2011 military intervention in Libya

• 21 February 2011: Libyan deputy Permanent Representative to the UN Ibrahim Dabbashi called "on the UN to impose a no-fly zone on all of Tripoli to cut off all supplies of arms and mercenaries to the regime."[43]
• 23 February 2011: French President Nicolas Sarkozy pushed for the European Union (EU) to pass sanctions against Gaddafi (freezing Gaddafi family funds abroad) and demand he stop attacks against civilians.
• 25 February 2011: Sarkozy said Gaddafi "must go."[58]
• 26 February 2011: United Nations Security Council Resolution 1970 was passed unanimously, referring the Libyan government to the International Criminal Court for gross human rights violations. It imposed an arms embargo on the country and a travel ban and assets freeze on the family of Muammar Al-Gaddafi and certain Government officials.[59]
• 28 February 2011: British Prime Minister David Cameron proposed the idea of a no-fly zone to prevent Gaddafi from "airlifting mercenaries" and "using his military aeroplanes and armoured helicopters against civilians."[48]
• 1 March 2011: The US Senate unanimously passed non-binding Senate resolution S.RES.85 urging the United Nations Security Council to impose a Libyan no-fly zone and encouraging Gaddafi to step down. The US had naval forces positioned off the coast of Libya, as well as forces already in the region, including the aircraft carrier USS Enterprise.[60]
• 2 March 2011: The Governor General of Canada-in-Council authorised, on the advice of Prime Minister of Canada Stephen Harper, the deployment of the Royal Canadian Navy frigate HMCS Charlottetown to the Mediterranean, off the coast of Libya.[61] Canadian National Defence Minister Peter MacKay stated that "[w]e are there for all inevitabilities. And NATO is looking at this as well ... This is taken as a precautionary and staged measure."[60]
• 7 March 2011: US Ambassador to NATO Ivo Daalder announced that NATO decided to step up surveillance missions of E-3 AWACS aircraft to twenty-four hours a day. On the same day, it was reported that an anonymous UN diplomat confirmed to Agence France Presse that France and Britain were drawing up a resolution on the no-fly zone that would be considered by the UN Security Council during the same week.[47] The Gulf Cooperation Council also on that day called upon the UN Security Council to "take all necessary measures to protect civilians, including enforcing a no-fly zone over Libya."
• 9 March 2011: The head of the Libyan National Transitional Council, Mustafa Abdul Jalil, "pleaded for the international community to move quickly to impose a no-fly zone over Libya, declaring that any delay would result in more casualties."[44] Three days later, he stated that if pro-Gaddafi forces reached Benghazi, then they would kill "half a million" people. He stated, "If there is no no-fly zone imposed on Gaddafi's regime, and his ships are not checked, we will have a catastrophe in Libya."[45]
• 10 March 2011: France recognized the Libyan NTC as the legitimate government of Libya soon after Sarkozy met with them in Paris. This meeting was arranged by Bernard-Henri Lévy.[62]
• 12 March 2011: The Arab League "called on the United Nations Security Council to impose a no-fly zone over Libya in a bid to protect civilians from air attack."[52][53][54][63] The Arab League's request was announced by Omani Foreign Minister Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah, who stated that all member states present at the meeting agreed with the proposal.[52] On 12 March, thousands of Libyan women marched in the streets of the rebel-held town of Benghazi, calling for the imposition of a no-fly zone over Libya.[46]
• 14 March 2011: In Paris at the Élysée Palace, before the summit with the G8 Minister for Foreign Affairs, Sarkozy, who is also the president of the G8, along with French Foreign Minister Alain Juppé met with US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and pressed her to push for intervention in Libya.[64]

• 15 March 2011: A resolution for a no-fly zone was proposed by Nawaf Salam, Lebanon's Ambassador to the UN. The resolution was immediately backed by France and the United Kingdom.[65]
• 17 March 2011: The UN Security Council, acting under the authority of Chapter VII of the UN Charter, approved a no-fly zone by a vote of ten in favour, zero against, and five abstentions, via United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973. The five abstentions were: Brazil, Russia, India, China, and Germany.[55][56][57][66][67] Less than twenty-four hours later, Libya announced that it would halt all military operations in response to the UN Security Council resolution.[68][69]

