Juche

The three figures in front of the Juche Tower in Pyongyang represent the three classes in Korean society, as described by the Workers' Party of Korea: the industrial workers, the peasants, and the samuwon (intelligentsia and petite bourgeoisie).

Unlike the Joseon dynasty, where there was a huge gap between the upper and lower classes, North Korea adopted the concept of a gathered-together "people". Instead of a strict social hierarchy, North Korea divided the nation into three classes – the industrial workers, the peasants, and the samuwon (사무원) – where each are considered to be as important as the others. The samuwon class consists intelligentsia and petite bourgeoisie, such as clerks, small traders, bureaucrats, professors and writers. This class is unique to North Korean class analysis and was conceptualized to increase education and literacy among the country's population.[38]

Normally, Marxist–Leninist states would value only the farmers or laborers, thus in the Soviet Union the intelligentsia was not defined as an independent class of its own, but rather as a "social stratum" that recruited itself from members of almost all classes: proletariat, petite bourgeoisie and bourgeoisie. However, a "peasant intelligentsia" was never mentioned. Correspondingly, the "proletarian intelligentsia" was exalted for bringing forth progressive scientists and communist theoreticians whereas the "bourgeois intelligentsia" was condemned for producing "bourgeois ideology", which were all non-Marxist–Leninist worldviews.[38]

North Koreans believed in rapid industrialization through labor and in subjecting nature to human will. By restructuring social classes into a mass of people who are all theoretically equal, the North Korean government claimed it would be able to attain self-reliance in upcoming years. However, this assertion has been questioned by foreign observers because the country suffers massive food shortages annually and is heavily dependent on foreign aid.[38]

Socialism of Our Style, also referred to as Korean-style socialism and our-style socialism within North Korea, is an ideological concept Kim Jong-il introduced on 27 December 1990 in the speech "Socialism of Our Country is a Socialism of Our Style as Embodied by the Juche idea".[39] Speaking after the Revolutions of 1989 that brought down the Eastern Bloc countries, Kim Jong-il explicitly stated that North Korea needed – and survived because of – Socialism of Our Style.[39] He argued that socialism in Eastern Europe failed because they "imitated the Soviet experience in a mechanical manner".[39] According to Kim, they failed to understand that the Soviet experience was based on specific historical and social circumstances and could not be used by other countries aside from the Soviet Union itself.[39] He added that "if experience is considered absolute and accepted dogmatically it is impossible to build Socialism properly, as the times change and the specific situation of each country is different from another".[39] Kim Jong-il went on to criticize "dogmatic application" of Marxism–Leninism, stating:[40]

Marxism–Leninism presented a series of opinions on building of Socialism and Communism, but it confined itself to presupposition and hypothesis owing to the limitations of the conditions of their ages and practical experiences ... But many countries applied the principles of Marxist–Leninist materialistic conception of history dogmatically, failing to advance revolution continually after the establishment of the socialist system.[40]

North Korea would not encounter such difficulties because of the conceiving of Juche.[41] In his words, North Korea was "a backward, colonial semifeudal society" when the communists took over, but since the North Korean communists did not accept Marxism, which was based on European experiences with capitalism, or Leninism, which was based on Russia's experience, they conceived of Juche.[41] He believed the situation in North Korea was more complex because of the nearby American presence in South Korea.[41] Thanks to Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il argued, the revolution had "put forward original lines and policies suited to our people's aspirations and the specific situation of our country".[41] "The Juche idea is a revolutionary theory which occupies the highest stage of development of the revolutionary ideology of the working class", Kim Jong-il said, further stating that the originality and superiority of the Juche idea defined and strengthened Korean socialism.[41] He then conceded by stating that Socialism of Our Style was "a man-centered Socialism", explicitly making a break with basic Marxist–Leninist thought, which argues that material forces are the driving force of historical progress, not people.[41] Socialism of Our Style was presented as an organic sociopolitical theory, using the language of Marxism–Leninism, saying:[42]

The political and ideological might of the motive force of revolution is nothing but the power of single-hearted unity between the leader, the Party, and the masses. In our socialist society, the leader, the Party, and the masses throw in their lot with one another, forming a single socio-political organism. The consolidation of blood relations between the leader, the Party and the masses is guaranteed by the single ideology and united leadership.[42]

Propaganda art promoting Songun. The Korean text reads, "Long live the great victory of Songun!"

