: Meloni says center-right bloc has 'clear' mandate". Deutsche Welle. 26 September 2022. Retrieved 26 September 2022.
  42. Guerra, Nicola (2023). "The Russia-Ukraine war has shattered the Italian far right". Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression: 1–21. doi:10.1080/19434472.2023.2206468. S2CID 258645197.
  43. Newsroom. "ΕΠΑΛ Σταυρούπολης: Νέα επεισόδια στη Θεσσαλονίκη - Ναζί επιτέθηκαν σε διαδηλωτές". www.ieidiseis.gr (in Greek). Retrieved 29 September 2021.
  44. Committee of Inquiry Into the Rise of Fascism and Racism in Europe: Report on the findings of the inquiry Archived 2 February 2017 at the Wayback Machine, European Parliament, Dec 1985, p. 58
  45. Luiza Ilie (December 2015). "Romanian prosecutors arrest suspect for attempted blast". Reuters. Retrieved 26 February 2016.
  46. Markéta Smrčková. "Comparison of Radical Right-Wing Parties in Bulgaria and Romania". Central European Political Studies Review. Retrieved 26 February 2016.
  47. "Fascism". Retrieved 2 April 2022.
  48. Russia threatens Baltic missile build-up, The Baltic Times, 5 July 2007
  49. Russian Parliamentary Election 1999 Archived 14 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine, RFE/RL, 17 December 1999
  50. Blamires, C.; Jackson, P. (2006). World Fascism: A-K. World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-57607-940-9. Retrieved 16 March 2022. the RNE was of substantial organizational strength before its breakup in late 2000 and was estimated to have had, on the eve of its fracture, approximately 20,000 to 25,000 members
  51. Miroslav Mareš, Martin Laryš, Jan Holzer (2018). Militant Right-Wing Extremism in Putin's Russia: Legacies, Forms and Threats. Routledge. p. 289. RNE volunteer troops were closely linked with the Russian Orthodox army{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  52. Mitrokhin, Nikolay (2015). "Infiltration, instruction, invasion: Russia's war in the Donbass" (PDF). Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society. 1 (1): 219–249. Archived (PDF) from the original on 28 May 2016.
  53. Jarzyńska, Katarzyna (24 December 2014). "Russian nationalists on the Kremlin's policy in Ukraine" (PDF). OSW Commentary, Centre for Eastern Studies. 156. Archived (PDF) from the original on 20 January 2022.
  54. Laruelle, M. (2009). In the Name of the Nation: Nationalism and Politics in Contemporary Russia. The Sciences Po Series in International Relations and Political Economy. Palgrave Macmillan US. ISBN 978-0-230-10123-4. Russian National Unity underwent an internal coup d'etat in 2000. Several regional leaders decided to exclude Alexander Barkashov from his position as leader of the party, splitting up into multiple factions, none of which was able to step in to play a unifying role.... Barkashov, who had legal troubles for "hooliganism" in 2005, created a new party bearing his name in December of the following year but had no real success.
  55. "Constitutional Court Bans Right-Wing Organization". 12 June 2012. Archived from the original on 6 January 2014. Retrieved 16 July 2021.
  56. Serbia and Montenegro: Country Report October 2003. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. October 2003. p. 28.
  57. Ilić, Vladimir (May 2012). Temerin: Sadašnjost ili Budućnost Vojvodine. p. 5.
  58. Ramet, Sabrina P. (2008). Serbia, Croatia and Slovenia at Peace and at War: Selected Writings, 1983–2007. Berlin: LIT Verlag. p. 359. ISBN 978-3-03735-912-9.
  59. Cigar, Norman (1995). Genocide in Bosnia: The Policy of "Ethnic Cleansing". College Station: University of Minnesota Press. p. 201. ISBN 978-1-58544-004-7.
  60. Bugajski, Janusz (2002). Political Parties of Eastern Europe: A Guide to Politics in the Post-Communist Era. Armonk, New York: M. E. Sharpe. pp. 415–16. ISBN 978-0-7656-2016-3. Archived from the original on 13 March 2021. Retrieved 22 January 2019.
  61. Cameron, Rob (6 March 2016). "Marian Kotleba and the rise of Slovakia's extreme right – BBC News". Archived from the original on 9 March 2016. Retrieved 13 March 2016.
  62. Azet.sk (31 May 2010). "Marián Kotleba: Štát chráni cigánskych parazitov". aktuality.sk. Archived from the original on 26 September 2015. Retrieved 13 March 2016.