Libyan anti-government rebels, 1 March 2011

• 18 March 2011: The Libyan foreign minister, Moussa Koussa, said that he had declared a ceasefire, attributing the UN resolution.[70] However, artillery shelling on Misrata and Ajdabiya continued, and government soldiers continued approaching Benghazi.[21][71] Government troops and tanks entered the city on 19 March.[72] Artillery and mortars were also fired into the city.[73]
• 18 March 2011: U.S. President Barack Obama orders military air strikes against Muammar Gaddafi's forces in Libya in his address to the nation from the White House.[74] US President Obama later held a meeting with eighteen senior lawmakers at the White House on the afternoon of 18 March[75]
• 19 March 2011: French[76] forces began the military intervention in Libya, later joined by coalition forces with strikes against armoured units south of Benghazi and attacks on Libyan air-defense systems, as UN Security Council Resolution 1973 called for using "all necessary means" to protect civilians and civilian-populated areas from attack, imposed a no-fly zone, and called for an immediate and with-standing cease-fire, while also strengthening travel bans on members of the regime, arms embargoes, and asset freezes.[20]
• 21 March 2011: Obama sent a letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President Pro Tempore of the Senate claiming the actions were justified under the War Powers Resolution.[77]
• 24 March 2011: In telephone negotiations, French foreign minister Alain Juppé agreed to let NATO take over all military operations on 29 March at the latest, allowing Turkey to veto strikes on Gaddafi ground forces from that point forward.[78] Later reports stated that NATO would take over enforcement of the no-fly zone and the arms embargo, but discussions were still under way about whether NATO would take over the protection of civilians mission. Turkey reportedly wanted the power to veto airstrikes, while France wanted to prevent Turkey from having such a veto.[79][80]
• 25 March 2011: NATO Allied Joint Force Command in Naples took command of the no-fly zone over Libya and combined it with the ongoing arms embargo operation under the name Operation Unified Protector.[81]
• 26 March 2011: Obama addressed the nation from the White House, providing an update on the current state of the military intervention in Libya.[82]

• 28 March 2011: Obama addressed the American people on the rationale for U.S. military intervention with NATO forces in Libya at the National Defense University.[83]
• 20 October 2011: When Hillary Clinton learned of the death of Muammar Gaddafi she was covered to have said: "We came, we saw, he died" in paraphrasing the famous quote of the Roman imperator Julius Caesar veni, vidi, vici.[84]

• NATO: Operation Unified Protector

Before NATO took full command of operations at 06:00 GMT on 31 March 2011, the military intervention in the form of a no-fly zone and naval blockade was split between different national operations:

• France: Opération Harmattan
• United Kingdom: Operation Ellamy
• Canada: Operation Mobile
• United States: Operation Odyssey Dawn – Belgium, Denmark, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Qatar, Spain, Greece and the United Arab Emirates placed their national contributions under U.S. command

These are the forces committed in alphabetical order.

USS Barry fires a Tomahawk cruise missile on 19 March 2011

• Belgium: Six F-16 Fighting Falcon fighter jets of the Belgian Air Component, were already stationed at Araxos, Greece for an exercise, and flew their first mission in the afternoon of 21 March. They monitored the no-fly zone throughout the operation and have successfully attacked ground targets multiple times since 27 March, all of them without collateral damage. The Belgian Naval Component minehunter Narcis was part of NATO's SNMCMG1 at the start of the operation and assisted in NATO's naval blockade from 23 March. The ship was later replaced by the minehunter Lobelia in August.
• Bulgaria: The Bulgarian Navy Wielingen-class frigate Drazki participated in the naval blockade, along with a number of "special naval forces", two medical teams and other humanitarian help.[92][93][94] The frigate left port on 27 April and arrived off the coast of Libya on 2 May.[95] It patrolled for one month before returning to Bulgaria, with a supply stop at the Greek port of Souda.
• Canada: The Royal Canadian Air Force deployed seven (six front line, one reserve) CF-18 fighter jets, two CC-150 Polaris refueling airplanes, two CC-177 Globemaster III heavy transports, two CC-130J Super Hercules tactical transports, and two CP-140 Aurora maritime patrol aircraft. The Royal Canadian Navy deployed the Halifax-class frigates HMCS Charlottetown and HMCS Vancouver. A total of 440 Canadian Forces personnel participated in Operation Mobile. There were reports that special operations were being conducted by Joint Task Force 2 in association with Britain's Special Air Service (SAS) and Special Boat Service (SBS) as part of Canada's contribution.[96][97][98][99][100]

Palmarias of the Libyan Army, destroyed by French air force near Benghazi, 19 March

