Henry A. Wallace

Henry Agard Wallace was born on October 7, 1888, on a farm near Orient, Iowa, to Henry Cantwell Wallace and his wife, May.[2] Wallace had two younger brothers and three younger sisters.[3] His paternal grandfather, "Uncle Henry" Wallace, was a prominent landowner, newspaper editor, Republican activist, and Social Gospel advocate in Adair County, Iowa. Uncle Henry's father, John Wallace, was an Ulster-Scots immigrant from the village Kilrea in County Londonderry, Ireland, who arrived in Philadelphia in 1823.[4] May (née Broadhead) was born in New York City but was raised by an aunt in Muscatine, Iowa, after her parents' death.[5]

Wallace's family moved to Ames, Iowa, in 1892 and to Des Moines, Iowa, in 1896. In 1894, the Wallaces established an agricultural newspaper, Wallace's Farmer.[6] It became extremely successful and made the family wealthy and politically influential.[7] Wallace took a strong interest in agriculture and plants from a young age and befriended African-American botanist George Washington Carver, with whom he frequently discussed plants and other subjects.[8] Wallace was particularly interested in corn, Iowa's key crop. In 1904, he devised an experiment that disproved agronomist Perry Greeley Holden's assertion that the most aesthetically pleasing corn would produce the greatest yield.[9] Wallace graduated from West High School in 1906 and enrolled in Iowa State College later that year, majoring in animal husbandry. He joined the Hawkeye Club, a fraternal organization, and spent much of his free time continuing to study corn.[10] He also organized a political club to support Gifford Pinchot, a Progressive Republican who was head of the United States Forest Service.[11]

Wallace's father, Henry Cantwell Wallace, served as secretary of agriculture from 1921 to his death in 1924.

Wallace became a full-time writer and editor for Wallace's Farmer after graduating from college in 1910. He was deeply interested in using mathematics and economics in agriculture and learned calculus as part of an effort to understand hog prices.[12] He also wrote an influential article with pioneering statistician George W. Snedecor on computational methods for correlations and regressions.[13] After his grandfather died in 1916, Wallace and his father became the coeditors of Wallace's Farmer.[14] In 1921, Wallace assumed leadership of the paper after his father accepted an appointment as Secretary of Agriculture under President Warren G. Harding.[15] His uncle lost ownership of the paper in 1932 during the Great Depression, and Wallace stopped serving as editor in 1933.[16]

In 1914, Wallace and his wife purchased a farm near Johnston, Iowa; they initially attempted to combine corn production with dairy farming, but later turned their full attention to corn.[17] Influenced by Edward Murray East, Wallace focused on producing hybrid corn, developing a variety called Copper Cross. In 1923, he reached the first-ever contract for hybrid seed production, agreeing to grant the Iowa Seed Company the sole right to grow and sell Copper Cross corn.[18] In 1926, he co-founded the Hi-Bred Corn Company to develop and produce hybrid corn. It initially turned only a small profit, but eventually became a massive financial success.[19]

During World War I, Wallace and his father helped the United States Food Administration (USFA) develop policies to increase hog production.[20] After USFA director Herbert Hoover abandoned the hog production policies the Wallaces favored, the elder Wallace joined an effort to deny Hoover the presidential nomination at the 1920 Republican National Convention. Partly in response to Hoover, Wallace published Agricultural Prices, in which he advocated government policies to control agricultural prices.[21] He also warned farmers of an imminent price collapse after the war. Wallace's prediction proved accurate: a farm crisis extended into the 1920s. Reflecting a broader decrease in agricultural prices, the corn prices fell from $1.68 per bushel in 1918 to $0.42 per bushel in 1921.[22] Wallace proposed various remedies to combat the farm crisis, which he believed stemmed primarily from overproduction. Among his proposed policies was the "ever-normal granary": the government buys and stores agricultural surpluses when agricultural prices are low and sells them when they are high.[23]