  63. "Spustili sme petíciu proti príchodu imigrantov na Slovensko!". Kotleba – Ľudová strana Naše Slovensko. Archived from the original on 12 March 2016. Retrieved 13 March 2016.
  64. s., P E R E X, a. (9 January 2014). "Šéfovia krajov sa u prezidenta nezhodli s Kotlebom na téme SNP – Pravda.sk". Pravda.sk (in Slovak). Archived from the original on 10 March 2016. Retrieved 13 March 2016.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  65. "Neustupujte teroristom, hrozí vám diktát Bruselu, píše Kotleba Janukovyčovi | Svet | Hospodárske noviny – Denník o ekonomike a financiách". hn.hnonline.sk. 31 January 2014. Archived from the original on 26 September 2015. Retrieved 13 March 2016.
  66. Azet.sk (21 January 2017). "Fico: Podceňujeme hodnoty, Tiso bol vojnový zločinec". Archived from the original on 10 December 2017. Retrieved 16 May 2017.
  67. s., P E R E X, a. "Parlamentné voľby 2016 – Voľby – Pravda.sk". Pravda.sk (in Slovak). Archived from the original on 13 March 2016. Retrieved 13 March 2016.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  68. "PRESS RELEASE" (PDF). focus-research.sk (in Slovak). 12 January 2023.
  69. Harry Anastasiou, The Broken Olive Branch: Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict, and the Quest for Peace in Cyprus, Vol. 2, (Syracuse University Press, 2008), 152.
  70. Martin van Bruinessen, Transnational aspects of the Kurdish question, (European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre, 2000), p. 27.
  71. Alexander, Yonah; Brenner, Edgar H.; Krause, Serhat Tutuncuoglu, eds. (2008). Turkey : terrorism, civil rights, and the European Union (1st ed.). London: Routledge. p. 6. ISBN 9780415441636.
  72. Political Terrorism, by Alex Peter Schmid, A. J. Jongman, Michael Stohl, Transaction Publishers, 2005p. 674
  73. Annual of Power and Conflict, by Institute for the Study of Conflict, National Strategy Information Center, 1982, p. 148
  74. The Nature of Fascism, by Roger Griffin, Routledge, 1993, p. 171
  75. Political Parties and Terrorist Groups, by Leonard Weinberg, Ami Pedahzur, Arie Perliger, Routledge, 2003, p. 45
  76. The Inner Sea: The Mediterranean and Its People, by Robert Fox, 1991, p. 260
  77. Martin A. Lee (1997). "On the Trail of Turkey's Terrorist Grey Wolves". The Consortium. Archived from the original on 5 August 2014. Retrieved 16 April 2014.
  78. Thomas Joscelyn (6 April 2005). "Crime of the Century". Weekly Standard. Archived from the original on 13 July 2014. Retrieved 16 April 2014.
  79. Combs, Cindy C.; Slann, Martin (2007). Encyclopedia of terrorism. New York: Facts On File. p. 110. ISBN 9781438110196. In 1992, when it emerged again as the MHO, it supported the government's military approach regarding the insurgency by the Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK) in southeast Turkey and opposed any concessions to Kurdish separatists. .... The Grey Wolves, the unofficial militant arm of the MHP, has been involved in street killings and gunbattles.
  80. Albert J. Jongman, Alex Peter Schmid, Political Terrorism: A New Guide to Actors, Authors, Concepts, Data Bases, Theories, & Literature, pp. 674
  81. Michael, M. (9 November 2009). Resolving the Cyprus Conflict: Negotiating History. Springer. ISBN 978-0-230-10338-2.
  82. Renton, David (1 March 2005). "'A day to make history'? The 2004 elections and the British National Party". Patterns of Prejudice. 39: 25–45. doi:10.1080/00313220500045170. S2CID 144972650.
  83. Thurlow, Richard C. (2000). Fascism in Modern Britain. Sutton. ISBN 978-0-7509-1747-6.
  84. Copsey, Nigel (September 2009). Contemporary British Fascism: The British National Party and the Quest for Legitimacy (2nd ed.). Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-57437-3.
  85. Wood, C; Finlay, W. M. L. (December 2008). "British National Party representations of Muslims in the month after the London bombings: Homogeneity, threat, and the conspiracy tradition". British Journal of Social Psychology. 47 (4): 707–26. doi:10.1348/014466607X264103. PMID 18070375.
  86. "BNP Policies – Immigration". British National Party. 24 April 2014. Archived from the original on 27 November 2016. Retrieved 26 November 2016.
  87. "BNP secures two European seats". BBC News. 8 June 2009. Archived from the original on 18 August 2017. Retrieved 26 November 2016.
