Robert F. Kennedy 1968 presidential campaign

The Robert F. Kennedy presidential campaign began on March 16, 1968, when Robert Francis Kennedy, a United States Senator from New York, mounted an unlikely challenge to incumbent Democratic United States President Lyndon B. Johnson. Following an upset in the New Hampshire primary, Johnson announced on March 31 that he would not seek re-election. Kennedy still faced two rival candidates for the Democratic Party's presidential nomination: the leading challenger United States Senator Eugene McCarthy and Vice President Hubert Humphrey. Humphrey had entered the race after Johnson's withdrawal, but Kennedy and McCarthy remained the main challengers to the policies of the Johnson administration. During the spring of 1968, Kennedy led a leading campaign in presidential primary elections throughout the United States. Kennedy's campaign was especially active in Indiana, Nebraska, Oregon, South Dakota, California, and Washington, D.C. Kennedy's campaign ended on June 6, 1968 when he died following his assassination after declaring victory in the June 4, 1968 California Primary. He was assassinated at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles, following his victory speech in the California primary and died on June 6, 1968 at Good Samaratin Hospital in Los Angeles. Had Kennedy been elected President in November of 1968, he would have been the first brother of a U.S. President (John F. Kennedy) to win the presidency himself.

Robert F. Kennedy for President 1968
Campaign1968 United States presidential election (Democratic primaries)
CandidateRobert F. Kennedy
U.S. Senator from New York
(1965–1968)
AffiliationDemocratic Party
StatusAnnounced: March 16, 1968
Assassinated: June 6, 1968
Key peopleJoseph Gargan, chairman[1]
Campaign poster

Background

When president John F. Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963; Lyndon B. Johnson succeeded him with tremendous national popularity amid a wave of mourning and sympathy. Robert F. Kennedy discussed his political future with journalist William Walton and stated that he planned to stay as United States attorney general through 1964, and then he planned to run for governor of Massachusetts, an idea that Kennedy had already floated in the press. He would use this office as a political base for an eventual presidential run.[2][3] Milton Gwirtzman, a speechwriter, informed Kennedy that "you are going to receive invitations to attend dedications and speak around the country and abroad and to undertake other activities in connection with President Kennedy"...and that "it would seem easier to do this as a U.S. senator based in Washington, D.C. than as a governor based in Boston."[4]

Kennedy remained in the cabinet for several months amid what Johnson staffers began to refer to as "the Bobby problem": despite the personal hatred between the two, Democratic voters overwhelmingly favored Kennedy as Johnson's running mate in the 1964 election.[5] Kennedy began to plan for a nationwide campaign,[6] and in the informal New Hampshire vice-presidential primary, Kennedy defeated Hubert H. Humphrey in a landslide.[7] In July 1964, Johnson issued an official statement ruling out any cabinet member for the vice presidency.[8] Instead, Kennedy ran for and won election to the United States Senate from New York, by defeating Republican incumbent Kenneth Keating who attempted to portray Kennedy as an arrogant "carpetbagger" from Massachusetts.[9][10] His opponents accused Kennedy of merely using the state as a convenient launching‐pad for the presidency.[11][12] In an interview with PBS, political journalist Midge Decter stated that "nobody, for one minute, expected that he was going into the Senate to stay there. It was understood that it was the next move on the way to reclaiming what was rightfully the Kennedys, namely, the White House."[13]

Announcement
Kennedy speaking to a civil rights demonstration in Washington, D.C., June 14, 1963

Kennedy was a late entry in making a campaign announcement for the primary race in the Democratic Party's presidential nomination in 1968. His political advisors had been pressuring him to make a decision, fearing Kennedy was running out of time to announce his candidacy.[14] Although Kennedy and his advisors knew it would not be easy to beat the incumbent president, Lyndon B. Johnson,[15] Kennedy had not ruled out entering the race. His younger brother Ted Kennedy was the leading voice against a bid for the presidency. He felt that his brother ought to wait until 1972, after Johnson’s tenure was finished. If RFK ran in 1968 and lost in the primaries to a sitting president, Ted felt that it would destroy his brother's chances later.[16] U.S. senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota had announced his intention to run against Johnson for the Democratic nomination on November 30, 1967. Following McCarthy's announcement, Kennedy remarked to U.S. senator George McGovern of South Dakota that he was, "worried about [McGovern] and other people making early commitments to [McCarthy]."[17] At a breakfast with reporters at the National Press Club on January 30, 1968, Kennedy once again indicated that he had no plans to run, but a few weeks later he had changed his mind about entering the race.[18]

In early February 1968, after the Tet Offensive in Vietnam, Kennedy received an anguished letter from writer Pete Hamill, noting that poor people in the Watts area of Los Angeles had hung pictures of Kennedy's brother, president John F. Kennedy, in their homes. Hamill's letter reminded Robert Kennedy that he had an "obligation of staying true to whatever it was that put those pictures on those walls."[19] There were other factors that influenced Kennedy's decision to enter the presidential primary race. On February 29, 1968, the Kerner Commission issued a report on the racial unrest that had affected American cities during the previous summer. The Kerner Commission blamed "white racism" for the violence, but its findings were largely dismissed by the Johnson administration.[19] Concerned about President Johnson's policies and actions, Kennedy asked his advisor, historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr.: "How can we possibly survive five more years of Lyndon Johnson?"[15] Disagreement amongst Kennedy's friends, political advisors, and family members further complicated his decision to launch a primary challenge against the incumbent Johnson. Kennedy's wife Ethel supported the idea, but his brother Ted had been opposed to the candidacy. Ted did lend his support once Kennedy entered the race.[15][20]

By late February or early March 1968, Kennedy had finally made the decision to enter the race for president.[17] On March 10, Kennedy traveled to Delano, California, to meet with civil rights activist César Chávez, at the end of a 25-day hunger strike.[21] En route to California, Kennedy told his aide, Peter Edelman, that he had decided to run and had to "figure out how to get McCarthy out of it."[17] The weekend before the New Hampshire primary, Kennedy told several aides that he would run if he could persuade McCarthy to withdraw from the presidential race.[22] Kennedy agreed to McCarthy's request to delay an announcement of his intentions until after the New Hampshire primary.[17] On March 12, when Johnson won an astonishingly narrow victory in the New Hampshire primary against McCarthy, who polled 42 percent of the vote, Kennedy knew it would be unlikely that the Minnesota senator would agree to withdraw. He moved forward with his plans to announce his candidacy.[23]

