Oricum

Oricum (Ancient Greek: Ὤρικον, Ὤρικος or Ὠρικός; Latin: Oricum or Oricus; Albanian: Oriku or Orikum) was a harbor on the Illyrian coast that developed in an Ancient Greek polis at the south end of the Bay of Vlorë on the southern Adriatic coast. It was located at the foot of the Akrokeraunian Mountains, the natural border between ancient Epirus and Illyria.[1] Oricum later became an important Roman city between the provinces of Epirus Vetus and Epirus Nova in Macedonia. It is now an archaeological park of Albania, near modern Orikum, Vlorë County.[2] Oricum holds such a strategic geographical position that the area has been in continuous usage as a naval base from antiquity to the present-days.[3]

"Orikon" redirects here. Not to be confused with Oricon, Oricombank, or Oricourt.
Oricum
Ὤρικος, Ὤρικον
Oriku , Orikumi
The site of ancient Orikos
Oricum is located in Albania
Oricum
Location in Albania
LocationOrikum, Vlorë County, Albania
RegionEpirus or Illyria
Coordinates40°19′8″N 19°25′43″E
Typeharbor, settlement
History
Periods
  • Classical
  • Hellenistic
  • Roman
Cultures
  • Greek
  • Roman
Site notes
OwnershipGovernment of Albania

It appears that the site of Oricum was uninhabited before the 6th century BC.[4] In the early period contacts between the Greeks and the local Illyrians were evidently absent in the hinterland of the site.[5] Early Greek sources describe Orikos as a harbor (Greek: λιμήν, limen). Findings from the proto-urban period in Orikos provide evidence of extensive contacts primarily with the Greek world.[6] In the Classical period Orikos was likely part of the peraia of Korkyra.[7] The polis was founded as a southern Greek colony rather than an indigenous foundation.[8] The settlement developed towards mid-5th century BC,[6] and it was built on a Greek model.[9] It is firstly identified as a Greek polis within the territory of Illyrian Amantia in the Periplus of Pseudo-Scylax (mid-4th century BC).[10] At the beginning of the Hellenistic period Oricum appears to have already acquired the status of polis with its own territory.[11] Pyrrhus gained control of Oricum, incorporating it into the State of Epirus during his rule (early 3rd century BC).[12][13] After the Roman victory against the Illyrians, in 228 BC Oricum became part of the Roman protectorate in Illyricum.[14] During the Macedonian Wars Oricum was involved in the conflicts between Rome and Macedon in the Illyrian territory that Rome had aimed to protect and control periodically for thirty years, since the First Illyrian War.[15][16][17]

Oricum experienced a phase of great prosperity in the period between the late 3rd and the early 1st centuries BC, much like other cities in northern Epirus at the time.[18][19] In the Roman period Oricum was one of the principal harbors of the new province of Epirus Nova, in the province of Macedonia.[20] During the conflicts of the Great Roman Civil War between Caesar and Pompey in Illyria, Oricum was one of the ports of the Illyrian coast that obeyed to Pompey. However it became the first one taken by Caesar, who used it as an important naval base in his military operations.[21] The inhabitants of the city were described as Graeci ("Greeks") by Caesar.[22] The city experienced a decline during the Roman imperial era, when the nearby port of Aulon (modern Vlorë) appears to have gained more prominence.[23]

Location

Oricum, placed at the end of the Karaburun Peninsula (ancient Akrokeraunia), constitutes the eastern point of the narrowest stretch of the sea – the Strait of Otranto – which connects the Iapygian promontory in southeastern Italy with Albania. From pre-colonial times until the Hellenistic period the Strait of Otranto was the main east-west sea route, which, with a distance of around 72 km, required about twelve hours of navigation with very favorable wind. In Roman times, a shift to the north took place, using the Brundisium-Dyrrachium route, which was considered safer, although being longer.[24]

The Akrokeraunian Mountains have served as a navigation landmark for the ships. From Italy the navigators could have turned left towards Illyria or right towards Epirus and beyond towards the Aegean Sea; from the south they could have continued straight towards Illyria, or turned left towards Italy; from the north, they could have continued straight towards Epirus and beyond the Aegean, or turned right towards Italy. The usage as navigation landmark instead of stopping points of the Akrokeraunian Mountains is due to the fact that, except for a few small bays, its topography does not feature large harbors. The closest ports are those of Oricum, Aulona and Triport to the north, and Panormos to the south. But in classical antiquity these port towns have always been overshadowed by the more prominent port of Apollonia.[25]

The harbor at Orikos ensured the link to the northern routes, while the routes to Korkyra and to the southeastern destinations, such as the Ambracian Gulf, were granted by Panormos, a harbor located in the middle of the Ceraunian Mountains.[26] Orikos is located on the large valley of Dukat, at the foot of the Karaburun Peninsula and on the road leading to the Llogara Pass. This mountain pass connects the valley of Dukat in Illyria with the ancient Palaeste in Epirus to the south of the Karaburun Peninsula in open sea. However the Llogara Pass is difficult to cross, as highlighted also by Caesar in the De Bello Civili describing his military operations in the area during the Great Roman Civil War in winter 48 BC.[27][28][29][30][31] Oricum was not a very favorable harbor, because it was located far from the main sea and land routes. The city based its economy on the natural resources of the Acroceraunians: timber for ships and limestone from the quarries of the peninsula. The solid limestone was cut into large square blocks by digging channels on three sides. From the archaic period until Roman imperial times the limestone was transported to Apollonia and Dyrrhachium[32]