  88. Wilkinson, Paul (1981). The New Fascists. London: Grant McIntyre. p. 73. ISBN 978-0330269537.
  89. Shaffer, Ryan (2013). "The Soundtrack of Neo-Fascism: Youth and Music in the National Front". Patterns of Prejudice. 47 (4–5): 460. doi:10.1080/0031322X.2013.842289. S2CID 144461518.
  90. Hall, Nathan; Corb, Abbee; Giannasi, Paul; Grieve, John (2014). The Routledge International Handbook on Hate Crime. Routledge. p. 147. ISBN 9781136684364.
  91. Alessio, Dominic; Meredith, Kristen (2014). "Blackshirts for the Twenty–First Century? Fascism and the English Defence League". Social Identities. 20 (1): 104–118. doi:10.1080/13504630.2013.843058. S2CID 143518291.
  92. Bienkov, Adam (19 June 2014). "Britain First: The violent new face of British fascism". Politics.co.uk. Archived from the original on 11 December 2016. Retrieved 20 January 2017.
  93. Foxton, Willard (4 November 2014). "The loathsome Britain First are trying to hijack the poppy – don't let them". The Telegraph. Archived from the original on 5 November 2018. Retrieved 8 September 2018.
  94. Belam, Martin and Gabatt, Adam (September 30, 2020) "Proud Boys: who are the far-right group that backs Donald Trump?" The Guardian
  95. Motadel, David (17 August 2017). "The United States was never immune to fascism. Not then, not now | David Motadel". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Archived from the original on 27 February 2018. Retrieved 27 November 2017.
  96. "Global Pulse: Taking a right turn – ThePrint". ThePrint. 14 November 2017. Archived from the original on 1 December 2017. Retrieved 27 November 2017.
  97. Löwy, Michael (24 October 2019). "Neofascismo: um fenômeno planetário – o caso Bolsonaro". Revista IHU Online. Instituto Humanitas Unisinos. Retrieved 27 November 2021.
  98. Viel, Ricardo (29 July 2019). "Manuel Loff: "O bolsonarismo é o neofascismo adaptado ao Brasil do século 21"". Agências Pública. Retrieved 27 November 2021.
  99. Pereira, Roni. "Dissecando o neofascismo de Jair Bolsonaro". Jusbrasil. Retrieved 27 November 2021.
  100. "O governo Bolsonaro, o neofascismo e a resistência democrática". Le Monde Diplomatique. 12 November 2018. Retrieved 27 November 2021.
  101. Filho, João (17 November 2019). "Novo projeto de poder de Bolsonaro, a Aliança pelo Brasil é o primeiro partido neofascista do país". The Intercept Brasil. Retrieved 27 November 2021.
  102. Caldeira, Gabriel (1 June 2020). "Bolsonarismo está mais radical, diz estudioso de neofascismo". Terra. Retrieved 27 November 2021.
  103. Bonavides, Natália (23 March 2020). "O lado mais sombrio do neofascismo do governo Bolsonaro". Congresso em Foco. Retrieved 27 November 2021.
  104. de Souza, Marcelo (2020). "The land of the past? Neo-populism, neo-fascism, and the failure of the left in Brazil". Political Geography. 83: 102186. doi:10.1016/j.polgeo.2020.102186. PMC 7139254. PMID 32292250.
  105. Guaracy, Thales (18 January 2020). "Bolsonaro faz do negacionismo um instrumento político, escreve Thales Guaracy". Poder360. Retrieved 27 November 2021.
  106. Chacra, Guga (15 May 2020). "O negacionismo de Bolsonaro entrará para a história da pandemia". O Globo. Retrieved 27 November 2021.
  107. Gherman, Michel (28 March 2020). "Bolsonaro, O negacionista: politica e ciência em tempos de Corona". Revista Época. Retrieved 27 November 2021.
  108. CORDEIRO, Andrey Ferreira (2020). "Lulismo, bolsonarismo e a crise brasileira: do desenvolvimento dependente a uma política autonômica". Em: BARBOSA, Fabio; etal; O pânico como política: o Brasil no imaginário do Lulismo em crise. Mauad Editora, Rio de Janeiro.
  109. Rocha, Igor (3 September 2019). "Governo Bolsonaro: ala "técnica" é, também, ideológica". entendendobolsonaro.blogosfera.uol.com.br (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 27 November 2021. É necessário ter em mente que todas as "alas" da base deste e de outros governos é ideológica e isso, em si, não é um problema. Afirmar o contrário apenas indica que alguns comportamentos ideológicos de muitos agentes do governo Bolsonaro se tornaram senso comum, sendo naturalizados a ponto de, mesmo ideológicos, não serem percebidos dessa maneira.