On March 16, Kennedy declared, "I am today announcing my candidacy for the presidency of the United States. I do not run for the presidency merely to oppose any man, but to propose new policies. I run because I am convinced that this country is on a perilous course and because I have such strong feelings about what must be done, and I feel that I'm obliged to do all I can."[24] Kennedy made this announcement from the same spot in the Senate Caucus Room where John F. Kennedy had announced his presidential candidacy in January 1960.[25][26] McCarthy supporters angrily denounced Kennedy as an opportunist.[27] With Kennedy joining the race, liberal Democrats thought that votes among supporters of the anti-war movement would now be split between McCarthy and Kennedy.[17]

On March 31, President Johnson stunned the nation by dropping out of the presidential race. He withdrew from the election during a televised speech, where he also announced a partial halt to the bombing of Vietnam and proposed peace negotiations with the North Vietnamese.[28] Vice President Hubert Humphrey, long a champion of labor unions and civil rights, entered the race on April 27, with support from the party "establishment"—including the Democratic members of Congress, mayors, governors, and labor unions.[29][30] Although he was a write-in candidate in some of the contests, Humphrey had announced his candidacy too late to be a formal candidate in most of the primaries. Despite late entry into the primary race, Humphrey had the support of the president and many Democratic insiders, which gave him a better chance at gaining convention delegates in the non-primary states.[31][32] In contrast, Kennedy, like his brother before him, had planned to win the nomination through popular support in the primaries. Because Democratic party leaders would influence delegate selection and convention votes, Kennedy's strategy was to influence the decision-makers with crucial wins in the primary elections. This strategy had worked for John F. Kennedy in 1960, when he beat Humphrey in the West Virginia democratic primary.[17]

Kennedy delivered his first campaign speech on March 18 at Kansas State University, where he had previously agreed to give a lecture honoring former Kansas governor and Republican Alfred Landon.[17] At Kansas State, Kennedy drew a "record-setting crowd of 14,500 students" for his Landon Lecture. In his speech, Kennedy apologized for early mistakes and attacked President Johnson's Vietnam policy saying, "I was involved in many of the early decisions on Vietnam, decisions which helped set us on our present path."[17] He further acknowledged that "past error is not excuse for its own perpetration."[17] Later that day at the University of Kansas Kennedy spoke to an audience of 19,000—one of the largest in the university's history. During that speech he said, "I don't think that we have to shoot each other, to beat each other, to curse each other and criticize each other, I think that we can do better in this country. And that is why I run for President of the United States."[17][33] From Kansas, Kennedy went on to campaign in the Democratic primaries in Indiana, Washington, D.C., Nebraska, Oregon, South Dakota, and California.[17]

Policy positions

Kennedy's political platform emphasized racial equality, economic justice, non-aggression in foreign policy, decentralization of power and social improvement. A crucial element of his campaign was youth engagement. Kennedy identified America's youth with the future of a reinvigorated American society based on partnership and social equality.[34]

Kennedy's policy objectives were not popular with the business world, where he was viewed as a fiscal liability. Businesses were opposed to the tax increases that would be necessary to fund Kennedy's proposed social programs. During a speech given at the Indiana University Medical School, Kennedy was asked, "Where are we going to get the money to pay for all these new programs you're proposing?" Kennedy replied to the medical students, who were poised to enter lucrative careers, "From you."[35][36]

Vietnam War

Kennedy did not support an immediate withdrawal of U.S. military personnel from Vietnam or an immediate end to the war. He sought to end the conflict by strengthening the South Vietnamese military and reducing corruption within the South Vietnamese government. He supported a peace settlement between North and South Vietnam.[37]

Job opportunities and welfare reform

Kennedy argued that increased government cooperation with private enterprise would reduce housing and employment woes in the United States.[37] He also argued that the focus of welfare spending should be shifted more towards improving credit and income for farmers.[37]

Law and order

In 1968, Kennedy expressed his strong willingness to support a bill that was under consideration for the abolition of the death penalty.[38] He argued that rising crime rates could be countered with more job and educational opportunities.[37]

Gun control

Kennedy supported laws that would reduce casual firearm purchases.[39] He said he believed in keeping firearms away from "people who have no business" with them—specifying criminals, individuals with mental health issues, and minors as classes of persons who should be prevented from purchasing firearms.[40][41]

Tax reform

Kennedy argued for legislation, which would reform flagrant tax loopholes.[37]

Primary campaign

In 1968, Kennedy was successful in four state primaries: Indiana, Nebraska, South Dakota, and California; as well as Washington D.C. McCarthy won six state primaries: Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Kennedy's native state of Massachusetts, Oregon, New Jersey, and Illinois. Of the state primaries in which they campaigned directly against one another, Kennedy won three (Indiana, Nebraska, and California) while McCarthy was only successful in one (Oregon).[42]

Opinion polling

A Gallup poll conducted in the fall of 1965 showed 72% of respondents believed RFK wanted to become the president, and 40% of independents and 56% of Democrats stated their support for a possible bid.[43] Harris and Gallup polls released in August 1966 showed RFK being favored over President Johnson for the nomination by 2% among Democrats and 14% by independents.[44] A late March Gallup poll released shortly before RFK's entry into the primary showed him leading President Johnson by three points at 44% to 41%.[45] A poll released in the early part of April featured Kennedy with a 26-point lead over McCarthy in the Indiana primary, at 46% to 19%.[46] Another April poll in Indiana, the Oliver Quayle survey, showed Kennedy with a three-to-one lead over McCarthy and the state's governor Roger D. Branigin; Schmitt noted the poll featured a large portion of respondents refuting the label that RFK was not trustworthy along with being "too tough and ruthless."[47] An April 28 Gallup poll showed Kennedy at 28% support by Democratic voters, Humphrey behind by three points and McCarthy ahead by five.[48] A May 26 Associated Press poll showed RFK behind Humphrey among Pennsylvania national convention delegates, 1 to 27.[49] A June 2 Gallup poll showed Kennedy at 19% support among Democratic county chairmen, Humphrey at 67% and McCarthy at 6%.[50] A June 3 poll showed Kennedy leading McCarthy by nine points in the California primary, at 39% to 30%.[51] The following day, CBS polls showed Kennedy leading McCarthy by seven points.[52]