Songun (선군정치; lit. military-first politics) was first mentioned on 7 April 1997 in Rodong Sinmun under the headline "There Is a Victory for Socialism in the Guns and Bombs of the People's Army".[43] It defined the military-centered thinking of the time by stating; "the revolutionary philosophy to safeguard our own style of socialism under any circumstances".[43] The concept was credited to "Respected General Kim Jong-il".[43]

In a joint editorial on 16 June 1998 entitled "Our Party's Military-First Politics Will Inevitably Achieve Victory and Will Never Be Defeated" by Kulloja (the WPK's theoretical magazine) and Rodong Sinmun, it was stated that Songun meant "the leadership method under the principle of giving priority to the military and resolving the problems that may occur in the course of revolution and construction as well as establishing the military as the main body of the revolution in the course of achieving the total tasks of socialism".[44] While the article often referred to "our Party", this was not a reference to the WPK but rather to the personal leadership of Kim Jong-il.[44]

On 5 September 1998, the North Korean Constitution was revised and it made clear that the National Defence Commission, the highest military body, was the supreme body of the state.[44] This date is considered the beginning of the Songun era.[44]

At its fourth party conference in April 2012, the Workers' Party of Korea declared itself "the party of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il" and Kimilsungism–Kimjongilism as "the only guiding idea of the party".

Kimilsungism (김일성주의) and the Ten Principles for the Establishment of a Monolithic Ideological System were formally introduced by Kim Jong-il in 1974.[45] Kim Jong-il reportedly did so to strengthen his position within the Workers' Party of Korea, taking advantage of his father's political supremacy.[45] Kimilsungism refers to the ideas of Kim Il-sung, while the Ten Principles serve as a guide for North Korean political and social life.[45] Kim Jong-il argued that his father's ideas had evolved and they therefore deserved their own distinct name.[46] North Korean state media had previously described Kim Il-sung's ideas as "contemporary Marxism–Leninism"; by calling them "Kimilsungism", Kim Jong-il sought to elevate the ideas of his father to the same level of prestige as Stalinism and Maoism.[46] Not long after the introduction of "Kimilsungism" into the North Korean lexicon, Kim Jong-il began calling for a "Kimilsungist transformation" of North Korean society.[45]

Political analyst Lim Jae-cheon argues that there is no discernible difference between Kimilsungism and Juche, and that the two terms are interchangeable.[45] However, in his 1976 speech "On Correctly Understanding the Originality of Kimilsungism", Kim Jong-il said that Kimilsungism comprises the "Juche idea and a far-reaching revolutionary theory and leadership method evolved from this idea".[47] He further added that "Kimilsungism is an original idea that cannot be explained within the frameworks of Marxism–Leninism. The Juche idea, which constitutes the quintessence of Kimilsungism, is an idea newly discovered in the history of mankind".[46] Kim Jong-il went further, stating that Marxism–Leninism had become obsolete and must be replaced by Kimilsungism:[48]

The revolutionary theory of Kimilsungism is a revolutionary theory which has provided solutions to problems arising in the revolutionary practice in a new age different from the era that gave rise to Marxism–Leninism. On the basis of Juche idea, the leader gave a profound explanation of the theories, strategies and tactics of national liberation, class emancipation and human liberations in our era. Thus, it can be said that the revolutionary theory of Kimilsungism is a perfect revolutionary theory of Communism in the era of Juche.[48]