• Denmark: The Royal Danish Air Force participated with six F-16AM fighters, one C-130J-30 Super Hercules military transport plane and the corresponding ground crews. Only four F-16s were used for offensive operations, while the remaining two acted as reserves.[101] The first mission by Danish aircraft was flown on 20 March and the first strikes were carried out on 23 March, with four aircraft making twelve sorties as part of Operation Odyssey Dawn.[102] Danish F-16s flew a total of 43 missions dropping 107 precision bombs during Odyssey Dawn before switching to NATO command under Unified Protector[103] Danish flights bombed approximately 17% of all targets in Libya and together with Norwegian flights proved to be the most efficient in proportion to the number of flights involved.[104] Danish F-16s flew the last fast-jet mission of Operation Unified Protector on 31 October 2011[105] finishing with a total of 599 missions flown and 923 precision bombs dropped during the entire Libya intervention.[106]
• France: French Air Force, which flew the highest percentage of NATO's strikes (35%), participated in the mission with 18 Mirage, 19 Rafale, 6 Mirage F1, 6 Super Etendard, 2 E-2 Hawkeye, 3 Eurocopter Tiger, 16 Aérospatiale Gazelle aircraft. In addition, the French Navy anti-air destroyer Forbin and the frigate Jean Bart participated in the operations.[107] On 22 March, the aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle arrived in international waters near Crete to provide military planners with a rapid-response air combat capability.[108] Accompanying Charles de Gaulle were the frigates Dupleix, Aconit, the fleet replenishment tanker Meuse, and one Rubis-class nuclear attack submarine.[109] France did station three Mirage 2000-5 aircraft and 6 Mirage 2000D at Souda Bay, Crete.[110] France also sent an amphibious assault helicopter carrier, the Tonnerre (relieved on July 14h by Mistral[111]), carrying 19 rotorcraft to operate off the coast of Libya.[112] French Air Force and Navy flew 5 600 sorties[113] (3100 CAS, 1200 reconnaissance, 400 air superiority, 340 air control, 580 air refueling) and delivered 1205 precision guided munitions (950 LGB and 225 AASM " hammer " missile, 15 SCALP missiles).[114] Helicopters forces from Army Aviation aboard Tonnerre and Mistral LHD performed 41 nights raids / 316 sorties, destroyed 450 military objectives. The ammunition delivered were 432 Hot Missiles, 1500 68-mm rockets and 13 500 20- and 30-mm shell) by Gazelle and Tigre helicopters. French Navy provided Naval gunfire support and fired 3000 76- and 100-mm shells on (Jean Bart, Lafayette, Forbin, Chevalier Paul destroyers).

Damage to aircraft shelters at Ghardabiya Airfield near Sirte, 20 March

• Greece: The Elli-class frigate Limnos of the Hellenic Navy was deployed to the waters off Libya as part of the naval blockade.[115] The Hellenic Air Force provided Super Puma search-and-rescue helicopters and few Embraer 145 AEW&C airborne radar planes.[110][116][117][118]
• Italy: At the beginning of the operation, as a contribution to enforce the no-fly zone, the Italian government committed four Tornado ECRs of the Italian Air Force in SEAD operations, supported by two Tornado IDS variants in an air-to-air refueling role and four F-16 ADF fighters as escort.[119] After the transfer of authority to NATO and the decision to participate in strike air-ground operations, the Italian government increased the Italian contribution by adding four Italian Navy AV-8B plus (from Italian aircraft carrier Giuseppe Garibaldi), four Italian Air Force Eurofighters, and four Tornado IDSs under NATO command. Other assets under national command participated in air patrolling and air refueling missions.[120] As of 24 March, the Italian Navy was engaged in Operation Unified Protector with the light aircraft carrier Giuseppe Garibaldi, the Maestrale-class frigate Libeccio and the auxiliary ship Etna.[121] Additionally, the Orizzonte-class destroyer Andrea Doria and Maestrale-class frigate Euro were patrolling off the Sicilian coast in an air-defence role.[122][123] At a later stage, Italy increased its contribution to the NATO led mission by doubling the number of AV-8B Harriers and deploying an undisclosed number of AMX fighter-bombers and KC-130J and KC-767A tanker planes. The Italian Air Force also deployed its MQ-9A Reaper UAVs for real time video reconnaissance.[124]

U.S. Air Force F-16 return to Aviano Air Base in Italy after supporting Operation Odyssey Dawn, 20 March