  110. Waxman, Olivia B. (17 March 2019). "What Historians of Fascism Think About The Suspected New Zealand Shooter's Declaration of Extremism". Time. Retrieved 1 April 2019.
  111. "New Zealand killer says his model was Nazi-allied British fascist". The Forward/Times of Israel. 15 March 2019. Retrieved 1 April 2019.
  112. Meggan Saville (12 July 2013). "Malema launches his Economic Freedom Fighters". Dispatch Online. Archived from the original on 25 July 2013. Retrieved 16 July 2013.
  113. Campbell, John (2016). Morning in South Africa. Indiana University Press. p. 187. Often explicitly antiwhite in its rhetoric, it [the EFF] would expropriate without compensation white-owned property...
  114. Lewis, Megan (2016). Performing Whitely in the Postcolony: Afrikaners in South African Theatrical and Public Life. University of Iowa Press. p. 62. Several events added fuel to the fire: the increasing popularity of Julius Malema's antiwhite political party, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF)...
  115. Mngoma, Nosipho (18 June 2018). "Group to take #JuliusMalema to court for racist rant | IOL News". www.iol.co.za. The Mercury. Retrieved 1 January 2019.
  116. Satgar, Vishwas (November 2019). "Black Neofascism? The Economic Freedom Fighters in South Africa". Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue Canadienne de Sociologie. 56 (4): 580–605. doi:10.1111/cars.12265. PMID 31692263. S2CID 207894048.
  117. Bruce Desmond Graham (2007). Hindu Nationalism and Indian Politics: The Origins and Development of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. Cambridge University Press. pp. 11–12. ISBN 978-0-521-05374-7.
  118. Bruce Desmond Graham (2007). Hindu Nationalism and Indian Politics: The Origins and Development of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. Cambridge University Press. p. 66 with footnotes. ISBN 978-0-521-05374-7.
  119. Bruce Desmond Graham (2007). Hindu Nationalism and Indian Politics: The Origins and Development of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–2. ISBN 978-0-521-05374-7.
  120. [a] Sarkar, Sumit (1 January 1993). "The Fascism of the Sangh Parivar". Economic and Political Weekly. 28 (5): 163–167. JSTOR 4399339.
    [b] Ahmad, Aijaz (1993). "Fascism and National Culture: Reading Gramsci in the Days of Hindutva". Social Scientist. 21 (3/4): 32–68. doi:10.2307/3517630. JSTOR 3517630.
  121. [a] Desai, Radhika (5 June 2015). "Hindutva and Fascism". Economic and Political Weekly. Research in Political Economy. 51 (53). doi:10.1108/S0161-7230201530A. ISBN 978-1-78560-295-5.
    [b] Reddy, Deepa S. (2011). "Hindutva: Formative Assertions". Religion Compass. Wiley. 5 (8): 439–451. doi:10.1111/j.1749-8171.2011.00290.x.
  122. Sen, Satadru (2 October 2015). "Fascism Without Fascists? A Comparative Look at Hindutva and Zionism". South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies. 38 (4): 690–711. doi:10.1080/00856401.2015.1077924. S2CID 147386523.
  123. Casolari, Marzia (2000). "Hindutva's Foreign Tie-Up in the 1930s: Archival Evidence". Economic and Political Weekly. 35 (4): 218–228. JSTOR 4408848.
  124. Brown, Garrett W; McLean, Iain; McMillan, Alistair (2018), The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics and International Relations, Oxford University Press, pp. 381–, ISBN 978-0-19-254584-8
  125. South Asia Scholar Activist Collective. "What is Hindutva?". Hindutva Harassment Field Manual. Retrieved 11 July 2021.
  126. Leidig, Eviane (26 May 2020). "Hindutva as a variant of right-wing extremism". Patterns of Prejudice. 54 (3): 215–237. doi:10.1080/0031322X.2020.1759861. hdl:10852/77740. ISSN 0031-322X. S2CID 221839031.
  127. Reddy, Deepa (2011). "Capturing Hindutva: Rhetorics and Strategies". Religion Compass. 5 (8): 427–438. doi:10.1111/j.1749-8171.2011.00289.x. ISSN 1749-8171.
  128. Jaffrelot, Christophe (10 January 2009). Hindu Nationalism: A Reader. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-1-4008-2803-6.