Orikos is firstly mentioned in ancient sources by Hecataeus of Miletus and Herodotus (fl. 6th century BC), where it is identified as a λιμήν (limen harbor in Greek)[33][34] in his description of the coast of Epirus.[35] Hecataeus also states that Oricum is located on the northern edge of the Acroceraunian which marks the border of Epirus.[36] In the Periplus of Pseudo-Scylax (4th century BC) Orikos is identified for the first time as a Greek polis ('Ελληνίς πόλις) located within the territory of Amantia, the latter being regarded as an Illyrian city.[37] According to Pseudo-Scylax Oricum marked the end of Illyria and the beginning of Chaonia and Epirus a fact already known from the 6th century B.C by Hecataeus.[38] Also according to Pseudo-Scymnus in the 2nd century BC the end of the Illyrian land was around Oricum in the Bay of Vlorë.[39] Pseudo-Scymnus as well as Lucian attribute to Oricum a Greek foundation.[40] Ptolemy locates Oricum in Chaonia. Similarly Flavius Philostratus in the 2nd century AD states that Oricum was located in Epirus.[27]

Placed on the foot of the Ceraunian Mountains, in a broader context Oricum is located in a border zone between the Epirotes, more specifically the Chaones located south of the Acroceraunians mountains, and the Illyrians whose southernmost territory is located at the foot of this mountain. Being on that geographic border caused misunderstandings among ancient authors about Oricum's location in Illyria or Epirus.[27] From a geographical perspective, the territory of Epirus hardly goes beyond the Ceraunian Mountains, which represent a natural border that is difficult to cross. Available data indicate that Orikos became part of state of Epirus only during the Kingdom of Pyrrhus of Epirus (early 3rd century BC).[27]

The territory of Orikos is delimited by high mountains on its western, southern and eastern sides: Maja e Çikës in the southeast; the Lungara massif in the east that stretches north towards Kaninë and Drashovicë near Vlorë; Rrëza e Kanalit and the Karaburun peninsula in the southwest. Those mountains form the triangular shape of the Dukat plain. The region is opened in the north towards the Bay of Vlorë on the Adriatic Sea.[41][27] The site of Oricum forms an island that is separated from the edge of the Bay of Vlorë by a lagoon, which was sufficiently deep to have allowed the sheltering of Caesar's ships during his arrival in the port. Two channels placed on the sides of the island connect the lagoon with the Bay. The Acroceraunian Mountains protect the area from the winds that come from the south and from the west.[42] Oricum has a very fertile hinterland. The mountains surrounding the Dukat valley continuously supply it with water, and a very thick forest covers the Llogara pass.[27] There was a significant number of rural settlements in the hinteland of the ancient city.[43]

Strabo mentions that Oricum owned a seaport, Panormos. In another passage he mentions Panormos as a large harbor at the centre of the Ceraunian Mountains, which has tentatively been identified with present-day Porto Palermo on the Ionian coast. The area of Oricum is separated from the Ionian coast by the Ceraunian Mountains, and connected to it only by the difficult Llogara Pass at over 1000 meters of altitude. Rather than conjecturing a phase in which Oricum might have extended its area of regional influence as far as Porto Palermo wresting it from the Chaonians and the city of Chimara, it is much more likely that Strabo uses the term Panormos (lit. "safe landing place") to define, in two different passages two distinct ports: one of the harbors of the Bay of Vlorë placed along the south-eastern coast of the Acroceraunian/Karaburun promontory that directly pertained to Oricum, and Porto Palermo on the Ionian coast.[26]

Orikos was originally on an island, but already in ancient times it became connected to the mainland; it covered an area of 5 hectares (12 acres), but archaeological remains are scarce.[44] The establishment of trading posts on small offshore islands was a common practice by Eretrian colonists from Euboia.[45] Eretrian presence in Oricum would indicate that at that time the Corinthians were not interested in the Illyrian mainland.[46]

History

Pre-foundation period

The earliest traces of human life in the area of Oricum (rock shelter at Rrëza e Kanalit) belong to the Late Paleolithic and Mesolithic.[6]

Two Illyrian tumuli used in a period spanning from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age have been found in Dukat, in the hinterland of Oricum.[47] Exchanges with the other side of the Adriatic and the Aegean World are found in the area. The architectural similarity with the tumulus of Torre Santa Sabina in Brindisi, Apulia, provides evidence of communication and interaction between the two shores of the Adriatic.[48] The earlier graves offered a variety of Middle Helladic findings, Aegean type knives and Minyan ware probably of local manufacture.[49] Naue II type swords, typical of 12th century Mycenaean Greek culture found through Albania and Greece were also unearthed.[50] Around the 11th–10th centuries BC the first imports from southern Italy appear in the Dukat plain.[6]

