Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (Bengali: শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান; 17 March 1920 – 15 August 1975), often shortened as Sheikh Mujib or Mujib and widely known as Bangabandhu (meaning Friend of Bengal), was a Bengali politician, parliamentarian, diarist, and the founding leader of the People's Republic of Bangladesh. He served as the first President and later as the Prime Minister of Bangladesh from April 1971 until his assassination in August 1975.[5] He was a leader of the Awami League. Revered by many of his supporters as the Father of the Nation, Mujib successfully led Bangladesh into achieving independence from Pakistan in 1971.

Bangabandhu
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান
President of Bangladesh
In office
25 January 1975  15 August 1975
Prime MinisterMuhammad Mansur Ali
Preceded byMohammad Mohammadullah
Succeeded byKhondaker Mostaq Ahmad (Usurper)[lower-alpha 1]
Member of Jatiya Sangsad
In office
7 March 1972  15 August 1975
Preceded byConstituency established
Succeeded byJahangir Mohammad Adel
ConstituencyDhaka-12
Prime Minister of Bangladesh
In office
12 January 1972  24 January 1975
PresidentAbu Sayeed Chowdhury
Mohammad Mohammadullah
Preceded byTajuddin Ahmad
Succeeded byMuhammad Mansur Ali
President of Bangladesh Awami League
In office
1972–1974
Preceded byPosition established
Succeeded byAbul Hasnat Muhammad Qamaruzzaman
President of the Provisional Government
In office
17 April 1971  12 January 1972
Prime MinisterTajuddin Ahmad
Vice PresidentSyed Nazrul Islam
Preceded byPosition established
Succeeded byPosition abolished
President of Awami League
In office
1966–1971
Preceded byAbdur Rashid Tarkabagish
Succeeded byPosition abolished
Industries Minister of East Pakistan
In office
1956–1957
GovernorA. K. Fazlul Huq
Member of the National Assembly of Pakistan
In office
1955–1958
Prime MinisterChaudhry Mohammad Ali
Succeeded byFayakuzzaman
ConstituencyNE-35 (Faridpur-III)
Agriculture Minister of East Bengal
In office
3 April 1954  30 May 1954
GovernorChaudhry Khaliquzzaman
Member of East Bengal Legislative Assembly
In office
1954–1958
Preceded byConstituency established
Succeeded byConstituency abolished
ConstituencyGopalganj
General Secretary of Awami League
In office
1953–1966
Preceded byShamsul Huq
Succeeded byTajuddin Ahmad
Councillor of Bengal Provincial Muslim League
In office
1946–1948
Preceded byUnknown
Succeeded byUnknown
Personal details
Born(1920-03-17)17 March 1920
Tungipara, Faridpur District, Bengal, British India
(present-day Tungipara, Gopalganj, Bangladesh)
Died15 August 1975(1975-08-15) (aged 55)
Dacca, Bangladesh (present-day Dhanmondi, Dhaka)
Manner of deathAssassination
Resting placeMausoleum of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
NationalityBritish Indian (1920–1947)
Pakistani (1947–1971)
Bangladeshi (1971–1975)
Political partyBangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (1975)
Other political
affiliations
All-India Muslim League (1937–1947)
Muslim League (1947–1949)
Awami League (1949–1971)
Bangladesh Awami League (1971–1975)
SpouseBegum Fazilatunnesa
Children
Parents
  • Sheikh Lutfur Rahman (father)
  • Sheikh Sayera Khatun (mother)
RelativesSheikh–Wazed family
Alma materIslamia College, Calcutta (BA)
University of Dhaka[lower-alpha 2]
Signature
NicknameKhoka

Mujib emerged as a student activist in Bengal during the final years of the British Raj. He rose within the ranks of the Awami League as a fiery and charismatic orator. He became popular for his opposition to the ethnic and institutional discrimination of Bengalis in Pakistan, who comprised the largest ethnic group in the federation. He was elected to public office for the first time in 1954 and championed Bengali identity in Pakistan's constitution making process between 1955 and 1956. Mujib worked in the insurance industry on the sidelines of politics. At the heightening of tensions between East and West Pakistan, he outlined a six-point autonomy plan. He was often jailed for his protests against the Pakistani government. Mujib led the Awami League to win the first democratic election of Pakistan in 1970. Despite gaining a majority, the League was not invited by the ruling military junta to form a government. As civil disobedience erupted across East Pakistan, Mujib edged towards declaring the independence of Bangladesh in a historic speech. On 26 March 1971, Mujib declared Bangladesh's independence after the Pakistan Army responded to the mass protests with Operation Searchlight, in which Prime Minister–elect Mujib was arrested and flown to solitary confinement in West Pakistan, while the Bengali population suffered genocide. A nine-month war was fought in his name, which culminated in Pakistan's surrender on 16 December 1971. Mujib was released from Pakistani custody due to international pressure and returned home on 10 January 1972. The jubilation of Bangladeshis over the war's victory and Mujib's homecoming was tempered by the devastation and challenges faced by the new country.

Sheikh Mujib was a major populist leader of the 20th century. In governance, Mujib's legacies include the Constitution of Bangladesh, which was enacted within a year of Bangladesh's liberation; as well as the transformation of East Pakistan's state apparatus, bureaucracy, armed forces, and judiciary into an independent Bangladeshi state. He delivered the first Bengali speech to the UN General Assembly in 1974. Mujib's five year regime was the only socialist period in Bangladesh's history. In 1975, Mujib installed a one party state which lasted for seven months until his assassination. His legacy remains divisive among Bangladeshis due to economic mismanagement, the Bangladesh famine of 1974, human rights violations, and authoritarianism. Most Bangladeshis credit him for leading the country to independence in 1971. Many within and outside Bangladesh call him Bangabandhu out of respect. In a 2004 BBC opinion poll, Mujib was voted as the Greatest Bengali of all time and ranked first on the list followed by Rabindranath Tagore (2nd) and Kazi Nazrul Islam (3rd).[6]

Early life and activism

Mujib's birthplace in Tungipara village, Gopalganj
Mujib (standing right) with Mahatma Gandhi (seated center) and H. S. Suhrawardy (seated left) in Noakhali, 1946