• Jordan: Six Royal Jordanian Air Force fighter jets landed at a coalition airbase in Europe on 4 April to provide "logistical support" and act as an escort for Jordanian transport aircraft using the humanitarian corridor to deliver aid and supplies to opposition-held Cyrenaica, according to Foreign Minister Nasser Judeh. He did not specify the type of aircraft or what specific roles they may be called upon to perform, though he said they were not intended for combat.[125]
• NATO: E-3 airborne early warning and control (AWACS) aircraft operated by NATO and crewed by member states help monitor airspace over the Mediterranean and in Libya.[126]
• Netherlands: The Royal Netherlands Air Force provided six F-16AM fighters and a KDC-10 refueling plane. These aircraft were stationed at the Decimomannu Air Base on Sardinia. The four F-16s were flying patrols over Libya, while the other two were being kept in reserve.[127] Additionally, the Royal Netherlands Navy deployed the Tripartite-class minehunter HNLMS Haarlem to assist in enforcing the weapons embargo.[128]
• Norway: The Royal Norwegian Air Force deployed six F-16AM fighters to Souda Bay Air Base with corresponding ground crews.[129][130][131] On 24 March, the Norwegian F-16s were assigned to the US North African command and Operation Odyssey Dawn. It was also reported that Norwegian fighters along with Danish fighters had bombed the most targets in Libya in proportion to the number of planes involved.[104] On 24 June, the number of fighters deployed was reduced from six to four.[132] The Norwegian participation in the military efforts against the Libyan government came to an end in late July 2011, by which time Norwegian aircraft had dropped 588 bombs and carried out 615 of the 6493 NATO missions between 31 March and 1 August (not including 19 bombs dropped and 32 missions carried out under operation Odyssey Dawn). 75% of the missions performed by the Royal Norwegian Air Force was so called SCAR (Strike Coordination and Reconnaissance) missions. US military sources confirmed that on the night of 25 April, two F-16s from the Royal Norwegian Air Force bombed the residence of Gaddafi inside Tripoli.[133][134]

RAF Tornado GR4 attacks Libyan warship in Al Khums naval base, 20 May 2011

• Qatar: The Qatar Armed Forces contributed with six Mirage 2000-5EDA fighter jets and two C-17 strategic transport aircraft to coalition no-fly zone enforcement efforts.[135] The Qatari aircraft were stationed in Crete.[108] At later stages in the Operation, Qatari Special Forces had been assisting in operations, including the training of the Tripoli Brigade and rebel forces in Benghazi and the Nafusa mountains. Qatar also brought small groups of Libyans to Qatar for small-unit leadership training in preparation for the rebel advance on Tripoli in August.[136]
• Romania: The Romanian Naval Forces participated in the naval blockade with the frigate Regele Ferdinand.[137]
• Spain: The Spanish Armed Forces participated with six F-18 fighters, two Boeing 707-331B(KC) tanker aircraft, the Álvaro de Bazán-class frigate Méndez Núñez, the submarine Tramontana and two CN-235 MPA maritime surveillance plane. Spain participated in air control and maritime surveillance missions to prevent the inflow of arms to the Libyan regime. Spain also made available to NATO the Spanish air base at Rota.[138]
• Sweden: The Swedish Air Force committed eight JAS 39 Gripen jets for the international air campaign after being asked by NATO to take part in the operations on 28 March.[139][140][141] Sweden also sent a Saab 340 AEW&C for airborne early warning and control and a C-130 Hercules for aerial refueling.[142] Sweden was the only country neither a member of NATO nor the Arab League to participate in the no-fly zone.
• Turkey: The Turkish Navy participated by sending the Barbaros-class frigates, TCG Yildirim & TCG Orucreis, the Oliver Hazard Perry-class frigates, TCG Gemlik & TCG Giresun, the tanker TCG Akar, and the submarine TCG Yildiray.[143] in the NATO-led naval blockade to enforce the arms embargo. It also provided six F-16 Fighting Falcon jets for aerial operations.[144] On 24 March, Turkey's parliament approved Turkish participation in military operations in Libya, including enforcing the no-fly zone in Libya.[145]