In the early historical period the findings from the hinterland of Oricum reveal no contacts between the Greeks and the local Illyrian population.[5] Despite the absence of archaeological evidence, Euboeans and Phoenicians might have established trade routes along the eastern shores of the Adriatic (including the site of Oricum) following the same networks that had been traversed previously during the Mycenaean period.[51]

Archaic period

It is not known whether Orikos was originally a Euboean colony on the Illyrian coast as reported in ancient literature.[52][53][54] As a Euboean foundation it would date back to about the mid 8th century BC,[55][56] probably established as an Eretrian emporium,[57] or as a harbor by Eretrian refugees from Kerkyra after this island was conquered by the Corinthians, although the latter hypothesis is less likely.[58] Archaeological evidence has shown that the site of Oricum was not inhabited before the 6th century BC,[4] however the lack of artifactual confirmation does not necessary mean that the Euboean seafarers did not reached these parts at an earlier era.[51] The site appears to possess all the characteristics of places chosen by Greek expedition movements of the 8th–6th century BC period who decided to establish a new settlement.[59]

Little is known about the exact status of the port and the origins of the city's urbanisation.[52][9] Orikos, like Epidamnos, could have served as a stopover for merchant ships coming from Corinth and heading towards the Po delta and the port of Spina, where many Corinthian vases from the 6th century BC are found.[60] Findings from the proto-urban period provide evidence of extensive contacts primarily with the Greek world. The settlement developed towards the middle of the 5th century BC,[6] and it was built on a Greek model.[9]

The first account that described it as a Greek polis was provided around the mid-4th century BC by Pseudo-Skylax.[37]

Classical period

In the Classical period Orikos was likely part of the peraia of Korkyra, which was mentioned by Thucydides.[7] A 5th century BC oracular tablet in Dodona written in the Corinthian alphabet contains the inquity of a citizen of Orikos.[61] The inscription mentions the chôra of Orikos.[48]

Based on inquiries from Oricum to Dodona it has been suggested that in Oricum some dialectal variations of the local northwest Greek dialect might have existed as in the rest of northern Epirus.[62]

In c. 450 BC the nearby polis of Apollonia was expanded towards the south after the victory it achieved against Thronium in the Bay of Aulon.[63] This may indicate Apollonia's incursion into the region of Chaonia as well as the annexation of barbarian territory on the left bank of the Aous, as far south as Oricum.[64]

Hellenistic period

From epigraphic material it can be inferred that at the beginning of the Hellenistic period Oricum had already acquired the status of polis with its own territory. A tablet dating to the third quarter of the 4th century BC reports that Orikos and Kerkyra have made an alliance (sympoliteia).[11][65] During his rule (early 3rd century BC) Pyrrhus of Epirus gained control of Oricum.[27][13]

No fortifications are found in the city and its territory most probably because Oricum was surrounded by mountains and due to the friendly relation towards its neighbors: the Chaonians, Apollonia and the Amantes.[28]

Hellenistic brick-structured graves were largely found in Apollonia, Amantia and Oricum in southern Illyria, as well as in parts of Chaonia, specifically in Phoenice. These type of graves appeared for the first time in Apollonia around the second half of the 4th century BC, and began to spread widely in the areas of Amantia and Oricum around the second half of the 3rd century BC. In the hinterland of Oricum another type of grave appeared, brick-structured graves with false archways. The building characteristics of the graves indicate that Oricum had developed a local tradition in burial architecture.[43]

Oricum became among the largest cities in northern Epirus that prospered during the last two centuries of the Hellenistic era compared to those of the coast of southern Epirus that witnessed depressed economies.[18] The city ethnonym of Orikos is attested in a 3rd century BC Korkyrian decree and a 3rd century BC oracle inquiry from Orikos as well as on coins of the city dating to the 3rd-2nd centuries BC.[7]

Roman period

The city seems to have been completely independent in the period 230–215 BC.[66] After the Roman victory in the First Illyrian War, Illyrian Queen Teuta was forced to retreat to the Bay of Kotor, and in 228 BC the Romans imposed a protectorate on the islands of Issa and Corcyra, as well as on the cities of Epidamnos, Apollonia and Oricum. The protectorate area corresponded to the usage of the Roman concept of Illyricum.[14] It had military importance under Roman rule, being among the Greek towns in Illyria serving as a base during Rome's wars with the Illyrians and with Macedonia (which occupied it for a time).[67] In 214 Philip V of Macedonia raided the Illyrian coast with 120 lembs, briefly taking Oricum and besieging Apollonia.[16] Oricum asked Rome protection against Philip,[66] and the city was quickly recovered by Roman propraetor of the fleet Marcus Valerius Laevinus.[16] Laevinus crossed the sea to Illyria, intervening immediately because in Philip V's hands, Oricum and Apollonia would have been good naval bases for a Macedonian attack upon Italy.[68] After Philip V's defeat against the Romans, the Illyrian territory was divided into two parts: the independent kingdom of Pleuratus which comprised the northern territory of the Ardiaei with Scodra and Lissus, Dassaretia with Pelion, Lychnidus; and the Roman protectorate which comprised the territories of the ports of Orikos, Apollonia and Dyrrhachium.[69]