Mujib was born in 1920 in the village of Tungipara in Gopalganj sub-division of Faridpur district in the province of Bengal in British India.[7] His father Sheikh Lutfur Rahman was a sheristadar (law clerk) in the courthouse of Gopalganj; Mujib's mother Sayera Khatun was a housewife. They were a middle class Bengali Muslim family. Mujib was the third child in a family of four daughters and two sons.[7] His parents nicknamed him "Khoka".[8]

In 1927, Mujib was enrolled in Gimadanga Primary School.[9] In 1929, he entered the third grade of Gopalganj Public School. His parents transferred him to Madaripur Islamia High School after two years.[10] Mujib withdrew from school in 1934 to undergo eye surgery. He returned to formal education after 4 years owing to the severity of the surgery and slow recovery.[11] He began showing signs of political leadership around this time. At the Gopalganj Missionary School, Mujib's political passion was noticed by Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, who was visiting the area along with A. K. Fazlul Huq. Mujib passed out from the Gopalganj Missionary School in 1942. Mujib moved to Calcutta for higher education. At the time, Calcutta was the capital of British Bengal and the largest city in undivided India. He studied liberal arts at the erstwhile Islamia College of Calcutta and lived in Baker Hostel.[12][13] Islamia College was one of the leading educational institutions for the Muslims of Bengal. He obtained his bachelor's degree from the college in 1947.[7] During his time in Calcutta, Sheikh Mujib became involved in the politics of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League, the All India Muslim Students Federation, the Indian independence movement and the Pakistan movement. In 1943, he was elected as a councillor of the Muslim League. In 1944, he was elected as secretary of the Faridpur District Association, a Calcutta-based association of residents from Faridpur. In 1946, at the height of the Pakistan movement, Mujib was elected as General Secretary of the Islamia College Students Union in Calcutta.[14] His political mentor Suhrawardy led the center-left faction of the Muslim League. Suhrawardy was responsible for creating 36 trade unions in Bengal, including unions for sailors, railway workers, jute and cotton mills workers, rickshaw pullers, cart drivers and other working class groups.[15] Mujib assisted Suhrawardy in these efforts and also worked to ensure protection for Muslim families during the violent days in the run up to partition.

After the partition of India, Mujib was admitted into the Law Department of the University of Dhaka. The university was created in 1921 as a residential university modelled on Oxford and Cambridge where students would be affiliated with colleges; but its residential character was dramatically changed after partition and students became affiliated with departments.[16][17] Mujib founded the Muslim Students League on 4 January 1948 as the student wing of the Muslim League in East Bengal. This organization later transformed into the Bangladesh Chhatra League. During the visit of Governor General Muhammad Ali Jinnah to Dhaka, it was declared that Urdu will be the sole national language of Pakistan. This sparked the Bengali Language Movement. Mujib became embroiled in the language movement, as well as left-wing trade unionism among Bengali factions of the Muslim League. Bengali factions eventually split away and formed the Awami Muslim League in 1949. These opposition political activities were targeted by the government and police. Mujib was arrested many times. In 1949, Mujib was expelled from Dhaka University on charges of inciting employees against the university. After 61 years, in 2010, the university withdrew its famously politically-motivated expulsion order.[7][18][19]

Leader of Pakistan

Mujib emerged as a major opposition figure in Pakistani politics between 1948 and 1971. He represented the Bengali grassroots. He had an uncanny ability to remember people by their first name regardless of whether they were political leaders, workers, or ordinary citizens. Mujib suffered repeated bouts of police detention due to his ability to instigate opposition protests against the Pakistani government. His movements were tracked by spies of the Pakistani government. He was accused of being a secessionist and an agent of India. East Pakistan's Intelligence Branch compiled many secret reports on his movements and political activities. The secret documents have been declassified by the Bangladeshi government. The formerly classified reports have also been published.[20]

Founding of the Awami League

Mujib, wearing a garland, in an open jeep with Shamsul Huq and Yar Mohammad Khan

The All Pakistan Awami Muslim League was founded on 23 June 1949 at the Rose Garden mansion on K. M. Das Lane in Old Dhaka.[21] Sheikh Mujib was elected as one of its joint secretaries.[21] The term "Muslim" was later dropped from the party's nomenclature. The Awami League sought to represent both Muslims and Pakistan's religious minorities, including Bengali Hindus and Pakistani Christians. Hence, it dropped "Muslim" from its name to appeal to the minority votebanks. Suhrawardy joined the party within a few years and became its main leader. He relied on Sheikh Mujib to organize his political activities in East Bengal. Mujib became Suhrawardy's political protégé. Prior to partition, Suhrawardy mooted the idea of an independent United Bengal. But in Pakistan, Suhrawardy reportedly preferred to preserve the unity of Pakistan in a federal framework; while Mujib supported autonomy and was open to the idea of East Bengali independence. Mujib reportedly remarked that "[t]he Bengalis had initially failed to appreciate a leader of Mr. Suhrawardy’s stature. By the time they learned to value him, they had run out of time".[22] At the federal level, the Awami League was led by Suhrawardy. At the provincial level, the League was led by Sheikh Mujib who was given a free reign over the party's activities by Suhrawardy. Mujib consolidated his control of the party. The Awami League veered away from the left-wing extremism of its founding president Maulana Bhashani. Under Suhrawardy and Mujib, the Awami League emerged as a centre-left party.