RAF Tornado GR4 targeting Libyan tank, 12 April

• United Arab Emirates: On 24 March, the United Arab Emirates Air Force sent six F-16 Fighting Falcon and six Mirage 2000 fighter jets to join the mission. This was also the first combat deployment of the Desert Falcon variant of F-16, which was the most sophisticated F-16 variant at the time. The planes were based at the Italian Decimomannu air base on Sardinia.[146][147]
• United Kingdom: The United Kingdom deployed the Royal Navy frigates HMS Westminster and HMS Cumberland, nuclear attack submarines HMS Triumph and HMS Turbulent, the destroyer HMS Liverpool and the mine countermeasure vessel HMS Brocklesby.[148] The Royal Air Force participated with 16 Tornado and 10 Typhoon fighters[149] operating initially from Great Britain, but later forward deployed to the Italian base at Gioia del Colle. Nimrod R1 and Sentinel R1 surveillance aircraft were forward deployed to RAF Akrotiri in support of the action. In addition the RAF deployed a number of other support aircraft such as the Sentry AEW.1 AWACS aircraft and VC10 air-to-air refueling tankers. According to anonymous sources, members of the SAS, SBS and Special Reconnaissance Regiment (SRR) helped to coordinate the air strikes on the ground in Libya.[150] On 27 May, the UK deployed four UK Apache helicopters on board HMS Ocean.[151]
• United States: The United States deployed a naval force of 11 ships, including the amphibious assault ship USS Kearsarge, the amphibious transport dock USS Ponce, the guided-missile destroyers USS Barry and USS Stout, the nuclear attack submarines USS Providence and USS Scranton, the cruise missile submarine USS Florida and the amphibious command ship USS Mount Whitney.[152][153] Additionally, A-10 ground-attack aircraft, two B-1B bombers,[154] three Northrop Grumman B-2 Spirit stealth bombers,[155] AV-8B Harrier II jump-jets, EA-18G Growler electronic warfare aircraft, P-3 Orions, and both McDonnell Douglas F-15E Strike Eagle[156] and F-16 fighters were involved in action over Libya.[157] U-2 reconnaissance aircraft were stationed on Cyprus. On 18 March, two AC-130Us arrived at RAF Mildenhall as well as additional tanker aircraft. On 24 March 2 E-8Cs operated from Naval Station Rota Spain, which indicated an increase of ground attacks. An undisclosed number of CIA operatives were said to be in Libya to gather intelligence for airstrikes and make contacts with rebels.[158] The US also used MQ-1 Predator UAVs to strike targets in Libya on 23 April.[159]

• 
  USS Florida launching a Tomahawk cruise missile
• 
  Naval blockade by British frigate HMS Cumberland (here pictured with USS Dwight D. Eisenhower in view)
• 
  Italian aircraft carrier Giuseppe Garibaldi
• 
  French aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle
• 
  Naval blockade by Romanian frigate Regele Ferdinand
• 
  American stealth bomber, B-2 Spirit
• 
  Qatari Dassault Mirage 2000 fighter jet
• 
  Eurofighter Typhoon of the Italian Air Force
• 
  Swedish Saab S 100B Argus airborne early warning
• 
  Spanish KC-135 refuels two F-18s
• 
  A CF-18 Hornet of the Royal Canadian Air Force
• 
  An F-16 Fighting Falcon of the Belgian Air Component
• 
  French Destroyer Chevalier Paul provided naval gun support
• 
  Italian Destroyer Andrea Doria provided air-defence role
• 
  French Assault ship Tonnere
• 
  French Rafale receives fuel from a KC-10

A Qatari C-17 transport plane at Incirlik Air Base, Turkey.

• France: Saint-Dizier, Dijon, Nancy, Istres, Solenzara, Avord[160]
• Greece: Souda, Aktion, Araxos, and Andravida[108][118][161]
• Italy: Amendola, Decimomannu, Gioia del Colle, Trapani, Pantelleria, Capodichino[162]
• Spain: Rota, Morón, Torrejón[163]
• Turkey: Incirlik, İzmir[164][165]
• United Kingdom: RAF Akrotiri, RAF Marham, RAF Waddington, RAF Leuchars, RAF Brize Norton, Aviano (IT)[166]
• United States: Aviano (IT), RAF Lakenheath (UK), RAF Mildenhall (UK), Sigonella (IT), Spangdahlem (GE),[167] Ellsworth AFB (US)