During the conflicts of the Great Roman Civil War between Caesar and Pompey in Illyria, Lissus, Dyrrhachium, Apollonia and Orikos obeyed Pompey. Pompey's mastery of the ports of the Illyrian coast forced Caesar to land at Palaeste, south of the Acroceraunian mountains.[70] Oricum was the first city taken by Julius Caesar during his arrival on the Acroceraunia, and he provides a vivid description of its surrender in Book 3 of his De Bello Civili:[71]

But as soon as Caesar had landed his troops, he set off the same day for Oricum: when he arrived there, Lucius Torquatus, who was governor of the town by Pompey's appointment, and had a garrison of Parthinians in it, endeavored to shut the gates and defend the town, and ordered the Greeks to man the walls, and to take arms. But as they refused to fight against the power of the Roman people, and as the citizens made a spontaneous attempt to admit Caesar, despairing of any assistance, he threw open the gates, and surrendered himself and the town to Caesar, and was preserved safe from injury by him. (III:12)

Caesar also calls the inhabitants of Oricum "Graeci", no doubt due to the fact that they spoke Greek.[22]

Orician terebinth ("Oricia terebintho") is mentioned by Virgil[72] and Sextus Propertius.[73]

Later Oricum "became more of a civilian settlement, and the few remains which can be seen today date from the 1st century BC or later. 2nd century senator Herodes Atticus built a theater at Oricum however it was later destroyed by an earthquake.[74] Herodes stayed there for a time period probably as part of his exile.[75] The city experienced a decline during the Roman imperial era. In that period the nearby port of Aulona appears to have gained more prominence. The restoration of the city by Herodes Atticus and the omission of the name of the city in the Tabula Peutingeriana, unlike that of Aulona which is recorded, provide evidence of its decline.[23]

In the 11th–12th centuries, Oricum, now known as Jericho (Greek: Ἱεριχὼ), formed a Byzantine province along with Kanina and Aulon.[76] As the Provincia Jericho et Caninon, it appears in the imperial chrysobull granted to Venice in 1198 by Alexios III Angelos.[76]

Ottoman period

During the Ottoman Empire the harbor of Oricum was renamed Pashaliman, 'the Pasha's harbour', and the lagoon still bears this name, as does the nearby Albanian navy base.[77][3]

Mythology

The periegesis of Pseudo-Scymnus (c. 100 BC) reported the tradition according to which the city was founded by Euboeans on the Illyrian coast, blown off their route on their return home from Troy by strong winds.[78][79]

It remains uncertain whether the myth of the foundation reported in the periegesis is to be considered as historically relevant or whether it is merely an attempt to attribute a glorious Homeric past to the city aiming to justify a Greek presence on the Illyrian coast. The first hypothesis can be supported by some other elements in literary traditions, seeming to witness to a Euboean presence in the area of Orikos dating back to the 8th century BC, but on the other hand the archaeological material found so far in the region does not precede the 6th century BC.[54]

Various other events described in Greek mythology are associated to Oricum; Geryon was said to have pastured his cattle in the area around Oricum,[80] while Helenus stopped at Oricum.[81]

Religion

3rd century B.C. author Apollonius of Rhodes mentions in his work Argonautica that a sanctuary of Apollon Nomios was located at Oricum which included altars of the Nymphs and the Moirai founded by Medea.[82] Aphrodite and Eros were also worshiped.[83]

Coinage

From around 230 to 168 BC the city issued its own coins with the Greek legend ΩΡΙΚΙΩΝ ('of the Oricians').[84]

Archaeological remains
Monumental fountain

A previous misconception of the city is that it has an amphitheater. It is actually a monumental fountain or a public place that was also used as a water tank. There is also no drinkable water spring around, so the city had to collect rain water in order to survive.[85]

The city was almost entirely carved in stone, which lead to the base of the tank having a diameter of 10 meters (33 ft) Below, there is also an as yet unexcavated temple, and at a certain distance lies an altar that is dedicated to Dionysus.[86] A large portion of the city found is still underwater, as a helicopter ride can show the outlines of houses underwater, indicating that the coast around the port of Oricum had slowly submerged into the sea.

Traces of walls have been found around the city, evidence shows that it was repaired during Byzantine times.

About the supreme official of Oricum publications by local archaeologists state that it was either the prytanis or the strategos; the prytanis is an institution of Epirote origin, while the title of strategos reveals influence from nearby Corfu.[87]

Church

Near the city can be found the Marmiroi Church. This is a church of dating back to the reign of the Byzantine emperor Theodore I. It has a small 6 by 9 meters (20 by 30 ft) main hall and a dome approximately 3 meters (9.8 ft) in diameter that is supported by four Roman arches. The inner walls feature fragments of typical Byzantine murals.