Mujib (left) with Maulana Bhashani (center) and Suhrawardy (right) in Tangail

Language Movement

The Awami League strongly backed the Bengali Language Movement. Bengalis argued that the Bengali language deserved to be a federal language on par with Urdu because Bengalis formed the largest ethnic group in Pakistan. The movement appealed to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan to declare both Urdu and Bengali as national languages, in addition to English. During a conference in Fazlul Huq Muslim Hall, Sheikh Mujib was instrumental in establishing the All-Party State Language Action Committee.[23] He was repeatedly arrested during the movement. When he was released from jail in 1948, he was greeted by a rally of the State Language Struggle Committee.[24] Mujib announced a nationwide student strike on 17 March 1948.[25][26]

In early January 1950, the Awami League held an anti-famine rally in Dhaka during the visit of Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan. Mujib was arrested for instigating the protests. On 26 January 1952, Pakistan's then Prime Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin reiterated that Urdu will be the only state language. Despite his imprisonment, Mujib played a key role in organizing protests by issuing instructions from jail to students and protestors. He played a key role in declaring 21 February 1952 as a strike day. Mujib went on hunger strike from 14 February 1952 in the prelude to the strike day. His own hunger strike lasted 13 days. On 26 February, he was released from jail amid the public outrage over police killings of protestors on 21 February, including Salam, Rafiq, Barkat, and Jabbar.[25][27][7][28][29][30]

United Front

Mujib (standing second from left on bottom row) with A. K. Fazlul Huq in the United Front cabinet, 1954
Mujib (center in bow tie) in Peking, 1956
Mujib at Tufts University in 1958

The League teamed up with other parties like the Krishak Praja Party of A. K. Fazlul Huq to form the United Front coalition. During the East Bengali legislative election, 1954, Mujib was elected to public office for the first time. He became a member of the East Bengal Legislative Assembly. This was the first election in East Bengal since the partition of India in 1947. The Awami League-led United Front secured a landslide victory of 223 seats in the 237 seats of the provincial assembly. Mujib himself won by a margin of 13,000 votes against his Muslim League rival Wahiduzzaman in Gopalganj.[31] A. K. Fazlul Huq became Chief Minister and inducted Mujib into his cabinet. Mujib's initial portfolios were agriculture and forestry.[31] After taking oath on 15 May 1954, Chief Minister Huq traveled with ministers to India and West Pakistan. The coalition government was dismissed on 30 May 1954. Mujib was arrested upon his return to Dhaka from Karachi. He was released on 23 December 1954. Governor's rule was imposed in East Bengal.[32] The elected government was eventually restored in 1955.

On 5 June 1955, Mujib was elected to a newly reconstituted second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. The Awami League organized a huge public meeting at Paltan Maidan in Dhaka on 17 June 1955 which outlined 21 points demanding autonomy for Pakistan's provinces. Mujib was a forceful orator at the assembly in Karachi. He opposed the government's plan to rename East Bengal as East Pakistan as part of the One Unit scheme. On 25 August 1955, he delivered the following speech.

Sir [President of the Constituent Assembly], you will see that they want to use the phrase 'East Pakistan' instead of 'East Bengal'. We have demanded many times that you should use Bengal instead of Pakistan. The word Bengal has a history and tradition of its own. You can change it only after the people have been consulted. If you want to change, we have to go back to Bengal and ask them whether they are ready to accept it. So far as the question of one unit is concerned it can be incorporated in the constitution. Why do you want it to be taken up right now? What about the state language, Bengali? We are prepared to consider one unit with all these things. So, I appeal to my friends on the other side to allow the people to give their verdict in any way, in the form of referendum or in the form of plebiscite.[33]

Mujib later became provincial minister of commerce and industries in the cabinet of Ataur Rahman Khan. These portfolios allowed Mujib to consolidate his popularity among the working class. The Awami League's demand for Bengali as a federal language was successfully implemented in the 1956 constitution, which declared Urdu, Bengali and English as national languages. East Bengal, however, was renamed East Pakistan. In 1957, Mujib visited the People's Republic of China. In 1958, he toured the United States as part of the State Department's International Visitor Leadership Program.[34][35] In 1957, he resigned from the provincial cabinet to work full time for the Awami League as a party organizer.[36] Between 1956 and 1957, his mentor Suhrawardy served as the 5th Prime Minister of Pakistan. Suhrawardy strengthened Pakistan's relations with the United States and China. Suhrawardy was a strong supporter of Pakistan's membership in SEATO and CENTO.[37] Suhrawardy's pro-Western foreign policy caused Maulana Bhashani to break away from the Awami League to form the National Awami Party. But Mujib remained loyal to Suhrawardy.

The 1958 Pakistani coup d'état ended Pakistan's first era of parliamentary democracy. The 1956 constitution was abolished. Martial law was imposed. General Ayub Khan emerged as the country's dictator. Many politicians were imprisoned and disqualified from holding public office, including Mujib's mentor Suhrawardy.[38] A new constitution was introduced by Ayub Khan which curtailed universal suffrage and empowered electoral colleges to elect the country's parliament.[39][40]

Mujib joined the Alpha Insurance Company in 1960. He continued to work in the insurance industry for many years.[41][42][43]

Six point movement

Mujib during his early career
Mujib addressing a rally in Paltan Maidan
Mujib with Awami League leaders, including Tajuddin Ahmad and Syed Nazrul Islam
Mujib waving to crowns from a train
Mujib with leaders of the Awami League, including Syeda Sajeda Chowdhury and Tajuddin Ahmad

Following Suhrawardy's death in 1963, Mujib became General Secretary of the All Pakistan Awami League with Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan as its titular president.[44][45][46] The party had dropped the word "Muslim" from its name in a shift towards secularism and a broader appeal to non-Muslim communities. Mujib was one of the key leaders to rally opposition to President Ayub Khan's Basic Democracies plan, the imposition of martial law and the one-unit scheme, which centralized power and merged the provinces.[47] Working with other political parties, he supported opposition candidate Fatima Jinnah against Ayub Khan in the 1964 election.[48] Mujib was arrested two weeks before the election, charged with sedition and jailed for a year.[30] In these years, there was rising discontent in East Pakistan over the atrocities committed by the Pakistani Armed Forces against Bengalis, and the neglect of the issues and needs of East Pakistan by the ruling regime.[49] Despite forming a majority of the population, Bengalis were poorly represented in Pakistan's civil services, police and military.[50] There were also conflicts between the allocation of revenues and taxation.[51] The 1965 war between India and Pakistan also revealed the markable vulnerability of East Pakistan compared to West Pakistan.