• Albania: Albanian Prime Minister Sali Berisha said that Albania is ready to help. Prime Minister Berisha supported the decision of the coalition to protect civilians from the Libyan regime of Gaddafi. Berisha also offered assistance to facilitate the international coalition actions. In a press release from the Prime Ministry, these operations are considered entirely legitimate, with their main objective being the protection of freedom and the universal rights that Libyans deserve.[168] On 29 March, Foreign Minister Edmond Haxhinasto said Albania would open its airspace and territorial waters to coalition forces and said its seaports and airports were at the coalition's disposal upon request. Haxhinasto also suggested that Albania could make a "humanitarian" contribution to international efforts.[169] In mid-April, the International Business Times listed Albania alongside several other NATO member states, including Romania and Turkey, that have made "modest" contributions to the military effort, although it did not go into detail.[170]
• Australia: Prime Minister Julia Gillard and others in her Labor government have said Australia will not contribute militarily to enforcement of the UN mandate despite registering strong support for its implementation, but the opposition Liberal Party's defence spokesman has called upon the government to consider dispatching Australian military assets if requested by NATO.[171] Defence Minister Stephen Smith said the government would be willing to send C-17 Globemaster heavy transport planes for use in international operations "as part of a humanitarian contribution", if needed.[172] Foreign Minister Kevin Rudd described Australia as the "third largest [humanitarian contributor to Libya] globally after the United States and the European Union" on 27 April, after a humanitarian aid ship funded by the Australian government docked in Misurata.[173]
• Croatia: President Ivo Josipović said that if it becomes necessary Croatia will honour its NATO membership and participate in the actions in Libya. He also stressed that while Croatia is ready for military participation according to its capabilities, it will mostly endeavor to help on the humanitarian side.[174] On 29 April, the government announced it planned to send two Croatian Army officers to assist with Operation Unified Protector pending formal presidential and parliamentary approval.[175]
• Cyprus: After the passage of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973, President Demetris Christofias asked the British government not to use its military base at Akrotiri, an overseas territory of the United Kingdom on the island of Cyprus, in support of the intervention, though this request had no legal weight as Nicosia cannot legally bar the United Kingdom from using the base.[176] The Cypriot government reluctantly allowed Qatar Emiri Air Force fighter jets and a transport plane to refuel at Larnaca International Airport on 22 March after their pilots declared a fuel emergency while in transit to Crete for participation in international military operations.[177]
• Estonia: Foreign Minister Urmas Paet said on 18 March that his country has no current plans to join in military operations in Libya, but it would be willing to participate if called upon to do so by NATO or the European Union.[178] The Estonian Air Force does not presently operate any fighter aircraft, though it does operate a few helicopters and transport planes.
• European Union: Finnish foreign minister Alexander Stubb announced that the proposed EUFOR Libya operation is being prepared, waiting for a request from the UN.[179]
• Germany: Germany has withdrawn all forces from NATO operations in the Mediterranean Sea as its government decided not to take part in any military operations against Libya. However, it is increasing the number of AWACS personnel in Afghanistan by up to 300 to free forces of other states. Germany allows the usage of military installations on its territory for the intervention in Libya.[180][181][182][183] On 8 April, German officials suggested that Germany could potentially contribute troops to "[ensure] with military means that humanitarian aid gets to those who need it".[184] As of early June, the German government is reportedly considering opening a center for training police in Benghazi.[185] On 24 July, Germany lent €100 million Euros ($144 million USD) to the rebels for "civilian and humanitarian purposes".
• Indonesia: President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono called for a ceasefire by all sides, but said that if a UN peacekeeping force was established to monitor a potential truce, "Indonesia is more than willing to take part."[186]
• Kuwait: The Arab state will make a "logistic contribution", according to the British Prime Minister David Cameron.[187][188]
• Malta: Prime Minister Lawrence Gonzi said no coalition forces would be allowed to stage from military bases in Malta, but Maltese airspace would be open to international forces involved in the intervention.[189] On 20 April, two French Mirages were reportedly allowed to make emergency landings in Malta after running low on fuel.[190]
• Poland: US Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, UK Secretary of Defence Liam Fox, and NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen have urged the Polish government to contribute to military operations. As of June 2011, Warsaw has not committed to participation.[191]
• Sudan: The government has "quietly granted permission" for coalition states to traverse its airspace for operations in the Libyan theater if necessary, Reuters reported in late March.[192]