See also

References

Citations
  1. Cabanes 2008, pp. 164–165; Hatzopoulos 2020, p. 227; Hernandez 2017, pp. 257–258: "Drawing upon earlier written sources about sailing voyages (periploi), the Periplous of Pseudo-Skylax (28–33) traces the coast of the Mediterranean and purports to be a "circumnavigation of the inhabited world". The text was composed in the third quarter of the 4th century B.C. The description of Epeiros moves southward along the Adriatic and Ionian Seas in the direction of mainland Greece. It appears to represent Epeiros in the years ca. 380–360 B.C. In Illyria, Epidamnos and Apollonia are listed as Greek cities (πόλεις Ἑλληνίδες). Orikos is identified as a polis located within the territory of an Illyrian city, Amantia. After Illyria, the text lists Chaonia."; Funke, Moustakis & Hochschulz 2004, p. 342; Shehi 2015, p. 289; Zindel et al. 2018, p. 346; Malcolm 2020, p. 350: "Orikum, on the south-western side of the Bay of Dukat (below the Bay of Vlorë), is close to the site of the Illyrian and Roman port of Oricum."; Morton 2017, p. 15: "The 200 BC Roman campaign was not only an extension of the First Macedonian War politically, but topographically as well, as it concerned the same Illyrian ports of Apollonia, Corcyra, and Oricum. However, Roman concern with these Illyrian ports had not begun with the First Macedonian War, but in fact had been a Roman military concern since the First Illyrian War in 229 BC. In 200 BC, the Roman army returned to Illyrian territory that Rome had been fighting to control and protect periodically for the past 30 years. However, the Romans now led a land army further inland than they ever had before."; Katz 2016, p. 421: "Oricos: Illyrian port, on Epirus' border."; Bereti et al. 2013, p. 98: "With regard to the site's nature the literary sources are unanimous: from the 5th cent. on: Orikos is considered to be among the prime maritime harbours, the safest in the region.12 No doubt thanks to its size and to its proximity to the Italian coast it becomes the main bridge-head for the Romans during the Illyrian and Macedonian wars."; Shpuza 2014, p. 59: "De tout temps situé aux confins de provinces, Orikos s'est trouvé pendant la période hellé-nistique sur la frontière entre l'Épire et l'Illyrie ; également pendant la période romaine, où la ville constitue la limite entre les provinces de Macédoine et d'Achaïe, puis, plus tard, au II e s. apr. J.-C., entre la Macédoine et la nouvelle province de l'Épire qui se sépare de l'Achaïe. C'est aussi là qu'ilest convenu de placer la limite entre la mer Adriatique et la mer Ionienne."; Shpuza & Cipa 2021, p. 114: "Politiquement, le territoire d'Orikos se situait à la frontière entre l'Épire et l'Illyrie (fig.3), le col de Llogara étant le seul point de passage terrestre entre ces deux régions."; Shpuza 2022b, p. 553: "Cette po-sition frontalière a probablement occasionné des malentendus parmi les auteurs anciens sur son po-sitionnement en Illyrie ou en Épire. Cependant, tous ceux qui connaissent la géographie imaginent mal que le territoire d' Épire puisse aller au-delà des Monts Cérauniens, qui représentent une frontière naturelle difficilement franchissable. D'après les données à notre disposition, Orikos n'a fait partie de l'Épire que pendant le Royaume de Pyrrhos au début du 3e siècle avant J.C."; Eckstein 2008, p. 421: "Oricum (Greek town on Adriatic)".
  2. Tusa 2010, p. 8
  3. Cabanes 2008, p. 164.
  4. Përzhita 2017, p. 245
  5. Kirigin 2006, p. 41: "...the finds from the hinterland of Oricum offer no proof of any contacts of the Greeks with the local Illyrian population ."
  6. Zindel et al. 2018, p. 346.
  7. Funke, Moustakis & Hochschulz 2004, p. 347.
  8. Hernandez 2010, p. 51.
  9. Winnifrith, Tom (2002). Badlands, Borderlands: A History of Northern Epirus/Southern Albania. Duckworth. p. 47. ISBN 978-0-7156-3201-7. The exact status of the port of Oricum is unknown , although its buildings are obviously Greek
  10. Shipley 2019, pp. 62, 115, 117; Jaupaj 2019, pp. 15, 88; Hernandez 2017, pp. 257–258
  11. Shpuza & Cipa 2021, p. 115.
  12. Shpuza 2022b, p. 553: "Cette po-sition frontalière a probablement occasionné des malentendus parmi les auteurs anciens sur son po-sitionnement en Illyrie ou en Épire. Cependant, tous ceux qui connaissent la géographie imaginent mal que le territoire d' Épire puisse aller au-delà des Monts Cérauniens, qui représentent une frontière naturelle difficilement franchissable. D'après les données à notre disposition, Orikos n'a fait partie de l'Épire que pendant le Royaume de Pyrrhos au début du 3e siècle avant J.C."