According to analyst Shin Gi-wook, the ideas of Juche and Kimilsungism are in essence the "expressions of North Korean particularism over supposedly more universalistic Marxism–Leninism".[48] The new terminology signaled a move from socialism to nationalism.[48] This was evident in a speech presented by Kim Jong-il in 1982, during celebrations of his father's 70th birthday, in which he stated that love for the nation came before love for socialism.[49] This particularism gave birth to such concepts as "A Theory of the Korean Nation as Number One and Socialism of Our Style".[39]

Following the death of Kim Jong-il in December 2011, Kimilsungism became Kimilsungism–Kimjongilism (김일성-김정일주의) at the 4th Conference of the Workers' Party of Korea in April 2012.[50] Party members at the conference also stated that the WPK was "the party of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il" and declared Kimilsungism–Kimjongilism "the only guiding idea of the party".[50] Afterwards, the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) stated that "the Korean people have long called the revolutionary policies ideas of the President [Kim Il-sung] and Kim Jong-il as Kimilsungism–Kimjongilism and recognized it as the guiding of the nation".[51] Kim Jong-un, the son of Kim Jong-il who succeeded him as leader of the WPK, said:

Kimilsungism–Kimjongilism is an integral system of the idea, theory and method of Juche and a great revolutionary ideology representative of the Juche era. Guided by Kimilsungism–Kimjongilism, we should conduct Party building and Party activities, so as to sustain the revolutionary character of our Party and advance the revolution and construction in line with the ideas and intentions of the President [Kim Il-sung] and the General [Kim Jong-il].[52]

As early as 2018, but mostly in November 2021, reports began to arise in South Korea, the UK, and the US that Kim Jong-un was in the process his own offshoot-ideology named "Kimjongunism" (김정은주의) and ordering government officials to begin to use it. Many see Un's actions as defining his own legacy, such as appointing himself general secretary of the Worker's Party (a title previously reserved as a posthumous designation for Kim Jong-il) and removing some paintings of the two elder supreme leaders. Core to some views of "Kimjongunism" include a more defensive outlook on the United States' on both North Korea and Kim Jong-un himself, which has included an increased emphasis on North Korea's nuclear weapons program.[53][54][55][56][57]

North Korea maintained close relations with the Soviet Union and China during the Cold War, having emerged from Soviet occupation and a war which it fought alongside Chinese communists. However, North Korea also opposed what it viewed as Soviet and Chinese attempts to interfere in its post-war affairs.[58] For example, a failed challenge against Kim Il-sung's leadership in 1956 led to the purge of both pro-Soviet and pro-Chinese elements from the ruling Workers' Party of Korea.[59] Although North Korea rejected the de-Stalinization efforts of Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev, it avoided taking sides during the Sino-Soviet split.[60]

North Korea was admitted to the Non-Aligned Movement in 1975 and has since presented itself as a leader of the Third World, promoting Juche as a model for developing countries to follow.[61][62]

National survival has been seen as a guiding principle of North Korea's diplomatic strategy.[63] As countries in the Eastern Bloc collapsed and introduced market reforms, North Korea increasingly emphasized Juche in both theory and practice.[64][65][66] Even in the midst of economic and political crises, North Korea continues to emphasize its independence on the world stage.[67]

After the devastation of the Korean War, North Korea began to rebuild its economy with a base in heavy industry, with the aim of becoming as self-sufficient as possible.[68] As a result, North Korea developed what has been called the "most autarkic industrial economy in the world".[69][70] North Korea received a lot of economic aid and technical assistance from the Soviet Union and China, but it did not join Comecon, the communist common market.[71][72] In the 1990s, it had one of the world's lowest rates for dependence on petroleum, using hydroelectric power and coal instead of imported oil.[73] Its textile industry uses vinylon, known as the "Juche fiber", which was invented by a Korean and which is made from locally available coal and limestone.[74][75] The history of the development of vinylon often featured in propaganda that preached the virtues of technological self-reliance.[70] North Korea had 10,000 CNC machines in 2010.[76] The first domestic homemade CNC machine was introduced in 1995 and in 2017 it has around 15,000 machines.[77]