The military intervention in Libya has been cited by the Council on Foreign Relations as an example of the responsibility to protect policy adopted by the UN at the 2005 World Summit.[228] According to Gareth Evans, "[t]he international military intervention (SMH) in Libya is not about bombing for democracy or Muammar Gaddafi's head. Legally, morally, politically, and militarily it has only one justification: protecting the country's people."[228] However, the council also noted that the policy had been used only in Libya, and not in countries such as Côte d'Ivoire, undergoing a political crisis at the time, or in response to protests in Yemen.[228] A CFR expert, Stewert Patrick, said that "There is bound to be selectivity and inconsistency in the application of the responsibility to protect norm given the complexity of national interests at stake in...the calculations of other major powers involved in these situations."[228] In January 2012, the Arab Organization for Human Rights, Palestinian Centre for Human Rights and the International Legal Assistance Consortium published a report describing alleged human rights violations and accusing NATO of war crimes.[229]

On 3 June 2011, the U.S. House of Representatives passed a resolution, calling for a withdrawal of the United States military from the air and naval operations in and around Libya. It demanded that the administration provide, within 14 days, explanation of why the President Barack Obama did not come to Congress for permission to continue to take part in the mission.[230]

On 13 June, the House passed a resolution prohibiting the use of funds for operations in the conflict, with 110 Democrats and 138 Republicans voting in favor.[231][232] Harold Koh, the State department's legal advisor, was called to testify in front of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations to defend the actions of the Obama administration under the War Powers Resolution.[233] Koh was questioned by the Committee on the Obama administration's interpretation of the word "hostilities" under the War Powers Resolution § 4(a)(1) and 5(b).[233] Koh reasoned that under the constitution, the term "hostilities" was left up for interpretation by the executive branch, and therefore the interpretation fit the historical definition of that word. Koh argued that historically the term "hostilities" has previously been used to mean limited military action acting in support of a conflict, and the scope of this operation suits that interpretation.[234] Ultimately the Committee still remained concerned by the actions of the President.[234]

On 24 June, the House rejected Joint Resolution 68, which would have provided the Obama administration with authorization to continue military operations in Libya for up to one year.[235]

Protest in Belgrade, Serbia on 26 March 2011 against military intervention in Libya

Protest in Minneapolis, United States on 2 April 2011 against US military intervention in Libya

The military intervention was criticized, both at the time and subsequently, on a variety of grounds.

An in depth investigation into the Libyan intervention and its aftermath was conducted by the U.K. Parliament's House of Commons' cross-party Foreign Affairs Committee, the final conclusions of which were released on 14 September 2016 in a report titled Libya: Examination of intervention and collapse and the UK's future policy options. The Foreign Affairs Select Committee saw no evidence that the UK Government carried out a proper analysis of the nature of the rebellion in Libya and it "selectively took elements of Muammar Gaddafi's rhetoric at face value; and it failed to identify the militant Islamist extremist element in the rebellion. UK strategy was founded on erroneous assumptions and an incomplete understanding of the evidence".[236] The report was strongly critical of the British government's role in the intervention.[237][238] The report concluded that the government "failed to identify that the threat to civilians was overstated and that the rebels included a significant Islamist element."[239] In particular, the committee concluded that Gaddafi was not planning to massacre civilians, and that reports to the contrary were propagated by rebels and Western governments. Western leaders trumpeted the threat of the massacre of civilians without factual basis, according to the parliamentary report, for example, it had been reported to Western leaders that on 17 March 2011 Gaddafi had given Benghazi rebels the offer of peaceful surrender and also that when Gaddafi had earlier retaken other rebel cities there were no massacres of non-combatants.[240][241][242]

Alison Pargeter, a freelance Middle East and North Africa (MENA) analyst, told the Committee that when Gaddafi's forces re-took Ajdabiya they did not attack civilians, and this had taken place in February 2011, shortly before the NATO intervention.[243] She also said that Gaddafi's approach towards the rebels had been one of "appeasement", with the release of Islamist prisoners and promises of significant development assistance for Benghazi.[243]

According to the report, France's motive for initiating the intervention was economic and political as well as humanitarian. In a briefing to Hillary Clinton on 2 April 2011, her adviser Sidney Blumenthal reported that, according to high-level French intelligence, France's motives for overthrowing Gaddafi were to increase France's share of Libya's oil production, strengthen French influence in Africa, and improve President Sarkozy's standing at home.[244] The report also highlighted how Islamic extremists had a large influence on the uprising, which was largely ignored by the West to the future detriment of Libya.[237][238]