  13. Stephens 2011, p. 203
  14. Ivetic 2022, p. 44.
  15. Morton 2017, p. 15: "The 200 BC Roman campaign was not only an extension of the First Macedonian War politically, but topographically as well, as it concerned the same Illyrian ports of Apollonia, Corcyra, and Oricum. However, Roman concern with these Illyrian ports had not begun with the First Macedonian War, but in fact had been a Roman military concern since the First Illyrian War in 229 BC. In 200 BC, the Roman army returned to Illyrian territory that Rome had been fighting to control and protect periodically for the past 30 years. However, the Romans now led a land army further inland than they ever had before."
  16. Burton 2017, pp. 24–25: "In late summer, 214, Philip raided the Illyrian coast with 120 lemboi, attacking and taking Oricum and laying siege to Apollonia. The Roman propraetor in charge of the fleet, M. Valerius Laevinus, quickly recovered Oricum and sent a detachment of troops to Apollonia, which easily slipped into the city by night. Another night attack, this time on the Macedonian camp near Apollonia, followed."
  17. Eckstein 2008, p. 86: "Indeed, Laevinus' intervention was a highly risky operation, coming at a point when the two best harbors on a difficult coast were already denied to the Roman fleet (Oricum in Philip's hands; Apollonia besieged by the Macedonians). But the reason given for Laevinus' crossing to Illyria is explicit: Oricum and Apollonia would be good bases for an attack upon Italy (Livy 24.40.5)."
  18. Hernandez 2010, p. 71.
  19. De Mitri 2020, p. 197
  20. Shpuza 2014, p. 59: "De tout temps situé aux confins de provinces, Orikos s'est trouvé pendant la période hellé-nistique sur la frontière entre l'Épire et l'Illyrie ; également pendant la période romaine, où la ville constitue la limite entre les provinces de Macédoine et d'Achaïe, puis, plus tard, au II e s. apr. J.-C.,entre la Macédoine et la nouvelle province de l'Épire qui se sépare de l'Achaïe. C'est aussi là qu'ilest convenu de placer la limite entre la mer Adriatique et la mer Ionienne."
  21. Shpuza 2022a, pp. 24–25; Longhurst 2016, pp. 132–134
  22. Hernandez 2010, p. 31.
  23. Shpuza 2022a, p. 64.
  24. Santoro 2012, pp. 10–11.
  25. Shehi 2015, p. 289.
  26. Volpe et al. 2014, pp. 290–291.
  27. Shpuza 2022b, p. 553.
  28. Shpuza & Cipa 2021, p. 114
  29. Volpe et al. 2014, pp. 291–292.
  30. Ceka 2011, pp. 117–119.
  31. Cabanes 2002, p. 55.
  32. Ceka 2011, pp. 119–120.
  33. Bereti et al. 2013, p. 97
  34. Funke, Moustakis & Hochschulz 2004, p. 342.
  35. Manoledakis, Manolis (31 December 2016). The Black Sea in the Light of New Archaeological Data and Theoretical Approaches: Proceedings of the 2nd International Workshop on the Black Sea in Antiquity held in Thessaloniki, 18-20 September 2015. Archaeopress Publishing Ltd. p. 106. ISBN 978-1-78491-511-7. From the fragments devoted to Epirus the first refers to the coast: 'μετά δε Βουθρωτός ποίλς, μετά δε Ωρικός λιμήν΄. Ths verbatim quotation proves that Hecataeus presented the coast of Epirus from south to north.
  36. Pliakou, Georgia (2007). Το λεκανοπέδιο των Ιωαννίνων και η ευρύτερη περιοχή της Μολοσσίας στην Κεντρική Ηπειρο: αρχαιολογικά κατάλοιπα, οικιστική οργάνωση και οικονομία [The basin of Ioannina and the wider area of Molossia in Central Epirus: archaeological remains sattlement patterns and economy] (PhD) (in Greek). University of Thessaloniki. Retrieved 28 November 2020. Στα σωζόμενα αποσπάσματα του Εκαταίου τα γεωγραφικά όρια της ηπείρου ταυτίζονται με την περιοχή βόρεια του Αμβρακικού κόλπου («της ηπείρου της περί Αμπρακίαν τε και Αμφιλόχους»),17 έως το βόρειο άκρο των Ακροκεραυνίων («Εκαταίος λιμένα καλεί Ηπείρου τον Ωρικόν»)
  37. Hernandez 2017, pp. 257–258.
  38. Stocker 2009, p. 832: "As noted elsewhere, Apollonia is only noted as lying within the territory of the "Illyrians." Pseudo-Scylax (28) notes that Oricum, just south of the Aous, marked the end of Illyrian territory and the beginning of Chaonia (Epirus), a fact already known in the 6th century B.C. (Hecataeus, FGrH 1 F103)."
  39. Lippert & Matzinger 2021, p. 12.