Unrest over continuing denial of democracy spread across Pakistan and Mujib intensified his opposition to the disbandment of provinces. In 1966, Mujib proclaimed a 6-point plan titled Our Charter of Survival at a national conference of opposition political parties at Lahore,[7] in which he demanded self-government and considerable political, economic and defence autonomy for East Pakistan in a Pakistani federation with a weak central government.[47] According to his plan:

  1. The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the Lahore Resolution and the parliamentary form of government with supremacy of a legislature directly elected on the basis of the universal adult franchise.
  2. The federal government should deal with only two subjects: defense and foreign affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall be vested in the federating states.
  3. Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate banking reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan.
  4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units and the federal center will have no such power. The Federation will be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures.
  5. There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries.
  6. East Pakistan should have a separate militia or paramilitary forces.

Mujib's points catalysed public support across East Pakistan, launching what some historians have termed the 6-point movement – recognized as the definitive gambit for autonomy and rights of Bengalis in Pakistan.[52][53] Mujib obtained the broad support of Bengalis, including the Hindu populace, and other religious communities in East Pakistan. However, his demands were considered radical in West Pakistan and interpreted as thinly veiled separatism. The proposals alienated West Pakistani people and politicians, as well as non-Bengalis and Muslim fundamentalists in East Pakistan.[54][55]

Agartala Conspiracy Case

Mujib was arrested by the Pakistan Army and after two years in jail, an official sedition trial in a military court opened. Widely known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case, Mujib and 34 Bengali military officers were accused by the government of colluding with Indian government agents in a scheme to divide Pakistan and threaten its unity, order and national security. The plot was alleged to have been planned in the city of Agartala, in the Indian state of Tripura.[7] The outcry and unrest over Mujib's arrest and the charge of sedition against him destabilised East Pakistan amidst large protests and strikes. Various Bengali political and student groups added demands to address the issues of students, workers and the poor, forming a larger "11-point plan". The government caved to the mounting pressure, dropped the charges on 22 February 1969 and unconditionally released Mujib the following day. He returned to East Pakistan as a public hero.[56] He was given a mass reception on 23 February, at Racecourse ground and conferred with the title Bangabandhu, meaning Friend of the Bengal in Bengali.[56]

Joining an all-parties conference convened by Ayub Khan, President of Pakistan, in 1969, Mujib demanded the acceptance of his six points and the demands of other political parties and walked out following its rejection. On 5 December 1969 Mujib made a declaration at a public meeting, held to observe the death anniversary of Suhrawardy, that henceforth East Pakistan would be called "Bangladesh":

There was a time when all efforts were made to erase the word "Bangla" from this land and its map. The existence of the word "Bangla" was found nowhere except in the term Bay of Bengal. I on behalf of Pakistan announce today that this land will be called "Bangladesh" instead of East Pakistan.[30]

Mujib's declaration heightened tensions across the country. The West Pakistani politicians and the military began to see him as a separatist leader. His assertion of Bengali cultural and ethnic identity also re-defined the debate over regional autonomy.[57] Many scholars and observers believed the Bengali agitation emphasised the rejection of the Two-Nation Theory – the case upon which Pakistan had been created – by asserting the ethno-cultural identity of Bengalis as a nation.[58] Mujib was able to galvanize support throughout East Pakistan, which was home to a majority of the national population, thus making him one of the most powerful political figures in the Indian subcontinent. It was following his 6-point plan that Mujib was increasingly referred to by his supporters as Bangabandhu.[56][57]

1970 elections and civil disobedience

Mujib campaigning before the 1970 election

On 12 November 1970 a major coastal cyclone the, 1970 Bhola cyclone, struck East Pakistan leaving hundreds of thousands dead and millions displaced. Bengalis were outraged, and unrest began because of what was considered the weak and ineffective response of the central government to the disaster.[59][60] Public opinion and political parties in East Pakistan blamed the governing authorities as intentionally negligent. The West Pakistani politicians attacked the Awami League for allegedly using the crisis for political gain. The dissatisfaction led to divisions within the civil services, police and Pakistani Armed Forces.[59][61]

In the Pakistani general elections held on 7 December 1970, the Awami League under Mujib's leadership won a massive majority in the provincial legislature, and all but two of East Pakistan's quota of seats in the new National Assembly of Pakistan, thus forming a clear majority.[62][7][63]

The largest and most successful party in the western wing of the nation was the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) headed by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. He was completely opposed to Mujib's demand for greater autonomy.[64][65] Bhutto threatened to boycott the assembly and oppose the government if Mujib was invited by Yahya Khan (then president of Pakistan) to form the next government and demanded inclusion of the PPP. Much of the Pakistani military and the Islamic political parties opposed Mujib becoming Pakistan's prime minister. At the time neither Mujib nor the Awami League had explicitly advocated political independence for East Pakistan, but smaller nationalist groups were demanding independence for Bangladesh.[66]

Bhutto feared civil war, and sent a secret message to Mujib and his inner circle to arrange a meeting with them.[67][68] Mubashir Hassan met with Mujib and persuaded him to form a coalition government with Bhutto. They decided that Bhutto would serve as president, with Mujib as Prime Minister. These developments took place secretly and no Pakistan Armed Forces personnel were kept informed. Meanwhile, Bhutto increased the pressure on Yahya Khan to take a stand on dissolving the government.[69]

Establishment of Bangladesh

Following political deadlock, Yahya Khan delayed the convening of the assembly – a move seen by Bengalis as a plan to deny Mujib's party, which formed a majority, from taking charge. It was on 7 March 1971 that Mujib called for independence and asked the people to launch a major campaign of civil disobedience and organized armed resistance at a mass gathering of people held at the Ramna Race Course Ground in Dhaka.[70][71][72][73]

7th March Speech

The struggle now is the struggle for our emancipation; the struggle now is the struggle for our independence. Joy Bangla!..Since we have given blood, we will give more blood. God-willing, the people of this country will be liberated ... Turn every house into a fort. Face (the enemy) with whatever you have.[71][73][74]
(For more info, see: 7th March Speech of Bangabandhu)[75]

Following a last-ditch attempt to foster agreement, Yahya Khan declared martial law, banned the Awami League and ordered the Pakistan Army to arrest Mujib and other Bengali leaders and activists.[71] The Army launched Operation Searchlight to curb the political and civil unrest, fighting the nationalist militias that were believed to have received training in India. Speaking on radio even as the army began its crackdown, Mujib asked his fellows to create resistance against the Army occupation by telegraph at midnight on 26 March 1971:[30]