Both Wallaces backed the McNary–Haugen Farm Relief Bill, which would have required the federal government to market and export agricultural surpluses in foreign markets. The bill was defeated in large part because of the opposition of President Calvin Coolidge, who became president after Harding's death in 1923.[24] Wallace's father died in October 1924, and in the November 1924 presidential election, Henry Wallace voted for the Progressive nominee, Robert La Follette.[25] Due, in part, to Wallace's continued lobbying, Congress passed the McNary–Haugen bill in 1927 and 1928, but Coolidge vetoed the bill both times.[26] Dissatisfied with both major party candidates in the 1928 presidential election, Wallace tried to get Illinois Governor Frank Lowden to run for president. He ultimately supported Democratic nominee Al Smith, but Hoover won a landslide victory.[27][28] The onset of the Great Depression during Hoover's administration devastated Iowa farmers as farm income fell by two-thirds from 1929 to 1932.[29] In the 1932 presidential election, Wallace campaigned for Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt, who favored the agricultural policies of Wallace and economist M. L. Wilson. He did not formally register as a Democrat until 1936.[30]

After Roosevelt won the 1932 presidential election, he appointed Wallace as secretary of agriculture.[31] Despite his past affiliation with the Republican Party, Wallace strongly supported Roosevelt and his New Deal domestic program, and became a registered member of the Democratic Party in 1936.[32] Upon taking office, Wallace appointed Rexford Tugwell, a member of Roosevelt's "Brain Trust" of important advisers, as his deputy secretary. Though Roosevelt was initially focused primarily on addressing the banking crisis, Wallace and Tugwell convinced him of the necessity of quickly passing major agricultural reforms.[33] Roosevelt, Wallace, and House Agriculture Committee Chairman John Marvin Jones rallied congressional support around the Agricultural Adjustment Act, which established the Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA).[34] The AAA's aim was to raise prices for commodities through artificial scarcity by using a system of "domestic allotments" that set the total output of agricultural products. It paid land owners subsidies to leave some of their land idle.[35] Farm income increased significantly in the first three years of the New Deal, as prices for commodities rose.[36] After the Agricultural Adjustment Act passed, Agriculture became the federal government's largest department.[37]

The Supreme Court struck down the Agricultural Adjustment Act in the 1936 case United States v. Butler. Wallace strongly disagreed with the Court's holding that agriculture was a "purely local activity" and thus could not be regulated by the federal government, saying, "were agriculture truly a local matter in 1936, as the Supreme Court says it is, half of the people of the United States would quickly starve."[38] He quickly proposed a new agriculture program designed to satisfy the Supreme Court's objections; under the new program, the federal government would reach rental agreements with farmers to plant green manure rather than crops like corn and wheat. Less than two months after the Supreme Court decided United States v. Butler, Roosevelt signed the Soil Conservation and Domestic Allotment Act of 1936 into law.[39] In the 1936 presidential election, Wallace was an important surrogate in Roosevelt's campaign.[40]

In 1935, Wallace fired general counsel Jerome Frank and some other Agriculture Department officials who sought to help Southern sharecroppers by issuing a reinterpretation of the Agricultural Adjustment Act.[41] He became more committed to aiding sharecroppers and other groups of impoverished farmers during a trip to the South in late 1936, after which he wrote, "I have never seen among the peasantry of Europe poverty so abject as that which exists in this favorable cotton year in the great cotton states." He helped lead passage of the Bankhead–Jones Farm Tenant Act of 1937, which authorized the federal government to issue loans to tenant farmers so that they could purchase land and equipment. The law also established the Farm Security Administration,[lower-alpha 1] which was charged with ameliorating rural poverty, within the Agriculture Department.[42] The failure of Roosevelt's Judicial Procedures Reform Bill of 1937 (the "court-packing plan"), the onset of the Recession of 1937–38, and a wave of strikes led by John L. Lewis badly damaged the Roosevelt administration's ability to pass major legislation after 1936.[43] Nonetheless, Wallace helped lead passage of the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1938, which implemented Wallace's ever-normal granary plan.[44] Between 1932 and 1940, the Agriculture Department grew from 40,000 employees and an annual budget of $280 million to 146,000 employees and an annual budget of $1.5 billion.[45]

A Republican wave in the 1938 elections effectively brought an end to the New Deal legislative program, and the Roosevelt administration increasingly focused on foreign policy.[46] Unlike many Midwestern progressives, Wallace supported internationalist policies, such as Secretary of State Cordell Hull's efforts to lower tariffs.[47] He joined Roosevelt in attacking the aggressive actions of Nazi Germany and the Empire of Japan, and in one speech derided Nazi eugenics as a "mumbo-jumbo of dangerous nonsense."[48] After World War II broke out in September 1939, Wallace supported Roosevelt's program of military buildup and, anticipating hostilities with Germany, pushed for initiatives like a synthetic rubber program and closer trade relations with Latin American countries.[49]