  40. BERETI, Vasil, CONSAGRA, Gionata, DESCŒUDRES, Jean‐Paul, SHPUZA, Saimir, ZINDEL, Christian (2008). "Christian. Orikos – la première colonie grecque en Adriatique? La première campagne de fouille albano‐suisse". L'Illyrie Méridionale et l'Épire dans l'Antiquité. V. Actes du ve Colloque international de Grenoble: 4. Au Ier siècle ap. J.-C., Lucain12 attribue à Orikos la même origine grecque très ancienne que celle que nous trouvons dans le mythe de fondation du Pseudo-Skymnos.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  41. Shpuza & Cipa 2021, pp. 113–114.
  42. Cabanes 2008, pp. 164–165.
  43. Çipa & Tota 2018, p. 476.
  44. Hansen and Nielsen, An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis, p. 347.
  45. Keith G. Walker, Archaic Eretria: A Political and Social History from the Earliest Times to 490 BC (Routledge, 2004: ISBN 0-415-28552-6), p. 147: "However, the original site on a small offshore island points to a trading purpose and early Eretrian emporia are often so located *Pithekoussai, Orikos. Zagora".
  46. Kirigin 2006, p. 41.
  47. Bodinaku 2001, pp. 97–100.
  48. Shpuza & Cipa 2021, p. 118.
  49. Onnis, Elisabetta (2012). "The Torre S. Sabina Tumulus (Brindisi, Italy) in the Context of Transmarine Relations during the 14th c. B.C." MOM Éditions. 58 (1): 497, 499. Retrieved 22 December 2022. (table) Dukat, Middle Helladic, ..The knives found in Albania are of Aegean type: they have a straight back, a lightly curved cutting edge and rivets on the base (ig. 4). In the earliest models (MH advanced), which are also present during the beginning of the LH, the rivets assume a triangular position, like the knives of Vajzë (grave 12), Dukat... In the early phases, instead, many open shapes of Minyan type, probably locally made, were found in the grave goods, like at Vajzë (grave 12), Vodhinë (graves 15 and 16) and Dukat
  50. Koui, M., Papandreopoulos, P., Andreopoulou-Mangou, E., Papazoglou-Manuoudaki, L., Priftaj-Vevecka, A., & Stamati, F. (2006). "Study of Bronze Age copper-based swords of type Naue II and spearheads from Greece and Albania". Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry. 6 (2): 49, 51. doi:10.1007/s10816-020-09451-0. S2CID 254597098. Retrieved 16 February 2023. The Naue II swords were series of swords used in Mycenaean Greece... Naue II swords, a type known from Greece and Albania in the same period, that is the 12 century BC, the final age of the Mycenaean civilization. ... The Type II swords found at... Dukat{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  51. Stocker 2009, pp. 218–219: "In addition to their activities in the Levant, Italy, and Sicily, the Euboeans, in conjunction with Phoenician traders, established exchange networks along the eastern shores of the Adriatic that included the sites of Corcyra, Buthrotum on the mainland opposite, Oricum, Apollonia, and Epidamnus. These trade routes followed the same paths that had been traversed during the Mycenaean period, as remembered in the nostoi legends of Bronze Age heroes attached to localities up and down the Albanian coast. [...] pre-Corinthian activities along the coast prior to the arrival of Archaic colonists survived in ancient sources, but very little archaeological evidence of Euboeans has been found. The lack of artifactual confirmation, however, does not necessarily mean that Euboean seafarers did not venture into these parts."
  52. Shpuza 2022a, p. 63.
  53. Jaupaj 2019, p. 247.
  54. Bereti et al. 2013, p. 98
  55. Antonaccio, Carla M.; Cohen, Beth; Gruen, Erich S.; Hall, Jonathan M. (2001). Ancient Perceptions of Greek Ethnicity. Center for Hellenic Studies, Trustees for Harvard University. p. 189. ISBN 978-0-674-00662-1. The maritime routes toward the Strait of Otranto were frequented by Greeks as early as ca. 800 B.C., and the Euboeans settled in Corcyra and Oricum in the Bay of Valona (facing Otranto) about the mid - eighth century .
  56. Malkin, Irad (2015). "Ithaka, Odysseus and the Euboeans in the eighth century". Euboica: l'Eubea e la Presenza Euboica in Calcidica e in Occidente. Collection du Centre Jean Bérard. Publications du Centre Jean Bérard: 1–10. ISBN 9782918887348. Retrieved 18 December 2022. To sum up: a colonising Euboean presence at both Corcyra and Orikos may seem acceptable at least for the mid-eighth century, replaced at Corcyra by Corinth probably ca 733 (or possibly some twenty-five years later). The archaeological evidence from Otranto seems to suggest that this Greek presence was preceded by proto-colonial traffic and was directed not only with a view to commerce in the Epirote lands and the Ionian sea, sailing up the coasts, but also across the Otranto Straits, to Italy and possibly also to the Adriatic (the sea north of the Straits). The evidence points to contacts already ca 800 and the first half of the eighth century and may be thus termed proto-colonial