Indiana primary

On March 27, 1968, Kennedy announced his intention to run against McCarthy in the Indiana primary. His aides told him that a race in Indiana would be an extremely tight race and advised him against it.[53] Despite the concerns of his advisors, Kennedy traveled to Indianapolis the following day and filed to run in the Indiana primary. At the Indiana Statehouse, Kennedy told a cheering crowd that the state was important to his campaign: "If we can win in Indiana, we can win in every other state, and win when we go to the convention in August."[54]

On April 4, 1968, Kennedy made his first campaign stop in Indiana at the University of Notre Dame in South Bend, followed by a speech at Ball State University in Muncie. In his speech at Ball State, Kennedy suggested that the 1968 election would "determine the direction that the United States is going to move" and that the American people should "examine everything. Not take anything for granted."[55] In addition, Kennedy enumerated his concerns about poverty and hunger, lawlessness and violence, jobs and economic development, and foreign policy. He emphasized that Americans had a "moral obligation" and should "make an honest effort to understand one another and move forward together."[55]

After leaving the stage at Ball State, Kennedy boarded a plane for Indianapolis. When he arrived in Indianapolis he was informed of King's assassination.[56] Later that evening, Kennedy made a brief speech on the assassination of King to a crowd gathered for a political rally at 17th and Broadway—an African American neighborhood near the north side of Indianapolis. He attempted to console the crowd with calls for peace and compassion.[57] After attending King's funeral in Atlanta, Georgia, Kennedy turned his attention back to the primary campaign. He drew huge crowds at campaign stops across the country.[58] Kennedy's Indiana campaign resumed on April 10.[59]

Kennedy's campaign advisor John Bartlow Martin urged the candidate to speak out against violence and rioting, emphasize his "law enforcement experience" as former U.S. Attorney General, and promote the idea that the federal government and the private sector should work together to solve domestic issues. Martin also urged Kennedy to speak out on the war in Vietnam—support for the cessation of hostilities and reallocating war funds to domestic programs were ideas which "always got applause."[60] To appeal to Indiana's more-conservative voters, Kennedy "toned down his rhetoric" as well.[58]

RFK delivered a speech before the Indianapolis real estate board on May 2, advocating for reliance on private enterprise instead of the federal government. During this speech, Kennedy argued that the national economy would be "restored" by the Vietnam War's conclusion.[61]

In the days before the Indiana primary, a battle ensued between Kennedy, McCarthy, and Indiana Governor Roger D. Branigin. Branigin was a "favorite son candidate" and stand-in for LBJ. He has been described as a "formidable foe who had enormous power over the distribution of the approximately seven thousand patronage jobs in the state."[62] Branigan campaigned in nearly all of the state's 92 counties, while McCarthy's campaign strategy concentrated on Indiana's rural areas and small towns. According to Kennedy's advisor, Martin, the campaign gained momentum with Kennedy's visits to central and southern Indiana on April 22 and 23, which included a memorable whistle-stop railroad trip aboard the Wabash Cannonball.[63]

The Indiana primary was held on May 7: Kennedy won with 42 percent of the vote; Branigan was second with 31 percent of the vote; and McCarthy, earning 27 percent, came in third.[64][65] With this victory in Indiana, Kennedy's campaign gained momentum going into the Nebraska primary.

Nebraska and Oregon primaries

Campaigning vigorously in Nebraska, Kennedy hoped for a big win to give him momentum going into the California primary, in which McCarthy held a strong presence. While McCarthy made only one visit to Nebraska, Kennedy made numerous appearances.[66] It was during this primary that Kennedy began enjoying himself as he was "open and uncomplicated".[67] Kennedy's advisors had been worried about his chances in Nebraska, given RFK's lack of experience with the issues of ranching and agriculture—subjects of high importance to Nebraskans—and the short amount of time to campaign in the state after the Indiana primary.[68] RFK won the Nebraska primary on May 14, with 51.4 percent of the vote to McCarthy's 31 percent.[66][69] Kennedy won 24 of the 25 counties that he visited ahead of the vote; of those, Mills noted that the sole county he lost harbored the University of Nebraska, where a plurality of students favored McCarthy, and that RFK had been defeated by "precisely two votes."[70] After the results, Kennedy declared that he and McCarthy, both anti-war candidates, had collectively managed to earn over 80 percent of the vote. He described this as "a smashing repudiation" of the Johnson-Humphrey administration.[71]

Kennedy on a campaign plane (photo by Evan Freed)

In contrast to Nebraska, the Oregon primary posed several challenges to Kennedy's campaign. His campaign organization, run by Congresswoman Edith Green, was not strong and his platform emphasizing poverty, hunger, and minority issues did not resonate with Oregon voters.[72] Mills wrote the following about RFK's calls for unity amongst Americans: "As far as Oregonians were concerned, America had not fallen apart."[73] The Kennedy campaign circulated material on McCarthy's record; McCarthy had voted against a minimum wage law and repeal of the poll tax in the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The McCarthy campaign responded with charges that Kennedy illegally taped Martin Luther King Jr. as United States Attorney General. Kennedy admitted these mentions of McCarthy's record did not bother his supporters.[74]

Ten days ahead of the primary, RFK recognized the uphill battle he faced in winning the primary: "This state is like one giant suburb. I appeal best to people who have problems."[39] During a speech he gave in California, Kennedy said, "I think that if I get beaten in any primary, I am not a very viable candidate." The comment further intensified the importance of the Oregon primary.[74] Kennedy realized that losing the Oregon primary would pose a risk to his credibility and began what Dary G. Richardson dubbed an "Olympian-like pace". He campaigned for sixteen hours a day; in the weeks before the election, his campaign canvased 50,000 homes.[75]

On May 26, RFK was campaigning in Portland, accompanied by his wife Ethel and astronaut John Glenn. McCarthy was also campaigning in Portland and briefly encountered RFK's motorcade in Washington Park; Kennedy's campaign aides decided to hold his event in a different location.[76] The following day, a spokesman for the RFK campaign accused the McCarthy and Humphrey campaigns of banding together against Kennedy.[77] On May 28, McCarthy won the Oregon primary with 44.7 percent; Kennedy received 38.8 percent of votes.[78] After Kennedy's loss was confirmed, RFK sent a congratulatory message to McCarthy in which he asserted that he would remain in the race.[79] Author Larry Tye believes the defeat in Oregon had two effects: First, it proved to RFK that he needed to take risks in his campaigning. Second, the defeat convinced voters that Kennedy was vulnerable to electoral defeat.[39]

After the loss in Oregon, Kennedy's campaign moved on to California.