The American Libertarian Party opposed the U.S. military intervention and LP Chair Mark Hinkle in a statement described the position of the Libertarian Party: "President Obama's decision to order military attacks on Libya is only surprising to those who actually think he deserved the Nobel Peace Prize. He has now ordered bombing strikes in six different countries, adding Libya to Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, Somalia, and Yemen."[245] Former Green Party presidential candidate Ralph Nader branded President Obama as a "war criminal"[246] and called for his impeachment.[247]

Some critics of Western military intervention suggested that resources—not democratic or humanitarian concerns—were the real impetus for the intervention, among them a journalist of London Arab nationalist newspaper Al-Quds Al-Arabi, the Russian TV network RT and the (then-)leaders of Venezuela and Zimbabwe, Hugo Chávez and Robert Mugabe.[248][249][250] Gaddafi's Libya, despite its relatively small population, was known to possess vast resources, particularly in the form of oil reserves and financial capital.[251] Libya is a member of OPEC and one of the world's largest oil producers. It was producing roughly 1.6 million barrels a day before the war, nearly 70% of them through the state-owned National Oil Corporation.[252] Additionally, the country's sovereign wealth fund, the Libyan Investment Authority, was one of the largest in the world,[253] controlling assets worth approximately US$56 billion,[254] including over 100 tons of gold reserves in the Central Bank of Libya.[255]

The intervention prompted a widespread wave of criticism from several world leaders, including: Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei (who said he supported the rebels but not Western intervention[250]), Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez (who referred to Gaddafi as a "martyr"[249]), South African President Jacob Zuma,[256] and President of Zimbabwe Robert Mugabe (who referred to the Western nations as "vampires"[248]), as well as the governments of Raúl Castro in Cuba,[257] Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua,[258] Kim Jong-il in North Korea,[259] Hifikepunye Pohamba in Namibia,[260] Alexander Lukashenko in Belarus,[261][262][263] and others. Gaddafi himself referred to the intervention as a "colonial crusade … capable of unleashing a full-scale war",[264] a sentiment that was echoed by Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin: "[UNSC Resolution 1973] is defective and flawed...It allows everything. It resembles medieval calls for crusades."[265] President Hu Jintao of the People's Republic of China said, "Dialogue and other peaceful means are the ultimate solutions to problems," and added, "If military action brings disaster to civilians and causes a humanitarian crisis, then it runs counter to the purpose of the UN resolution."[266] Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was critical of the intervention as well, rebuking the coalition in a speech at the UN in September 2011.[267] Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, despite the substantial role his country played in the NATO mission, also spoke out against getting involved: "I had my hands tied by the vote of the parliament of my country. But I was against and I am against this intervention which will end in a way that no-one knows" and added "This wasn't a popular uprising because Gaddafi was loved by his people, as I was able to see when I went to Libya."[268][269]

Despite its stated opposition to NATO intervention, Russia abstained from voting on Resolution 1973 instead of exercising its veto power as a permanent member of the Security Council; four other powerful nations also abstained from the vote—India, China, Germany, and Brazil—but of that group only China has the same veto power.[270]

Military situation in Libya in early 2016:
House of Representatives General National Congress Ansar al-Sharia Islamic State Tuareg

Moreover, criticisms have been made on the way the operation was led. According to Michael Kometer and Stephen Wright, the outcome of the Libyan intervention was reached by default rather than by design. It appears that there was an important lack of consistent political guidance caused particularly by the vagueness of the UN mandate and the ambiguous consensus among the NATO-led coalition. This lack of clear political guidance was translated into an incoherent military planning on the operational level. Such a gap may impact the future NATO's operations that will probably face trust issues.[271]

A 2013 paper by Alan Kuperman argued that NATO went beyond its remit of providing protection for civilians and instead supported the rebels by engaging in regime change. It argued that NATO's intervention likely extended the length (and thus damage) of the civil war, which Kuperman argued could have ended in less than two months without NATO intervention. The paper argued that the intervention was based on a misperception of the danger Gadaffi's forces posed to the civilian population, which Kuperman suggests was caused by existing bias against Gadaffi due to his past actions (such as support for terrorism), sloppy and sensationalistic journalism during the early stages of the war and propaganda from anti-government forces. Kuperman suggests that this demonization of Gadaffi, which was used to justify the intervention, ended up discouraging efforts to accept a ceasefire and negotiated settlement, turning a humanitarian intervention into a dedicated regime change.[272]

Micah Zenko argues that the Obama administration deceived the public by pretending the intervention was intended to protect Libyan civilians instead of achieving regime change when "in truth, the Libyan intervention was about regime change from the very start".[273]