[The] Pakistan Army have suddenly attacked the Pilkhana EPR Headquarter and the Rajarbag Police Line as well as killed many innocents in Dhaka. The battle has started in various places of Dhaka and Chittagong. I am asking help to all the nations of this world. Our freedom fighters are valiantly fighting against the foes to save their motherland. In the name of Almighty Allah my last request and order to you all is to fight for independence till death. Ask your brothers of Police, EPR, Bengal Regiment and Ansar to fight with you. No compromise, the victory is ours. Execute the last foe from our holy motherland. Carry my message to all the leaders, activists and the other patriots from the every corner of the country. May Allah bless you all. Joy Bangla.

from Shadhinota Shongrame Bangali by Aftab Ahmad[76][77]

Shortly after having declared the independence of Bangladesh,[78] Mujib was arrested without charges and taken to West Pakistan after midnight from Tejgaon Airport on a PAF C-130 flight right under the noses of ATC Officer Squadron Leader Khaja, Senior Operations Officer Wing Commander Khademul Bashar and Director of Airport and Flight Security Squadron Leader M. Hamidullah Khan. All were on duty that night due to the state of emergency. Mujib was moved to West Pakistan and kept under heavy guard in a jail near Faisalabad (then Lyallpur).[74] Sheikh Mujib was later moved to Central Jail Mianwali where he remained in solitary confinement for the entirety of the war.[79][80] Many other League politicians avoided arrest by fleeing to India and other countries.[81] Pakistani General Rahimuddin Khan was appointed to preside over Mujib's military court case in Faisalabad, the proceedings of which have never been made public.[82] Mujib was sentenced to death but his execution was deferred on three occasions.[79]

The Army's campaign to restore order soon degenerated into a rampage of terror and bloodshed.[83] With militias known as Razakars, the army targeted Bengali intellectuals, politicians and union leaders, as well as ordinary civilians. Due to the deteriorating situation, large numbers of Hindus fled across the border to the neighbouring Indian states of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura.[84] The East Bengali army and police regiments soon revolted and League leaders formed a government in exile in Kolkata under Tajuddin Ahmad, a politician close to Mujib. A major insurgency led by the Mukti Bahini (Freedom Fighters) arose across East Pakistan. Despite international pressure, the Pakistani government refused to release Mujib and negotiate with him. Most of the Mujib family was kept under house arrest during this period. General Osmani was the key military commanding officer in the Mukti Bahini, which was a part of the struggle between the state forces and the nationalist militia during the war that came to be known as the Bangladesh Liberation War. Following Indian intervention in December, the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, the Pakistani Army surrendered to the joint force of Bengali Mukti Bahini and the Indian Army, the League leadership created a government in Dhaka which was called the Mujibnagar Government.[85][86]

Upon assuming the presidency after Yahya Khan's resignation, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto responded to international pressure and released Mujib on 8 January 1972. After release from prison, Bhutto and Mujib met in Rawalpindi.[87] In that meeting, Bhutto proposed some links between Pakistan and Bangladesh. However Mujib said he could not commit to anything until he visited Bangladesh and talked to his colleagues.[88] He was then flown to London where he met with British Prime Minister Edward Heath and addressed the international media at Claridge's Hotel. Mujib then flew to New Delhi on a Royal Air Force (RAF) jet aircraft provided by the British government to take him back to Dhaka. In New Delhi, he was received by Indian President Varahagiri Venkata Giri and Prime Minister of India Indira Gandhi as well as the entire Indian cabinet and chiefs of armed forces. Delhi was given a festive look as Mujib and Gandhi addressed a huge crowd where he publicly expressed his gratitude to Gandhi and "the best friends of my people, the people of India".[89] "From New Delhi, Sheikh Mujib flew back to Dhaka on the RAF jet where he was received by a massive and emotional sea of people at Tejgaon Airport."[90][91]

Governing Bangladesh

The Bangladesh Gazette of 6 July 1972. The gazette officially published decisions and new laws of the government
Mujib inspecting a guard of honour from Bangladesh Air Force personnel
Mujib in Cox's Bazaar

Mujib briefly assumed the provisional presidency and later took office as the prime minister. In January 1972 Time magazine reported that "[i]n the aftermath of the Pakistani army's rampage last March, a special team of inspectors from the World Bank observed that some cities looked "like the morning after a nuclear attack". Since then, the destruction has only been magnified. An estimated 6,000,000 homes have been destroyed, and nearly 1,400,000 farm families have been left without tools or animals to work their lands. Transportation and communications systems are totally disrupted. Roads are damaged, bridges out and inland waterways blocked. The rape of the country continued right up until the Pakistani army surrendered a month ago. In the last days of the war, West Pakistani-owned businesses—which included nearly every commercial enterprise in the country—remitted virtually all their funds to the West. Pakistan International Airlines left exactly 117 rupees ($16) in its account at the port city of Chittagong. The army also destroyed bank notes and coins, so that many areas now suffer from a severe shortage of ready cash. Private cars were picked up off the streets or confiscated from auto dealers and shipped to the West before the ports were closed.[92][93]

The new government of Bangladesh quickly converted East Pakistan's state apparatus into the machinery of an independent Bangladeshi state. For example, a presidential decree transformed the High Court of East Pakistan into the Supreme Court of Bangladesh.[94] The Awami League successfully reorganized the bureaucracy, framed a written constitution, and rehabilitated war victims and survivors. In January 1972, Mujib introduced a parliamentary republic through a presidential decree.[94] The emerging state structure was influenced by the Westminster model in which the Prime Minister was the most powerful leader while the President acted on the government's advice. MPs elected during the 1970 general election became members of the Constituent Assembly of Bangladesh. The Constitution Drafting Committee led by Dr. Kamal Hossain produced a draft constitution which was adopted on 4 November 1972 and came into force on 16 December 1972. In comparison to the prolonged constitution-making process in Pakistan during the 1950s, the Awami League was credited for swiftly enacting the Constitution of Bangladesh within just one year of independence. However, the League is criticized for this swift enactment because the Constituent Assembly was largely made up of members from the League itself; the few opposition lawmakers included Manabendra Narayan Larma, who demanded the term "Bangladeshi" to describe the new country's citizens instead of "Bengali" since not all Bangladeshis were Bengalis.[95] Critics argued that in reality "the Awami League sought to rule by Mujib's charisma and build a political process by dicta".[96]