California, South Dakota, and New Jersey primaries
Robert Kennedy campaigns in Los Angeles (photo by Evan Freed).

After victories in Nebraska and Indiana, Kennedy hoped to take the California and South Dakota primaries on June 4. California was "the perfect place for Kennedy to demonstrate his voter-appeal."[80] McCarthy's California campaign was well-funded and organized. For Kennedy, a defeat could have ended his hopes of securing the nomination.[80] Kennedy was the weakest candidate in the South Dakota primary; McCarthy was a Senator in neighboring Minnesota and Humphrey had been raised in South Dakota.[81]

On June 1, during the final days of the California campaign, Kennedy and McCarthy met for a televised debate. Kennedy had hopes of denting McCarthy's strength in California, but the debate proved to be "indecisive and disappointing."[82] After the debate, undecided voters favored Kennedy to McCarthy 2 to 1, the first time in the primary that gains in undecided voters were found to mostly go to RFK.[83]

On June 3, in what Arthur Schlesinger Jr. dubbed a "final dash around the state", RFK traveled to San Francisco, Los Angeles, San Diego, and Long Beach.[84] RFK told Theodore H. White on June 4 that he could sway Democratic Party leaders with wins in both California and South Dakota.[52] Kennedy won the South Dakota primary by a wide margin, beating McCarthy, 50 percent to 20 percent of the vote.[85] Kennedy won in California with 46 percent of the vote to McCarthy's 42 percent—this was a crucial defeat to McCarthy's campaign and the biggest prize in the nominating process.[86] Under the plurality voting system, Kennedy, despite having received only a plurality of the vote, was awarded all of the state's delegates to the Democratic National Convention. Around midnight on June 5, Kennedy addressed supporters at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles, confidently promising to heal the many divisions within the country.

Assassination
Main article: Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy

After addressing his supporters during the early morning hours of June 5, Kennedy left the Ambassador Hotel's ballroom through a service area to greet kitchen workers. In a crowded kitchen passageway, Sirhan Sirhan, a 24-year-old Palestinian-born Jordanian,[87] opened fire with a .22 caliber revolver and mortally wounded Kennedy. Following the shooting, Kennedy was rushed to Central Receiving Hospital and then transferred to The Good Samaritan Hospital, where he died early in the morning on June 6.[88][89]

Robert Kennedy's grave in Arlington National Cemetery

Kennedy's body was returned to New York City, where he lay in repose at St. Patrick's Cathedral for several days before the Requiem Mass was held there on June 8. His younger brother, U.S. Senator Edward "Ted" Kennedy, eulogized him with the words:

"My brother need not be idealized or enlarged in death beyond what he was in life; to be remembered simply as a good and decent man, who saw wrong and tried to right it, saw suffering and tried to heal it, saw war and tried to stop it."[90]

Kennedy concluded the eulogy by paraphrasing George Bernard Shaw, "As he said many times, in many parts of this nation, to those he touched and who sought to touch him: 'Some men see things as they are and say why? I dream things that never were and say why not?' "[90] Later that day, a funeral train carried Kennedy's body from New York's Penn Station to Washington, D.C.'s Union Station, where he was laid to rest at Arlington National Cemetery.[91]

Kennedy’s death continues to be the subject of much historical analysis, in addition to multiple conspiracy theories.[92]

Relationships with groups and people

Black communities

Kennedy had been a supporter of the Civil Rights Movement.[93] During the campaign, there were signs in black neighborhoods that read "Kennedy white but alright / The one before, he opened the door."[94] In the Indiana primary, RFK secured 86% of the black vote.[95] His performance was strongest in cities with the largest black populations.[96] Richardson noted that Kennedy was appealing to low-earning black voters. Kennedy had received support from black people by "an overwhelming margin".[46] Support amongst black voters was one of the key factors in Kennedy's victory in Indiana, where he gave a notable speech on the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. in Indianapolis days before the primary took place.[97] Samuel Lubell argued that the victory was partially inspired by RFK's support for corporate attempts to hire blacks; he wrote that Kennedy had largely won "the Negro wards".[98][99] However, Indianapolis Star journalist Will Higgins noted that Kennedy got a boost from the King assassination speech, which, unlike many other American cities, aided Indianapolis in being spared of riots.[97] Higgins also noted that the crowd which Kennedy spoke with that evening was estimated to be only 2,500 people.[97]

In the Nebraska primary, Kennedy ended his campaigning in the state with a speech in a black neighborhood in Omaha, Nebraska.[48] While a late May poll showed that only 40% of overall respondents believed RFK embodied "many of the same outstanding qualities" of the late President Kennedy, 94% of black respondents agreed with the comparison.[96] When McCarthy revealed that Kennedy had agreed to limited surveillance of Dr. King back in 1963, blacks in California considered switching their support to McCarthy.[75] In Oakland, California, Kennedy met with Black Panthers amid other minority activists in a midnight session days before the California primary concluded. When he was shouted at, Kennedy prevented a black aide from intervening: "They need to tell people off. They need to tell me off."[100] RFK won 90% of the black vote in the California primary.[50] Author Larry Tye later said: "By the time of his death in June 1968, Bobby was the most trusted white man in black America."[101] On the other hand, Michael A. Cohen noted that RFK's popularity with blacks had a negative effect on his appeal to the remainder of the electorate: "Rather than create an espirit de corps between the races, his close relationship to the black community turned many whites off."[102]

Working class whites

Kennedy had broad support among blue-collar white voters during the campaign.[47] Schmitt observed that "It was the allure of Kennedy as a bare knuckles advocate for their interests that led some of these same white voters to support the insurgent candidacy of George Wallace in the fall of 1968."[47] An internal memo released during the Indiana primary showed that Kennedy-backing voters had favorable opinions of Wallace.[47] Samuel Lubell, though noting Kennedy's support among blacks, stated that he "had also carried the racially sensitive low-income white workers who come in from rural areas to settle in east Omaha."[98]

Farmworkers

Kennedy endeared himself to farmworkers through his support of the Delano grape strike and subsequent communications with Cesar Chavez, who told students in California that Kennedy was the candidate for farmworkers.[103] Tye wrote that RFK became a hero to farmworkers by questioning local law enforcement methods.[104] RFK visited Delano during the campaign to display an endorsement for the grape strike, prompting Chavez to convince the United Farm Workers to begin voter turnout and registration campaigns. Marshall Ganz had arranged for Kennedy to speak to farmworkers after his victory speech in the California primary.[105] Roger A. Bruns wrote the following about Kennedy's assassination: "For the country and especially for the farm workers community, the killing of Robert Kennedy was a profoundly tragic loss."[106]