Secretary of Commerce Henry Wallace

Wallace believed that Democratic party leaders had unfairly stolen the vice-presidential nomination from him, but he supported Roosevelt in the 1944 presidential election. Hoping to mend ties with Wallace, Roosevelt offered him any position in the Cabinet other than secretary of state, and Wallace asked to replace Jones as secretary of commerce.[101] In that position, Wallace expected to play a key role in the economy's postwar transition.[102] In January 1945, with the end of Wallace's vice presidency, Roosevelt nominated Wallace for secretary of commerce.[103] The nomination prompted an intense debate, as many senators objected to his support for liberal policies designed to boost wages and employment.[104] Conservatives failed to block the nomination, but Senator Walter F. George led passage of a measure removing the Reconstruction Finance Corporation from the Commerce Department.[105] After Roosevelt signed George's bill, Wallace was confirmed by a vote of 56 to 32 on March 1, 1945.[106]

Roosevelt died on April 12, 1945, and was succeeded by Truman.[107] Truman quickly replaced most other senior Roosevelt appointees,[lower-alpha 7] but retained Wallace, who remained very popular with liberal Democrats.[109] The discontent of liberal leaders strengthened Wallace's position in the Cabinet; Truman privately stated that the two most important members of his "political team" were Wallace and Eleanor Roosevelt.[110] As secretary of commerce, Wallace advocated a "middle course" between the planned economy of the Soviet Union and the laissez-faire economics that had dominated the United States before the Great Depression. With his congressional allies, he led passage of the Employment Act of 1946. Conservatives blocked the inclusion of a measure providing for full employment, but the act established the Council of Economic Advisers and the Joint Economic Committee to study economic matters.[111] Wallace's proposal to establish international control over nuclear weapons was not adopted, but he did help pass the Atomic Energy Act of 1946, which established the United States Atomic Energy Commission to oversee domestic development of nuclear power.[112]

World War II ended in September 1945 with the Surrender of Japan, and relations with the USSR became a central matter of foreign policy. Various issues, including the fate of European and Asian postwar governments and the administration of the United Nations, had already begun to strain the wartime alliance between the Soviet Union and the United States.[113] Critics of the USSR objected to the oppressive satellite states it had established in Eastern Europe and Soviet involvement in the Greek Civil War and the Chinese Civil War. In February 1946, George F. Kennan laid out the doctrine of containment, which called for the United States to resist the spread of Communism.[114] Wallace feared that confrontational policies toward the Soviet Union would eventually lead to war, and urged Truman to "allay any reasonable Russian grounds for fear, suspicion, and distrust".[115] Historian Tony Judt wrote in Postwar that Wallace's "distaste for American involvement with Britain and Europe was widely shared across the political spectrum".[116]

Though Wallace was dissatisfied with Truman's increasingly confrontational policies toward the Soviet Union, he remained an integral part of Truman's Cabinet during the first half of 1946.[117] He broke with administration policies in September 1946 when he delivered a speech in which he stated that "we should recognize that we have no more business in the political affairs of Eastern Europe than Russia has in the political affairs of Latin America, Western Europe and the United States". Wallace's speech was booed by the pro-Soviet crowd he delivered it to and even more strongly criticized by Truman administration officials and leading Republicans like Robert A. Taft and Arthur Vandenberg.[118] Truman stated that Wallace's speech did not represent administration policy but merely Wallace's personal views, and on September 20 he demanded and received Wallace's resignation.[119]

Shortly after leaving office, Wallace became the editor of The New Republic, a progressive magazine.[120] He also helped establish the Progressive Citizens of America (PCA), a progressive political organization that called for good relations with the Soviet Union and moere liberal programs at home. Though not a member of the PCA, Wallace was widely regarded as the organization's leader and was criticized for the PCA's acceptance of Communist members. In response to the creation of the PCA, anti-Communist liberals established a rival group, Americans for Democratic Action (ADA), which explicitly rejected any association with Communism.[121] Wallace strongly criticized the president in early 1947 after Truman promulgated the Truman Doctrine to oppose Communist threats to Greece and Turkey. Wallace also opposed Truman's Executive Order 9835, which began a purge of government workers affiliated Communist groups deemed to be subversive.[122] He initially favored the Marshall Plan, but later opposed it because he believed the program should have been administered through the United Nations.[123] Wallace and the PCA were scrutinized by the FBI and the House Un-American Activities Committee, both of which sought to uncover evidence of Communist influence.[124]