  57. Keith G. Walker, Archaic Eretria: A Political and Social History from the Earliest Times to 490 BC (Routledge, 2004: ISBN 0-415-28552-6), p. 151.
  58. Malkin 1998, p. 80.
  59. Bereti, Vasil; Consagra, Gionata; Descœudres, Jean-Paul; Zindel, Christian; Shpuza, Saïmir (2013). "Orikos–Oricum: Final Report on the Albano-Swiss Excavations, 2007–2010". Mediterranean Archaeology. 26: 96. Retrieved 22 May 2023.
  60. Cabanes 2002, p. 57.
  61. Filos 2017, p. 225: "28 An early oracular tablet (first half of 5th c. BC) containing the inquiry of a citizen of Orikos is written in the Corinthian alphabet, but is hardly of any value with regard to the general use of the Corinthian alphabet in Epirus since Orikos is far away from the center of Epirus, but only 50 km away (to the south) from Apollonia (see Lhôte 2006, 135—137, 329, 365; Dakaris et al. 2013, vol. 1, 341-342)."
  62. Filos 2017, p. 224237
  63. Malkin 2001, pp. 191–192
  64. Stocker 2009, p. 298
  65. Eidinow 2007, p. 63: "The third question, dating to the third quarter of the fourth century, suggests that the Kerkyrians have made an alliance with the Orikians."
  66. Eckstein 2008, p. 53
  67. Shuckburgh, Evelyn (28 November 2017). Ancient Rome. Jovian Press. ISBN 978-1-5312-9950-7.
  68. Eckstein 2008, p. 86.
  69. Shehi 2015, p. 29.
  70. Shpuza 2022a, pp. 24–25: "Les guerres civiles entre César et Pompée se déroulent notamment dans cette région. Pompée choisit Dyrrachium comme quartier d'hiver pour arrêter César en Illyrie. Il choisit cette ville parce qu'elle se situe dans une vaste baie et dans une presqu'île montagneuse bordée au sud par une lagune qui la rendait inaccessible à un ennemi équipé d'une flotte82. De même, Lissus, Apollonia et Orikos obéissaient à Pompée. Cette maîtrise des ports de la côte illyrienne par Pompée a obligé César à débarquer à Palaestae (actuelle Palasa), au sud des monts Acrocérauniens. Il se saisit d'Orikos, dont la population refuse de combattre le consul du peuple romain et oblige L. Torquatus, le lieutenant de Pompée, et les Parthins qu'il commandait, à ouvrir les portes de la ville. Dans les jours qui suivent, Apollonia, Byllis et Amantia se soumettent également à César, changeant ainsi radi- calement le cadre de la guerre et renversant les alliances."
  71. "McAdams's Kennedy Assassination Home Page Index".
  72. Aeneid, X, 136.
  73. Elegies, III, 7.49.
  74. Winnifrith, Tom (2002). Badlands, Borderlands: A History of Northern Epirus/Southern Albania. Duckworth. p. 69. ISBN 978-0-7156-3201-7.
  75. Strazdins, Estelle (1 April 2019). "The King of Athens: Philostratus' Portrait of Herodes Atticus". Classical Philology. 114 (2): 254. doi:10.1086/702307. ISSN 0009-837X. S2CID 166611831. Retrieved 13 December 2022. Herodes was rumored to have been exiled as well for a time after his trial to Oricum in Epirus
  76. Zakythinos 1941, p. 219.
  77. Gillian Gloyer, Albania (Bradt Travel Guides, 2008: ISBN 1-84162-246-X), p. 212.
  78. Bereti et al. 2013, pp. 95, 98
  79. Robin Lane Fox, Travelling Heroes: Greeks and Their Myths in the Epic Age of Homer (London: Allen Lane, 2008, ISBN 978-0-7139-9980-8), p. 123.
  80. Hernandez 2010, p. 256.
  81. Hernandez 2010, p. 297.
  82. Stroszeck, Jutta (2002). "Divine protection for shepherd and sheep Apollon, Hermes, Pan and their christian counterparts st. Mamas, st. Themistocles and st. Modestos" (PDF). Pecus: Man and Animal in Antiquity, Proceedings of Conference at the Swedish Institute in Rome: 238. Retrieved 24 December 2022.
  83. Chaniotis, Angelos (1 January 2009). "Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2006 (EBGR 2006)". Kernos. Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique (22): 209–243. doi:10.4000/kernos.1787. ISSN 0776-3824. Retrieved 24 December 2022.
  84. Mogens Herman Hansen and Kurt A. Raaflaub, More Studies in the Ancient Greek Polis (Franz Steiner Verlag, 1996: ISBN 3-515-06969-0), p. 149.
  85. "Open Explorer Albania". OpenExplorer. 2016-09-12. Retrieved 2016-12-24.
  86. "Të dhëna historike për Gjirin e Vlorës – Gazeta 55 Online". gazeta55.al. Retrieved 2016-12-24.
  87. Hatzopoulos, Sakellariou & Loukopoulou 1997, pp. 143: With regard to its institutions we have only contradictory references ... Epirote origin.

Bibliography
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