Hispanics

Chavez claimed there were fifty Hispanics supporting the Kennedy campaign for every one that had backed his brother's campaign eight years prior.[105] In the California primary, 95% of voting Hispanics supported RFK and he won 100% in several precincts.[50] By the time of the primary, he had become "the leading candidate among Latinos in California".[107] Hispanic input heavily impacted Kennedy's victory.[108]

Lyndon B. Johnson

Even before Kennedy announced his candidacy, Lyndon B. Johnson (LBJ) was convinced that Kennedy wanted to challenge him.[109] LBJ was convinced that his presidency would be "trapped forever between the two Kennedys" administrations.[95] Jeff Shesol wrote that LBJ took the prospect of a contentious primary seriously, after having underestimated the political skillfulness of JFK in 1960.[110] During a December 19, 1967 press conference, LBJ said the following about what he called the Kennedy-McCarthy movement: "I don't know what the effect of the Kennedy-McCarthy movement is having in the country ...I am not privileged to all of the conversations that have taken place ...I do know of the interest of both of them in the Presidency and the ambition of both of them."[111] Prior to RFK's announcement of his intentions to run, close friend Arthur Schlesinger wrote in a journal that he'd never seen Kennedy "so torn about anything...I think that he cannot bear the thought of consigning the country to four more years of LBJ, without having done something to avert this."[112]

Kennedy announced his candidacy after LBJ almost lost the New Hampshire primary. The day after announcing his candidacy, RFK predicted that Johnson would lose the general election if he was the party's nominee, if he continued to "follow the same policies we are following at the moment".[113] Kennedy told reporters during a flight to Kansas City: "I didn't want to run for President. But when [Johnson] made it clear the war would go on, and that nothing was going to change, I had no choice." Clarke wrote that Kennedy was conveying he had a moral obligation to do everything in his power to prevent a prolonging of the policies he opposed.[114] In mid-March, during an appearance at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, RFK charged LBJ's leadership with leading to the divisiveness of the U.S.: "They are the ones, the President of the United States, President Johnson, they are the ones who divide us."[115] In late March, three days before LBJ announced that he would not be seeking the Democratic Party's nomination, James H. Rowe sent LBJ a memorandum charging that RFK's backers had said "the president would not run and that the best course for the Democrats was to 'Stay loose and stay committed.' "[116] A late-March Gallup poll showed RFK defeating President Johnson in a national election.[117]

RFK was at his apartment in the United Nations Plaza the night President Johnson announced his withdrawal from the primary, though unlike his supporters he was not optimistic about the news. He reportedly said, "The joy is premature."[118] Smith observed that Johnson's withdrawal meant Kennedy would have to shift the focus of his critiques from the administration's policies on the Vietnam War.[119] Shesol wrote that Kennedy moved to a praising tone of Johnson, crediting Johnson with fulfillment of "the policies of thirty years" during an April 1 appearance in New Jersey. While in Philadelphia, he called Johnson's withdrawal an "act of leadership and sacrifice".[120] On April 3, 1968, three days after President Johnson announced that he would not seek the nomination, RFK and the President met at the White House. When asked about his intentions for the primary, LBJ replied: "Stay out of it". Although Johnson's withdrawal from the race meant Vice-President Humphrey would enter, RFK had gained the president's declaration of neutrality.[121] In comments to Henry Ford II and Gregory Peck, LBJ concluded that RFK won his June debate with McCarthy.[50]

Eugene McCarthy

After the primaries, McCarthy claimed that RFK had promised in November 1967 that he would not run.[122] Prior to entering the race, RFK worried McCarthy lacked a platform, as the latter had rarely spoken about domestic issues. In mid-March, Ted Kennedy attempted to broker "a political deal" where his brother would remain out of the race, if McCarthy spoke out on domestic problems. McCarthy declined and the refusal propelled Schlesinger's unsuccessful suggestion that RFK endorse McCarthy.[123] The day before RFK announced his entry into the primary, he told reporters Hayne Johnson and Jack Newfield: "I can't be a hypocrite anymore. I just don't believe Gene McCarthy would be a good president. If it had been George McGovern who had run in New Hampshire, I wouldn't have gotten into it. But what has McCarthy ever done for the ghettos or for the poor?"[45]

The day Kennedy announced his entry into the primary, McCarthy reversed his decision to not enter the Indiana primary; he didn't want to help RFK's chances of winning any primaries.[124] According to Dominic Sandbrook, Kennedy's entry into the primary caused a shift in McCarthy's campaign—McCarthy was forced to further develop his own platform, instead of merely being antagonistic to the Johnson administration's policies.[125] Walter LaFeber believed that animosity between the Kennedy and McCarthy campaigns had grown by the end of March.[95] Following President Johnson's withdrawal from the primary, McCarthy said: "Up to now Bobby was Jack running against Lyndon. Now Bobby has to run against Jack."[126] Mills wrote that Kennedy's focus on providing assistance for the poor and powerless during the Indiana primary was meant to highlight an issue that the McCarthy campaign had neglected.[127] After his Nebraska victory, Kennedy said that McCarthy supporters should support him to prevent the nomination of Humphrey at the Democratic National Convention.[48] McCarthy rebuked RFK's proposals about fixing cities during a late May speech at University of California, Davis.[128] The McCarthy campaign believed that if RFK did well enough to survive the California primary, it would lead to a fractured Democratic National Convention where McCarthy would be the alternative for those opposed to both RFK and Humphrey.[129] After Kennedy's assassination, some Kennedy advisors joined the McCarthy campaign with plans for supporting it toward gaining the nomination.[130]

Hubert Humphrey

Two days after RFK announced his candidacy, Vice President Humphrey said that RFK had supported the JFK administration's policies on the Vietnam conflict. Humphrey's office produced a statement from Kennedy, written six years prior, saying the U.S. would win in Vietnam.[131]

Kennedy was in Nebraska when Humphrey entered the race on April 27. Kennedy welcomed Humphrey into the race, saying Humphrey's candidacy offered "clear alternatives" between the Johnson administration's policies and those of the primary candidates.[132]