Mujib introduced a quota for backward regions to get access to public sector jobs.[94] Bangladesh also faced a gun control problem because many of its guerrilla fighters from the Liberation War were roaming the country with guns. Mujib successfully called on former guerrillas to surrender their arms through public ceremonies which affirmed their status as freedom fighters during the Liberation War.[94] The President's Relief and Welfare Fund was created to rehabilitate an estimated 10 million displaced Bangladeshis. Mujib established 11,000 new primary schools and nationalized 40,000 primary schools.[97]

Economic policy

Mujib declared socialism as a national policy. His land reforms restricted land ownership to less than 25 bighas of land which effectively ended all traces of the zamindari system. Land owners with more than 25 bighas were subjected to taxes.[97] Farmers had to sell their products at prices set by the government instead of the market. Mujib nationalized all banks, insurance companies, and 580 industrial plants.[97] There was little foreign investment. The stock exchange remained closed. In 1974, the government sought to invite international oil companies to explore the Bay of Bengal for oil and natural gas. Shell sold five gas fields to the Bangladeshi government which set the stage for the creation of Petrobangla.[98] The national airline Biman was set up with planes from British Caledonian, the Indian government and the World Council of Churches. In the industrial sector, the Bangladeshi government built the Ghorashal Fertilizer Factory.[97] Work began on the Ashuganj Power Station. Operations in the Port of Chittagong were restored after the Soviet Navy conducted a clearing operation for naval mines.[99]

The Mujib government faced serious challenges, which included the resettlement of millions of people displaced in 1971, organization of food supply, health services and other necessities. The effects of the 1970 cyclone had not worn off, and the economy of Bangladesh had immensely deteriorated due to the conflict.[100] In 1973, thousands of Bengalis arrived from Pakistan while many non-Bengali industrialists and capitalists emigrated; poorer non-Bengalis were stranded in refugee camps. Major efforts were launched to help an estimated 10 million former refugees who returned from India. The economy began to recover eventually.[101] A five-year plan released in 1973 focused state investments into agriculture, rural infrastructure and cottage industries.[102] But a famine occurred in 1974 when the price of rice rose sharply. In that month there was widespread starvation in Rangpur district. Government mismanagement was blamed.[103][104] Many of Mujib's disastrous socialist policies were eventually overturned by future governments. The five years of his regime marked the only intensely socialist period in Bangladesh's history. Successive governments de-emphasized socialism and promoted a market economy. By the 1990s, the Awami League returned to being a centre-left party in economics.

Secularism

Despite the constitution's proclamation of secularism as a state policy, Mujib banned "anti-Islamic" activities, including gambling, horse racing and alcohol. He established the Islamic Foundation to regulate religious affairs for Muslims, including the collection of zakat and setting dates for religious observances like Eid and Ramadan.[97] Under Mujib, Bangladesh joined the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in 1974. Bangladesh was not the only Muslim-majority secular republic in the OIC; others included Turkey and Nigeria. Secularism was later removed from the constitution by the military dictatorship in the late 1970s. Secularism was reinstated by the Supreme Court into the constitution in 2010.

Foreign policy

Mujib with U.S. President Gerald Ford at the Oval Office in 1974

Mujib's major foreign policy achievement was to secure normalization and diplomatic relations with most countries of the world. Bangladesh joined the Commonwealth, the UN, the OIC, and the Non-Aligned Movement. His allies included Prime Minister Indira Gandhi of India and Marshal Tito of Yugoslavia. Mujib delivered a historic speech to the United Nations General Assembly in Bengali in 1974. This was the first time Bengali was spoken in the UN General Assembly.[105] The speech laid out the genesis of Bangladesh's foreign policy. Mujib told the assembly that "[t]he Bengali has struggled for many centuries for the right to live a free and honourable life as independent citizens of an independent country. They expected to live in peace and harmony with all the nations in the world".[106][107] Mujib referred to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.[106][107] He remarked that "[i]njustice is still rampant in many parts of the world. Our Arab brothers are still fighting for the complete eviction of the invaders from their land. The equitable national rights of the Palestinian people have not yet been achieved. In spite of the acceleration of the process of abolishing colonialism, it hasn’t reached its ultimate goal. This is more strongly true of Africa, where the people of Zimbabwe and Namibia are still engaged in the final struggle for national independence and absolute freedom. Although racism has been identified as a serious offence in this council, it’s still destroying the conscience of the people".[106][107]

Mujib and Indira Gandhi signed the 25-year Indo-Bangladeshi Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Peace,[108] which complemented India's massive economic and humanitarian assistance to Bangladesh.[109] Mujib forged a close friendship with Indira Gandhi,[110] strongly praising India's decision to intervene in the Bangladesh Liberation War, and professed admiration and friendship for India.[108] In the Delhi Agreement of 1974, Bangladesh, India and Pakistan pledged to work for regional stability and peace. The agreement paved the way for the return of interned Bengali officials and their families stranded in Pakistan, as well as the establishment of diplomatic relations between Bangladesh and Pakistan.[111] In 1974, the Land Boundary Treaty regarding India-Bangladesh enclaves was challenged in court.[112][113] The government attempted to ratify the treaty without consulting parliament. Chief Justice Abu Sadat Mohammad Sayem ruled that parliament had to ratify the treaty in accordance with the constitution, otherwise the government's actions were illegal and unconstitutional. The Chief Justice dissented with the government's actions. The treaty was subsequently ratified by parliament. In his decision, Justice Sayem referred to the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties.[114] The Land Boundary Agreement was finally implemented in 2015.[115]