Many in the PCA favored the establishment of a third party, but other longtime Wallace allies warned him against leaving the Democratic Party.[125] On December 29, 1947, Wallace launched a third party campaign, declaring, "we have assembled a Gideon's Army, small in number, powerful in conviction ... We face the future unfettered, unfettered by any principal but the general welfare".[126] He was backed by many Hollywood and Broadway celebrities, and intellectuals. Among his prominent supporters were Rexford Tugwell, Congressmen Vito Marcantonio and Leo Isacson, musicians Paul Robeson and Pete Seeger, and future presidential nominee George McGovern.[127] Calvin Baldwin became Wallace's campaign manager and took charge of fundraising and ensuring that Wallace appeared on as many state ballots as possible.[128] Wallace's first choice for running mate, Claude Pepper, refused to leave the Democratic Party, but Democratic Senator Glen H. Taylor of Idaho agreed to serve as Wallace's running mate.[129] Wallace accepted the endorsement of the American Communist Party, stating, "I'm not following their line. If they want to follow my line, I say God bless 'em".[130] Truman responded to Wallace's left-wing challenge by pressing for liberal domestic policies, while pro-ADA liberals like Hubert Humphrey, Robert F. Wagner, and James Roosevelt linked Wallace to the Soviet Union and the Communist Party.[131] Many Americans came to see Wallace as a fellow traveler to Communists, a view that was reinforced by Wallace's refusal to condemn the 1948 Czechoslovak coup d'état.[132] In early 1948, the CIO and the AFL both rejected Wallace, with the AFL denouncing him as a "front, spokesman, and apologist for the Communist Party".[133] With Wallace's foreign policy views overshadowing his domestic policy views, many liberals who had previously favored his candidacy returned to the Democratic fold.[134]

Wallace embarked on a nationwide speaking tour to support his candidacy, encountering resistance in both the North and South.[135] He openly defied the Jim Crow regime in the South, refusing to speak before segregated audiences.[136] Time magazine, which opposed Wallace's candidacy, described him as "ostentatiously" riding through the towns and cities of the segregated South "with his Negro secretary beside him".[137] A barrage of eggs and tomatoes were hurled at Wallace and struck him and his campaign members during the tour. State authorities in Virginia sidestepped enforcing their own segregation laws by declaring Wallace's campaign gatherings private parties.[138] The Pittsburgh Press began publishing the names of known Wallace supporters. Scores of Wallace supporters in colleges and high schools lost their positions.[139]

With strong financial support from Anita McCormick Blaine, Wallace exceeded fundraising goals, and appeared on the ballot of every state except for Oklahoma, Nebraska, and Illinois.[140] The campaign distributed 25 million copies of 140 fliers and pamphlets. Nevertheless, Gallup polls showed support for Wallace falling from 7% in December 1947 to 5% in June 1948. He was endorsed by only two newspapers: the Communist Daily Worker in New York and The Gazette and Daily in York, Pennsylvania. Some in the press began to speculate that Wallace would drop out of the race.[141]

Wallace's supporters held a national convention in Philadelphia in July, formally establishing a new Progressive Party.[142][lower-alpha 8] The party platform addressed a wide array of issues, and included support for the desegregation of public schools, gender equality, a national health insurance program, free trade, and public ownership of large banks, railroads, and power utilities.[144][lower-alpha 9] Another part of the platform stated, "responsibility for ending the tragic prospect of war is a joint responsibility of the Soviet Union and the United States".[146] During the convention, Wallace faced questioning regarding letters he had written to guru Nicholas Roerich; his refusal to comment on the letters was widely criticized.[147] Wallace was further damaged days after the convention when Whittaker Chambers and Elizabeth Bentley testified before the House Un-American Activities Committee that several government officials associated with Wallace (including Alger Hiss and John Abt) were Communist infiltrators.[148] Meanwhile, many Southern Democrats, outraged by the Democratic Party's pro-civil rights plank, bolted the party and nominated Strom Thurmond for president. With the Democrats badly divided, Republicans were confident that Republican nominee Thomas Dewey would win the election.[149] Wallace himself predicted that Truman would be "the worst defeated candidate in history".[150]