LaFeber wrote that Humphrey's entry seemed to be hinged entirely on President Johnson's distaste at the idea of Kennedy being the party's nominee in the general election.[133] RFK took direct aim at Humphrey's "politics of joy" line during his announcement speech while campaigning in Indiana: "It is easy to say this is the politics of happiness—but if you see children starving in the Delta of Mississippi and despair on the Indian reservations, then you know that everybody in America is not satisfied."[134]

Humphrey won 18% of write-in votes in the Massachusetts primary; it was seen as a victory over Kennedy's 28% vote total because Kennedy's Massachusetts campaign organization was significantly stronger than Humphrey's.[135] The morning after his Oregon loss, Kennedy hosted a Los Angeles airport press conference in which he critiqued Humphrey for what he called an inability "to present his views to the voters of a single state."[136] Kennedy also emphasized that there would be no anti-war Presidential candidate, if Humphrey were the Democratic candidate in the general election against former Vice President Nixon.[137]

After winning the California primary, RFK said that he intended to follow Humphrey "all over the country" in pursuit of the nomination.[130]

Reflecting on RFK's assassination, Humphrey said: "I was doing everything I could to get the nomination, but God knows I didn't want it that way."[138] Humphrey went on to become the Democratic Party's nominee in the general election.

Richard J. Daley

Shortly before entering the race, on February 8, 1968, RFK met with Richard J. Daley about the chances of usurping the nomination from the incumbent President Johnson. RFK wanted Daley to use his influence to sway delegates and the Democratic National Convention in his favor toward nomination. Daley stated that he would remain committed to Johnson. Savage wrote that Daley was worried about an RFK Presidency because he had, as Attorney General, prosecuted Democratic machine politicians in several states.[139]

Richard Nixon

After President Johnson withdrew from the primary, Nixon commented that RFK seemed favored for the nomination.[140] When Richard Nixon heard that RFK had announced his candidacy, Nixon reportedly said, "We've just seen some very terrible forces unleashed. Something bad is going to come out of this."[141] However, Nixon was relieved by RFK's entry into the Democratic primary—he believed the divisions created by RFK's candidacy would be an advantage for Republicans. In April, Nixon proposed a debate between Kennedy and himself.[142] Nixon, who during his own campaign for the presidency spoke about federal power to the states and economic empowerment for blacks in a late May speech, said: "Bobby and I have been sounding pretty much alike."[128] Kennedy tied with Nixon in polls conducted in the latter part of 1967.[143] When Kennedy was announced the winner of the California primary, Nixon told his family: "It sure looks like we'll be going against Bobby."[144]

Kennedy family

Kennedy's wife, Ethel, regularly joined Kennedy when he was campaigning. His brother Ted and brother-in-law Steve Smith, were involved in the campaign as informal advisors.[145] His sisters Jean Kennedy Smith and Patricia Kennedy Lawford were in the entourage of the Kennedy campaign at the Ambassador Hotel after RFK won the California primary.[146] RFK met with his father Joseph P. Kennedy Sr. ahead of making the announcement; the elder Kennedy dropped his head "to his chest in regret." Bzdek wrote, "He no longer wished to see three sons as president; he only wished to see the last two alive."[147]