Japan became a major aid provider to the new country. Mujib attended Commonwealth summits in Canada and Jamaica, where he held talks with Queen Elizabeth II.[116] The Soviet Union supplied several squadrons of MiG-21 planes for the Bangladesh Air Force.[117] Although Israel was one of the first countries to recognize Bangladesh,[118] Bangladesh strongly supported Egypt during the Arab-Israeli War of 1973. In return, Egypt gave Bangladesh's military 44 tanks.[119] Algeria facilitated Bangladesh's entry into the OIC by brokering talks with Pakistan.[106][120]

Left-wing insurgency

At the height of Mujib's power, left-wing insurgents, organized by the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal party's armed wing, Gonobahini, fought against Mujib's government in order to establish a Marxist government.[121][122] The government responded by forming an elite para-military force, the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini, on 8 February 1972, initially formed to curb the insurgency and maintain law and order.[123][124] The force began a campaign of brutal human rights abuses against the general populace, including becoming involved in numerous charges of human rights abuse including political killings,[125][126][127] shootings by death squads,[128] and rape.[127] Members of the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini were granted immunity from prosecution and other legal proceedings.[129][130] The force swore an oath of loyalty to Mujibur.[131]

One party state

Mujib's political philosophy dramatically changed in 1975. Elections were approaching in 1977 after the end of his five year term. Mujib sensed growing dissatisfaction with his regime. He changed the constitution, declared himself president, and established a one party state. Ahrar Ahmed, commenting in The Daily Star, noted that "Drastic changes were introduced through the adoption of the 4th amendment on Jan[uary] 25, 1975, which radically shifted the initial focus of the constitution and turned it into a single-party, [p]residential system, which curtailed the powers of the [p]arliament and the [j]udiciary, as well as the space for free speech or public assembly".[132] Censorship was imposed in the press. Civil society groups like the Committee for Civil Liberties and Legal Aid were suppressed. The Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL), meaning the "Bangladesh Farmers Workers Peoples League", became the only legal political party. Bureaucrats and military officers were ordered to join the single party. These actions profoundly impacted Mujib's legacy. Many Bangladeshis opposed to the Awami League cite his creation of BAKSAL as the ultimate hypocrisy. The one party state lasted for 7 months till Mujib's assassination on 15 August 1975.

Assassination

Mausoleum of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was killed along with most of his family in his own private home on 15 August 1975 during a military coup by renegade army officers.[133] His wife, three sons, two daughters-in-law, and a host of other relatives, personal staff, and a brigadier general of the Bangladesh Army were killed as part of the coup.[134] After the coup, four leaders of the former Provisional Government of Bangladesh were arrested and eventually executed on 4 November 1972.

A martial law regime was established. Mujib's killers included fifteen junior army officers with ranks of colonels, majors, lieutenants and havildars. They were backed up by Awami League politician Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad who usurped the presidency. On the day of the coup, the junior officers ordered their soldiers to take over the national radio and television stations. The army chief K. M. Shafiullah could not stop the coup. His deputy Ziaur Rahman was informed about preparations for the coup but did not stop the coup plotters.[135] Zia is considered to be the main benefactor of the coup as it paved the way for his rise to power as Bangladesh's ruler.[135] The only survivors from Mujib's family were his daughters Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, who were visiting Hasina's physicist husband in West Germany at the time. On 26 September 1975, the martial law regime introduced the Indemnity Ordinance, 1975 which gave legal immunity to all persons involved in the coup of 15 August 1975.

Mujib was warned about a possible coup by Indian intelligence.[136][137] Mujib shrugged off these warnings by saying his own people would never hurt him.[138] His assassins continued to enjoy immunity from prosecution for 26 years. The Indemnity Ordinance was repealed in 1996 after his daughter Sheikh Hasina was elected as Prime Minister. Hasina subsequently initiated a murder case in the courts of Bangladesh. Several of the fifteen assassins, including coup leader Syed Faruque Rahman, were arrested and put on trial. Others like Khandaker Abdur Rashid became fugitives. The fifteen were given the death penalty by a court in 1998.[139] Five of the convicts were hanged in 2010.[140] A sixth convict was hanged in 2020.[141] Of the remaining fugitives, a few have died or are in hiding. In 2022, the Bangladeshi government reported that five fugitives are still on the run, including coup leader Rashid.[142] One of the convicted assassins is living in Canada.[143] One of the convicts is living in the United States.[144] Bangladesh has requested Canada and the United States to deport the fugitives following the precedent set by the deportation of A.K.M. Mohiuddin Ahmed in 2007.[145]

Family

Mujib and his wife Sheikh Fazilatunnesa Mujib in 1947

Mujib was 18 years old when he married Fazilatunnesa.[146][147] Together they had two daughters—Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana—and three sons—Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal, and Sheikh Rasel.[10] Kamal was an organizer of the Mukti Bahini guerrilla struggle in 1971 and received a wartime commission in the Bangladesh Army during the Liberation War.[148] Jamal was trained at the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst in Great Britain and later joined the Bangladesh Army as a Commissioned Officer.[149][150][151][152] The Sheikh family was under house arrest during the Bangladesh Liberation War until 17 December,[153] Sheikh Kamal and Jamal found the means to escape and cross over to a liberated zone, where they joined the struggle to free the country. Almost the entire Sheikh family was assassinated on 15 August 1975 during a military coup d'état. Only Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, who were visiting West Germany, survived. Mujib is the maternal grandfather of Tulip Siddiq, British MP[154] for Hampstead and Kilburn since the 2015 UK general election.[155] Sajeeb Wazed is his eldest grandson.