Commentators have often pointed out the discrepancy between the principle of self-sufficiency and North Korea's dependence on foreign aid, especially during its economic crisis in the 1990s.[78] The pursuit of economic autarky has been blamed for contributing to the crisis.[79] On this view, attempts at self-sufficiency led to inefficiency and to the neglect of export opportunities in industries where there was a comparative advantage.[80]

The Korean People's Army is one of the largest on earth and has developed its own nuclear missiles.[81][82] It produces UDMH fuel for liquid fueled missiles[83] and Tumansky RD-9 Turbojet engines, which power Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-19 and Shenyang J-6.[84] CNC machines are used for production of missiles and centrifuges.[77] North Korea's propaganda since the Korean War has contrasted its military autonomy with the presence of U.S. forces in the South.[70]

A number of scholars have described Juche as a quasi-religion[90] and compared its facets to those of pre-existing religions in Korea. Jung Tae-il argues that certain elements of Christianity, Cheondoism, and Confucianism were appropriated by and incorporated into Juche.[91] Korean cultural anthropologists Byung Ho Chung and Heonik Kwon liken the commemorations of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il to Confucian ancestor worship.[91] Ju Jun-hui similarly contends that Korean shamanism also influenced the development of Juche, comparing the ecstatic state experienced in a shamanic ritual (gut) to the enthusiasm and fervor displayed by North Koreans for their supreme leader.[91] Many scholars have also pointed to the presence of a sacred leader, rituals, and familism as tenets of Juche that make it religious-like.

The ideology teaches that the role of a Great Leader is essential for the popular masses to succeed in their revolutionary movement because without leadership they are unable to survive.[92] This is the foundation of the personality cult directed at Kim Il-sung. The personality cult explains how the Juche ideology has been able to endure until today, even during the North Korean government's undeniable dependence on foreign assistance during its famine in the 1990s.[93] The concept of a "sacred leader" in Juche as well as the cult around the Kim family has been compared to the State Shinto ideology of Imperial Japan in which the Emperor was seen as a divine being.[94]

Through the fundamental belief in the essential role of the Great Leader, the former North Korean leader Kim Il-sung has become the "supreme deity for the people" and the Juche doctrine is reinforced in North Korea's constitution as the country's guiding principle.[95] The parallel relationship structure between Kim Il-sung and his people to religious founders or leaders and their followers has led many scholars to consider Juche a religious movement as much as a political ideology.[91] However, those familiar with cults would again posit that Juche bypasses the tenets of religion completely and instead meets the criteria of a totalitarian cult.[96]

Juche's emphasis on the political and sacred role of the leader and the ensuing worshipping by the popular masses has been critiqued by various Western Marxist intellectuals.[92] They argue that the North Korean working class or the proletariat has been stripped of their honor and therefore call the cult of personality non-Marxist and non-democratic.[97]

The religious behavior of Juche can also be seen in the perspectives of the North Korean people through refugee interviews from former participants in North Korea's ritual occasions. One pertinent example is the Arirang Festival, which is a gymnastics and artistic festival held in the Rungnado May Day Stadium in Pyongyang. All components of the festival, from the selection of performers, mobilization of resources, recruitment of the audience and publicity for the show have been compared to facets of a national religious event.[98]

The Arirang Festival has been described to demonstrate the power of the North Korean government to arrange a form of religious gathering. It has done so by "appropriating a mass of bodies for calisthenic and performative arts representing the leader as the father and his faithful followers".[99] The festival's effectiveness in transforming its participants into loyal disciples of Juche seems to originate from the collectivist principle of "one for all and all for one" and the ensuing emotional bond and loyalty to the leader.[99] According to the accounts of refugees who have been recruited to mass gymnastics, the collectivist principle has been nurtured through physical punishment such as beatings and more importantly the organization of recruits into small units, whose performances were held accountable by larger units.[100] The festival's ritual components of collectivism serve to reinforce a "certain structure of sociality and affect", establishing Kim Il-sung as the "father" in both the body and psyche of the performers.[99]