Notes
  1. Damore, Leo (1988). Senatorial Privilege; The Chappaquiddick Cover-up. New York: Dell Publishing. p. 64.
  2. Naftali, Timothy (1998). One Hell of a Gamble: Khrushchev, Castro, and Kennedy, 1958-1964: The Secret History of the Cuban Missile Crisis. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 345.
  3. Talbot, David (2007). Brothers: The Hidden History of the Kennedy Years. Free Press. p. 32.
  4. Shesol, Jeff (1998). Mutual Contempt: Lyndon Johnson, Robert Kennedy, and the Feud that Defined a Decade. W. W. Norton. p. 180.
  5. Donaldson, Gary (2003). Liberalism's Last Hurrah: The Presidential Campaign of 1964. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. p. 103. ISBN 0-7656-1119-8.
  6. Bohrer, John R. (May 24, 2017). "Robert Kennedy's Secret Campaign to Become Lyndon Johnson's Vice President". Daily Beast. Retrieved December 26, 2022.
  7. Donaldson, Gary (2003). Liberalism's Last Hurrah: The Presidential Campaign of 1964. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. ISBN 0-7656-1119-8.
  8. Sabato, Larry J. (2014). The Kennedy Half-Century: The Presidency, Assassination, and Lasting Legacy of John F. Kennedy. Bloomsbury USA. pp. 269–271. ISBN 978-1620402825.
  9. Levy, Daniel S. (June 5, 2018). "Robert F. Kennedy Was Killed While Campaigning for President. Here's What Drove Him to Run". TIME.
  10. McNearney, Allison. "Watch RFK's Speech from his 1964 Senate Campaign". History.com.
  11. "Another Senator Kennedy?". The New York Times. May 16, 1964. Retrieved April 16, 2023.
  12. Tye, Larry (2017). Bobby Kennedy: The Making of a Liberal Icon. Random House Publishing Group. pp. 319–320.
  13. "The Kennedys". PBS American Experience.
  14. Thomas, Evan (2000). Robert F. Kennedy: His Life. New York: Simon and Schuster. p. 351. ISBN 978-0684834801.
  15. Boomhower, Ray E. (2008). Robert F. Kennedy and the 1968 Indiana Primary. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. p. 13. ISBN 978-0253350893.
  16. Bzdek, Vincent (2009). The Kennedy Legacy: Jack, Bobby and Ted and a Family Dream Fulfilled. St. Martin's Press. p. 130. ISBN 978-0230613676.
  17. Clark, Thurston (June 2008). "The Last Good Campaign". Vanity Fair. Archived from the original on 2014-12-20. Retrieved 2012-05-18. Excerpt from The Last Campaign: Robert F. Kennedy and the 82 Days that Inspired America (New York, Henry Holt, 2008) by Thurston Clark.
  18. Thomas, p. 356.
  19. Thomas, p. 357.
  20. Thomas, pp. 357–358.
  21. PBS, "American Experience" (2004-07-01). "RFK, People and Events: Cesar Chavez". PBS. Archived from the original on 2016-08-23. Retrieved 2012-05-24.
  22. Schlesinger, Arthur M. (1978). Robert Kennedy and His Times. Vol. 2 (book club ed.). Boston: Houghton Mifflin. p. 884.
  23. Thomas, p. 359.
  24. Kennedy, Robert F., "Robert F. Kennedy's Announcement of his candidacy for president" Archived 2012-02-05 at the Wayback Machine (speech, Washington, DC, 1968-03-16). Retrieved 2012-05-17.
  25. Thomas, p. 360.
  26. On September 14, 2009, the U.S. Senate passed a resolution to rename the Senate Caucus Room in the Russell Senate Office Building (RSOB) to the Kennedy Senate Caucus Room in honor of the three Kennedy brothers who served in the Senate chamber. John F. Kennedy and Robert F. Kennedy announced their presidential campaigns in the room and their younger brother, the late Senator Edward M. Kennedy of Massachusetts, who died of cancer in August 2009, chaired hearings in the room on a health-care bill that bore his name. CNN Political Tracker blog (2009-09-14). "Senate Caucus Room renamed to honor Kennedy brothers". CNN Political Tracker. Retrieved 2012-05-18. {{cite web}}: |author= has generic name (help)
  27. Schlesinger, p. 898.
  28. Thomas, p. 365.
  29. Solberg, Carl (1984). Hubert Humphrey: A Biography. New York: W.W. Norton. p. 332. ISBN 9780393018066.
  30. Schlesinger, p. 923.
  31. Solberg, pp. 327–328.
  32. Cook, Rhodes (2000). United States Presidential Primary Elections 1968–1996: A Handbook of Election Statistics. Washington, DC: CQ Press. pp. 202, 487, 340. ISBN 9781568024516.
  33. Kennedy, Robert F., "Remarks at the University of Kansas" (speech, Lawrence, KS, 1968-03-18), John F. Kennedy Library. Retrieved May 18, 2012.
  34. Peter Braunstein (2004). The Sixties Chronicle. Legacy Publishing. p. 375. ISBN 978-1412710091.
  35. Schlesinger, Arthur Jr. (1978). "Robert Kennedy and His Times". {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  36. Newfield, Jack. (1988 [1969]). Robert Kennedy: A Memoir. Plume
  37. Robert F. Kennedy 1968 for President Campaign Brochure Accessed May 20, 2018.
  38. Parise, Theresa (2006-01-17). "Robert F. Kennedy Miscellaneous Information". John F. Kennedy Presidential Library. Archived from the original on 2009-03-03. Retrieved 2009-05-03.
  39. "New Robert F. Kennedy biography examines historic loss in Oregon presidential primary". oregonlive.com. July 5, 2016. Archived from the original on September 14, 2016.
  40. "In 1968 Robert F. Kennedy called for gun control, in Roseburg (video)". oregonlive.com. October 4, 2015. Archived from the original on August 23, 2016.
  41. Levenson, Eric (October 6, 2015). "Video: Robert F. Kennedy once spoke about gun control in Roseburg, Oregon". Boston.com. Archived from the original on June 17, 2016.
  42. Cook, pp. 12–13.
  43. Shesol, p. 305.
  44. Shesol, p. 344.
  45. Richardson, Dary G. (2002). A Nation Divided: The 1968 Presidential Campaign. iUniverse. pp. 52–55. ISBN 978-0595236992.
  46. Richardson, pp. 87–89.
  47. Schmitt, pp. 210–211.
  48. Savage, Sean J. (2004). JFK, LBJ, and the Democratic Party. State University of New York Press. p. 301. ISBN 978-0791461693.
  49. "Hubert Tops Pennsylvania Delegate Poll". Chicago Tribune. May 27, 1968.
  50. Savage, Sean J. (2004). JFK, LBJ, and the Democratic Party. State University of New York Press. p. 305. ISBN 978-0791461693.
  51. Clarke, p. 262.
  52. Clarke, p. 265.
  53. Herbers, John (March 28, 1968). "Kennedy to Enter Indiana's PrimaryE". The New York Times. Retrieved 2010-05-22.
  54. Boomhower, p. 43.
  55. Kennedy, Robert F., "Speech at Ball State University" (speech, Ball State University, Muncie, IN, 1968-04-04). Retrieved 2012-05-24.
  56. Boomhower, pp. 62–63.
  57. Boomhower, pp. 67–68.
  58. Thomas, p. 369.
  59. Boomhower, p. 76.
  60. Boomhower, p. 78.
  61. Manly, Chesely (May 3, 1968). "Kennedy Tells Housing Plan". Chicago Tribune.
  62. Boomhower, pp. 35–36.
  63. Boomhower, pp. 83, 88, 91.
  64. Thomas, p. 375.
  65. PBS, "American Experience". "Shock Year: 1968 – May 7, Indiana Primary". PBS. Archived from the original on 2016-08-23. Retrieved 2012-05-24.
  66. Thomas, p. 377.
  67. Tye, p. 425.
  68. Clarke, pp. 194–195.