  129. Prabhat Patnaik (1993). "Fascism of our times". Social Scientist. 21 (3/4): 69–77. doi:10.2307/3517631. JSTOR 3517631.
  130. "No, Japan Should Not Remilitarize". Jacobin magazine. 24 October 2021. Retrieved 28 November 2021. Carrying the legacy of Japanese fascism, the LDP (and particularly Nippon Kaigi) is the knowing driver of both this growing racism and nationalism and Japan's swelling military fervor. The synthesis of remilitarization with reactionary politics is embodied in the party's longtime leader, Shinzō Abe, Japan's longest-serving prime minister, who retired only last year due to his declining health.
  131. "Shinzo Abe and the long history of Japanese political violence". The Spectator. 9 July 2022. Retrieved 3 March 2023. As the French judge at the trial, Henri Bernard, noted, Japan's wartime atrocities 'had a principal author [Hirohito] who escaped all prosecution and of whom in any case the present defendants could only be considered accomplices.' The result was that whereas ultranationalism became toxic in post-war Germany, in Japan neo-fascism — centred around the figure of the emperor — retained its allure and became mainstream albeit sotto voce within Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party.
  132. "Abe’s reshuffle promotes right-wingers" (Korea Joongang Daily – 2014/09/05)
  133. "Postcard: Ulan Bator – TIME". TIME.com. 27 July 2009. Archived from the original on 22 July 2009. Retrieved 30 September 2009.
  134. "Mongolia's leading English language news". The UB Post. Archived from the original on 12 May 2011. Retrieved 30 September 2009.
  135. "Seven theses on the rise of fascism in Pakistan".
  136. Radicalization in Pakistan: A Critical Perspective, Muhammad Shoaib Pervez. Routledge. p. 2.
  137. "Taiwan political activists admiring Hitler draw Jewish protests – Haaretz – Israel News". Haaretz.com. Archived from the original on 4 March 2010. Retrieved 22 October 2008.
  138. Aboeprijadi Santoso (20 July 2008). "Fascism in Indonesia, no big deal?". The Jakarta Post. Archived from the original on 9 January 2014. Retrieved 9 January 2014.
  139. Signs of Anti-Semitism in Indonesia, Eva Mirela Suciu, Department of Asian Studies, The University of Sydney, 2008

Bibliography

Further reading

  • The Beast Reawakens by Martin A. Lee, (New York: Little, Brown and Company, 1997, ISBN 0-316-51959-6).
  • The Dark Side of Europe: The Extreme Right Today by Geoff Harris, (Edinburgh University Press; new edition, 1994, ISBN 0-7486-0466-9).
  • The Far Right in Western and Eastern Europe by Luciano Cheles, Ronnie Ferguson, and Michalina Vaughan (Longman Publishing Group; 2nd edition, 1995, ISBN 0-582-23881-1).
  • Fascism (Oxford Readers) by Roger Griffin, 1995, ISBN 0-19-289249-5.
  • Fascism in Britain: A History, 1918–1985 by Richard C. Thurlow (Olympic Marketing Corp, 1987, ISBN 0-631-13618-5).
  • Fascism Today: A World Survey by Angelo Del Boca (Pantheon Books, 1st American edition, 1969).
  • Free to Hate: The Rise of the Right in Post-Communist Eastern Europe by Paul Hockenos (Routledge; Reprint edition, 1994, ISBN 0-415-91058-7).
  • Fascism: Contagion, Community, Myth by Nidesh Lawtoo (Michigan State University Press, 2019.
  • Italian Neofascism: The Strategy of Tension and the Politics of Nonreconciliation by Anna Cento Bull (Berghahn Books, 2007).
  • Mussolini and the Eclipse of Italian Fascism: From Dictatorship to Populism by R. J. B. Bosworth R. J. (Yale University Press, 2019, ISBN 978-0-3002-5582-9).
  • The Radical Right in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis by Herbert Kitschelt (University of Michigan Press; reprint edition, 1997, ISBN 0-472-08441-0).
  • The Routledge Companion to Italian Fascist Architecture: Reception and Legacy by Kay Bea Jones and Stephanie Pilat (Routledge, 2020, ISBN 978-1-0000-6144-4).
  • Shadows Over Europe: The Development and Impact of the Extreme Right in Western Europe edited by Martin Schain, Aristide Zolberg, and Patrick Hossay (Palgrave Macmillan; 1st edition, 2002, ISBN 0-312-29593-6).
  • Transnational Neofascism in France and Italy by Andrea Mammone (Cambridge University Press, 2015, ISBN 978-1-1070-3091-6).
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.