American historian Charles K. Armstrong argues that familism has transformed itself into a kind of political religion in the form of Juche. With the emergence of Juche as North Korea's guiding political principle since the 1960s, the familial relationship within the micro-family unit has been translated into a national, macro-unit with Kim Il-sung representing the father figure and the North Korean people representing his children. Juche is thus based on the language of family relationships with its East Asian or neo-Confucian "resonances of filial piety and maternal love".[101]

Armstrong also notes that North Korea has actually transferred the "filial piety of nationalism in the family of the leader himself" by positioning Kim Il-sung as the universal patriarch.[102] He argues that while the official pursuit of the Juche ideology in the 1960s signaled North Korea's desire to separate from the "fraternity of international socialism", the ideology also replaced Stalin as the father figure with Kim Il-sung.[103] In effect, North Korea's familial nationalism has supplanted the "rather abstract, class-oriented language of socialism with a more easily understandable and identifiable language of familial connections, love and obligations".[104]

After attaining significant positions in the WPK and military in the early 1980s, Kim Jong-il transformed the personality cult surrounding Kim Il-sung into a family cult and became the heir apparent.[105] Armstrong calls this a "family romance", which is a term Freud had used to describe "the neurotic replacement of a child's real parents with fantasy substitutes".[106] Kim Il-sung's consecration as the "Great Father" has been strengthened by the development of the North Korean family romance with the language, symbols, and rituals associated with familism.[91]

Juche has been described by critics as a nationalist ideology and a departure from Marxist–Leninist principles.[107] B. R. Myers, Michael J. Seth, and Max Fisher go further and argue that Juche has more in common with Japanese fascism and ultranationalism than Marxism–Leninism.[108][109][110] Korean political scientist Suh Dae-sook argues that Kim Il-sung failed to explain the difference between socialist patriotism, which Kim Il-sung stated that he supported, and nationalism, which Kim Il-sung stated that he opposed. Suh also criticized Kim Il-sung's initial conceptualization of Juche, saying that he had failed to explain how Marxism–Leninism had been applied to Korean conditions.[111] American historian Derek R. Ford, by contrast, emphasizes the continuity between Marxism–Leninism and Juche,[112] and credits Juche as the unique guiding principle which allowed North Korea to survive the collapse of the Eastern Bloc.[113]

American historian Charles K. Armstrong argues that North Korea may appear "Stalinist in form" but is "nationalist in content".[114] Shin Gi-wook similarly argues that "there is no trace of Marxism–Leninism or the Stalinist notion of nationhood" in North Korea, and its government instead stresses the importance of the Korean people's blood, soul, and national traits, echoing earlier Korean nationalists such as Sin Chaeho, Yi Kwangsu and Choe Namson.[115] Shin believes that the key difference between Marxism–Leninism and Juche is that the latter places the primacy of ideology over materialism; the vocabulary of family lineage and nationalism is retained and given primacy over class struggle, while social distinction and hierarchy are supported instead of a classless society and egalitarianism.[114]

A few critics have dismissed the notion that Juche is an ideology altogether. Myers argues that Juche cannot be described as a true political ideology because it does not have an underlying belief system,[116] while Alzo David-West describes it as "meaningless on logical and naturalistic grounds".[117] American political analyst Robert E. Kelly argues that Juche exists solely to protect the Kim family's monopoly over political power in North Korea.[108] However, Myers dismisses the idea that Juche is North Korea's leading ideology, regarding its public exaltation as being designed to deceive foreigners. He argues that it exists to be praised and not actually read.[118] Based on his own experiences living in North Korea, Swiss businessman Felix Abt describes Myers' arguments as "shaky" and "questionable". Having seen the extent to which North Korean university students actually believe in Juche, Abt says it is "rather absurd" to describe the ideology as "window-dressing" for foreigners.[119] American historian Bruce Cumings and Professor of International Relations Christoph Bluth similarly argue that Juche is not mere rhetoric, but rather an ideal of self-reliance that North Korea has attempted to put into practice.[69][72]