  69. Dooley, Brian (1996). Robert Kennedy: The Final Years. New York: St. Martin's Press. p. 128. ISBN 9780312161309.
  70. Mills, p. 428.
  71. Schlesinger, p. 929.
  72. Dooley, p. 129.
  73. Mills, Judie (1998). Robert Kennedy. Millbrook Press. pp. 430–432. ISBN 978-1562942502.
  74. Gould, p. 73.
  75. Richardson, Darcy (2002). A Nation Divided: The 1968 Presidential Campaign. iUniverse. p. 100. ISBN 978-0595236992.
  76. "RFK, McCarthy Almost Meet on Vote Tour". Chicago Tribune. May 27, 1968.
  77. "Gene, Bobby Wrangle Over Poll Reports". Chicago Tribune. May 28, 1968.
  78. Thomas, p. 382.
  79. Korman, Seymour (May 29, 1968). "McCarthy Defeats Bobby". Chicago Tribune.
  80. Dooley, p. 130.
  81. Clarke, p. 159.
  82. Dooley, p. 131.
  83. Mills, p. 443.
  84. Schlesinger, Arthur Jr. (1978). Robert Kennedy and His Times. Houghton Mifflin. p. 912. ISBN 978-0395248973.
  85. Johnson's name still appeared on the ballot in South Dakota and received 30 percent of the vote, which was recognized as support for Humphrey. McCarthy beat out Kennedy in the NJ primary, which only permitted write-ins and separately elected a slate of uncommitted delegates composed of state elected officials, winning 38 percent to 33 percent over RFK with Humphrey getting 21 percent and Wallace 5% with LBJ picking up a paltry 380 write-ins for 1.5 percent. Dooley, p. 134.
  86. PBS American Experience. "Shock Year: 1968–June 4, California Primary". PBS. Archived from the original on 2012-11-10. Retrieved 2012-05-24.
  87. Martinez, Michael (2011-03-01). "Sirhan Sirhan, convicted RFK assassin, to face parole board". CNN. Archived from the original on 2012-11-10. Retrieved 2012-05-24.
  88. Issenberg, Sasha (2008-06-05). "Slaying gave US a first taste of Mideast terror". Boston.com. The Boston Globe. Archived from the original on 2012-01-11. Retrieved 2012-05-17.
  89. Dooley, p. 140.
  90. "Edward M. Kennedy Address at the Public Memorial Service for Robert F. Kennedy". American Rhetoric: Top 100 Speeches. Archived from the original on 2008-05-09. Retrieved 2009-08-29.
  91. Thomas, p. 393.
  92. Arango, Tim (2018-06-05). "A Campaign, a Murder, a Legacy: Robert F. Kennedy's California Story". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2023-04-28.
  93. Isaacson, Walter (2011). Profiles in Leadership: Historians on the Elusive Quality of Greatness. W.W. Norton & Company. p. 287. ISBN 978-0393340761.
  94. Clarke, Thurston (2008). The Last Campaign: Robert F. Kennedy and 82 Days That Inspired America. Henry Holt and Co. pp. 62–63. ISBN 978-0805077926.
  95. LaFeber, Walter (2005). The Deadly Bet: LBJ, Vietnam, and the 1968 Election (Vietnam: America in the War Years). Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. pp. 89–94. ISBN 978-0742543928.
  96. Cohen, p. 129.
  97. Higgins, Will (April 2, 2015). "April 4, 1968: How RFK saved Indianapolis". The Indianapolis Star. Retrieved August 30, 2020.
  98. Stricherz, Mark (February 21, 2008). "The Death of the Bobby Kennedy Coalition". Crisis Magazine.
  99. Why the Democrats are Blue: How Secular Liberals Hijacked the People's Party. Encounter Books. 2007. p. 126. ISBN 978-1594032059.
  100. Tye, p. 430.
  101. Tye, Larry (July 7, 2016). "The Most Trusted White Man in Black America". Politico. Archived from the original on November 16, 2016.
  102. Cohen, p. 82.
  103. Pawel, Miriam. The Crusades of Cesar Chavez: A Biography. Bloomsbury Press. p. 170.
  104. Tye, p. 359.
  105. Pedersen, Carl (2009). Obama's America. Edinburgh University Press. pp. 78–79. ISBN 978-0748638949.
  106. Bruns, Roger A. (2013). Encyclopedia of Cesar Chavez: The Farm Workers' Fight for Rights and Justice (Movements of the American Mosaic). Greenwood. p. 139. ISBN 978-1440803802.
  107. Capps, Steven A. (May 31, 1998). "30 YEARS AGO: Remembering Robert F. Kennedy's California campaign". Kitsapsun.com.
  108. Caldwell, Christopher (January 26, 2000). "The Electorate Bobby Built". Archived from the original on January 24, 2015.
  109. Smith, Jeffery K. (2010). Bad Blood: Lyndon B. Johnson, Robert F. Kennedy, and the Tumultuous 1960s. AuthorHouse. p. 230. ISBN 978-1452084435.
  110. Shesol, p. 309.
  111. Savage, Sean J. (2004). JFK, LBJ, and the Democratic Party. State University of New York Press. p. 289. ISBN 978-0791461693.
  112. Smith, p. 235.
  113. King, William (March 18, 1968). "Bobby Has Grave Reservations About Backing LBJ in '68 Race". Chicago Tribune.
  114. Clarke, p. 29.
  115. Cohen, Michael A. (2016). American Maelstrom: The 1968 Election and the Politics of Division. Oxford University Press. p. 104. ISBN 978-0199777563.
  116. Gould, Lewis L. (1993). 1968: The Election That Changed America. Ivan R. Dee. p. 45. ISBN 978-1566630092.
  117. Bzdek, p. 136.
  118. Shesol, p. 439.
  119. Smith, p. 244.
  120. Shesol, pp. 446–447.
  121. Thomas, Evan (2002). Robert Kennedy: His Life. Simon & Schuster. p. 365. ISBN 978-0743203296.
  122. Sandbrook, Dominic (2004). Eugene McCarthy: The Rise and Fall of Postwar American Liberalism. Knopf. p. 191. ISBN 978-1400041053.
  123. Smith, p. 237.
  124. Wainstock, Dennis (2012). Election Year 1968: The Turning Point. Enigma Books. p. 76. ISBN 978-1936274413.
  125. Sandbrook, pp. 187–188.
  126. Cohen, p. 115.
  127. Mills, p. 401.
  128. Cohen, p. 123.
  129. Cohen, p. 136.
  130. Mills, p. 446.
  131. "RFK Reverses Self On Viet, Hubert Says". Chicago Tribune. March 19, 1968.
  132. "Bobby Welcomes Hubert to Vote Race". Chicago Tribune. April 28, 1968.
  133. LaFeber, p. 122.
  134. Solberg, p. 333.
  135. Richardson, p. 81.
  136. Schlesinger, p. 907.
  137. Mills, p. 438.
  138. Solberg, Carl (2005). Hubert Humphrey: A Biography. Borealis Books. p. 340. ISBN 978-0873514736.
  139. Savage, pp. 308–309.
  140. Gould, p. 48.
  141. Clarke, pp. 22–24.
  142. Black, Conrad (2007). Richard M. Nixon: A Life in Full. Public Affairs. p. 523. ISBN 978-1586485191.
  143. Shesol, Jeff (1998). Mutual Contempt: Lyndon Johnson, Robert Kennedy, and the Feud that Defined a Decade. W.W. Norton & Company. p. 379. ISBN 978-0393318555.
  144. Nixon, Richard (1978). RN: The Memoirs of Richard Nixon. Grosset & Dunlap. ISBN 978-0333230213. I believed that Hubert Humphrey had waited too long before declaring his candidacy, and I saw no way a Kennedy juggernaut could be stopped once it had acquired the momentum of a California victory.
  145. Bzdek, p. 133.
  146. Oppenheimer, Jerry (2015). RFK Jr.: Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and the Dark Side of the Dream. St. Martin's Press. p. 26. ISBN 978-1250032959.
  147. Bzdek, Vincent (2009). The Kennedy Legacy: Jack, Bobby and Ted and a Family Dream Fulfilled. St. Martin's Press. p. 130. ISBN 978-0230613676.

Bibliography
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