Legacy

A Bangladeshi military helicopter carrying a flag during Mujib Year celebrations
Bangladesh's neighbor India released a postage stamp to mark Mujib Year in 2020
Bust of Mujib in London

In 2004, listeners of the BBC Bangla radio service ranked Mujib first among the 20 Greatest Bengalis, ahead of Rabindranath Tagore who came in second and Kazi Nazrul Islam who came in third.[156] The survey was modelled on the BBC's 100 Greatest Britons poll. In 2020, the government of Bangladesh celebrated Mujib Year to mark 100 years since the birth of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1920.[157] The commemorations preceded Bangladesh's 50th anniversary of independence in 2021. Mujib continues to be a revered, popular, divisive, and controversial figure in Bangladesh. His party, the Awami League, has built a personality cult around his legacy. Opponents of the League are fierce critics of Mujib's populism and authoritarianism, including his creation of BAKSAL. League supporters and other Bangladeshis credit Mujib for successfully leading the country to independence in 1971. However, Mujib's socialist and economic policies after 1971 are largely frowned upon except among his most loyal supporters and family members. Many roads, institutions, military bases, bridges and other places in Bangladesh are named in his honour. Under the Awami League's rule, Mujib's picture is printed on the national currency Bangladeshi taka. Bangladeshis across the political divide often refer to him as Bangabandhu out of respect. A satellite is also named after him.

Mujib is remembered in India as an ally. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib Road in New Delhi is named in his honour. The Palestinian Authority named a street in Hebron in honour of Mujib.[158] Bangabandhu Boulevard in Ankara, Turkey is named after Mujib. There is also a Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib Street in Port Louis, Mauritius.[159] Sheikh Mujib Way in Chicago in the United States is named after him.[160]

Archer K. Blood described Mujib personally as urbane and charming.[161] Politically, Gary Bass writes that Archer Blood noted that "Mujib’s very appearance suggested raw power, a power drawn from the masses and from his own strong personality. He was tall and sturdy, with rugged features and intense eyes". Blood found him serene and confident amid the turmoil, but eager for power. Blood wrote that "On the rostrum he is a fiery orator who can mesmerize hundreds of thousands in a pouring rain. Mujib has something of a messianic complex which has been reinforced by the heady experience of mass adulation. He talks of ‘my people, my land, my forests, my rivers.’ It seems clear that he views himself as the personification of Bengali aspirations".[161] According to Time magazine, "A man of vitality and vehemence, Mujib became the political Gandhi of the Bengalis, symbolizing their hopes and voicing their grievances. Not even Pakistan's founder, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, drew the million-strong throngs that Mujib has attracted in Dacca. Nor, for that matter, has any subcontinent politician since Gandhi's day spent so much time behind bars for his political beliefs".[162]

An Egyptian journalist noted that "Sheikh Mujibur Rahman does not belong to Bangladesh alone. He is the harbinger of freedom for all Bengalis. His Bengali nationalism is the new emergence of Bengali civilization and culture. Mujib is the hero of the Bengalis, in the past and in the times that are".[162] Fidel Castro remarked that "I have not seen the Himalayas. But I have seen Sheikh Mujib. In personality and in courage, this man is the Himalayas. I have thus had the experience of witnessing the Himalayas".[162] Mujib cited Abraham Lincoln, Mao Zedong, Winston Churchill, John F. Kennedy, Sukarno and Kemal Ataturk as inspirations during an interview with David Frost.[163][163] Some journalists have criticized Mujib for being whimsical, "not serious", and a madman.[164]

Bibliography

Sheikh Mujib wrote two volumes of his autobiography, where he expressed his view on politics and described his personal life. Both books were published after his death by his daughter and current Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.[165][166] [167]

  • The Unfinished Memoirs. The University Press Limited, Penguin Books and Oxford University Press. 12 June 2012. ISBN 9789845061100.
  • The Prison Diaries. Bangla Academy. 17 March 2017. ISBN 978-0-470-60264-5.
  • The New China that I Witnessed or Amar Dekha Noya Chin (in Bengali). Bangla Academy. 2 February 2020. ISBN 978-9840759880.

Awards

Prize NameYearReference
Joliot-Curie Medal of Peace1973[168]
Independence Award2003
Gandhi Peace Prize2020[169]

Portrayals

Song

  • "Shono Ekti Mujiburer Theke", a 1971 song about him, was inspiration for freedom fighters during liberation war of Bangladesh.
  • A song was written about him in 1990 and recorded in 1991 named "Jodi Raat Pohale Shona Jeto" became popular during election.

Books

  • Humayun Ahmed included Sheikh Mujib in two of his historical novels, 2004's Jochona O Jononir Golpo and 2012's Deyal.
  • Neamat Imam's novel The Black Coat depicts Mujib as a dictator.[170]
  • In 2015, the Centre for Research and Information (CRI) department of Bangladesh Awami League published a four-part children's comic book named Mujib based on Sheikh Mujib's two autobiographies.
  • In March 2022, Muktidata Sheikh Mujib (Liberator Sheikh Mujib), a memoir of Rahman, was published.[171]

Films

  • In the 1974 Bangladeshi film Sangram, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was portrayed by himself.
  • In the 2014 Indian film Children of War, Prodip Ganguly portrayed of Sheikh Mujib.
  • In the 2018 documentary film Hasina: A Daughter's Tale, Sheikh Mujib's daughter Sheikh Hasina spoke about the assassination of her father.
  • On 30 March 2021, Tungiparar Miya Bhai, a biopic of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was released.
  • On 1 October 2021, Mujib Amar Pita, an animated film about Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was released.[172]
  • On 31 December 2021, Chironjeeb Mujib, another biopic of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was released.
  • On 21 January 2021, Mujib: The Making of a Nation, a biopic of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman directed by Shyam Benegal has begun production.

References

Notes

  1. In Bangladesh Italian Marble Works Ltd. v. Government of Bangladesh, the Supreme Court ruled that Mostaq's accession to the Presidency was illegal as it violated the line of succession and occurred after a military coup. Therefore, it was declared that Mostaq was a usurper and all Ordinances rendered by him under martial law were null and void of any legal effect.[1][2][3]
  2. In 1949 while a second-year student studying law, Bangabandhu was expelled from the University of Dhaka by the Executive Council on the grounds of "instigating" a movement among the employees of the University to secure better pay and allowances. The expulsion was symbolically rescinded 61 years later in 2010 by the Executive Council.[4]

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  3. Ali Manik, Julfikar (25 August 2010). "5th amendment verdict paves way for justice". The Daily Star. Retrieved 15 June 2022.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  4. Asif Shawon, Ali (14 August 2021). "Bangabandhu's grand return to DU was ruined by assassination". Dhaka Tribune. Retrieved 28 July 2022.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
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