Though polls consistently showed him losing the race, Truman ran an effective campaign against Dewey and the conservative 80th United States Congress. He ultimately defeated Dewey in both the popular and electoral vote.[151] Wallace won just 2.38 percent of the nationwide popular vote, and failed to carry any state. His best performance was in New York, where he won eight percent of the vote. Just one of the party's congressional candidates, incumbent Congressman Vito Marcantonio, won election.[152] Though Wallace and Thurmond probably took many voters from Truman, their presence in the race may have boosted the president's overall appeal by casting him as the candidate of the center-left.[153] In response to the election results, Wallace stated, "Unless this bi-partisan foreign policy of high prices and war is promptly reversed, I predict that the Progressive Party will rapidly grow into the dominant party. ... To save the peace of the world the Progressive Party is more needed than ever before".[152]

Historians Edward Schapsmeier and Frederick Schapsmeier argue:[154]

The Progressive party stood for one thing and Wallace another. Actually the party organization was controlled from the outset by those representing the radical left and not liberalism per se. This made it extremely easy for Communists and fellow travelers to infiltrate into important positions within the party machinery. Once this happened, party stands began to resemble a party line. Campaign literature, speech materials, and campaign slogans sounded strangely like echoes of what Moscow wanted to hear. As if wearing moral blinkers, Wallace increasingly became an imperceptive ideologue. Words were uttered by Wallace that did not sound like him, and his performance took on a strange Jekyll and Hyde quality—one moment he was a peace protagonist and the next a propaganda parrot for the Kremlin.

Wallace initially remained active in politics following the 1948 campaign, and he delivered the keynote address at the 1950 Progressive National Convention. In early 1949, Wallace testified before Congress in the hope of preventing the ratification of the North Atlantic Treaty, which established the NATO alliance between the United States, Canada, and several European countries.[155] He became increasingly critical of the Soviet Union after 1948, and he resigned from the Progressive Party in August 1950 due to his support for the UN intervention in the Korean War.[156] After leaving the Progressive Party, Wallace endured what biographers John Culver and John Hyde describe as a "long, slow decline into obscurity marked by a certain acceptance of his outcast status".[157]

In the early 1950s, he spent much of his time rebutting attacks by prominent public figures like General Leslie Groves, who claimed to have stopped providing Wallace with information regarding the Manhattan Project because he considered Wallace to be a security risk. In 1951, Wallace appeared before Congress to deny accusations that in 1944 he had encouraged a coalition between Chiang Kai-shek and the Chinese Communists.[158] In 1952, he published an article, "Where I Was Wrong," in which he repudiated his earlier foreign policy positions and declared the Soviet Union to be "utterly evil".[67][159] Wallace did not endorse a candidate in the 1952 presidential election, but in the 1956 presidential election he endorsed incumbent Republican President Dwight D. Eisenhower over Democratic nominee Adlai Stevenson. Wallace, who maintained a correspondence with Eisenhower, described Eisenhower as "utterly sincere" in his efforts for peace.[160] Wallace also began a correspondence with Vice President Richard Nixon, but he declined to endorse either Nixon or Democratic nominee John F. Kennedy in the 1960 presidential election. Though Wallace criticized Kennedy's farm policy during the 1960 campaign, Kennedy invited Wallace to his 1961 inauguration, the first presidential inauguration Wallace had attended since 1945. Wallace later wrote Kennedy, "at no time in our history have so many tens of millions of people been so completely enthusiastic about an inaugural address as about yours". In 1962, he delivered a speech commemorating the centennial anniversary of the establishment of the Department of Agriculture.[161] He also began a correspondence with President Lyndon B. Johnson regarding methods to alleviate rural poverty, though privately he criticized Johnson's escalation of American involvement in the Vietnam War.[162] In the 1964 election, Wallace returned to the Democratic fold, supporting Johnson over Republican nominee Barry Goldwater.[163] Due to declining health, he made his last public appearance that year; in one of his last speeches, he stated, "We lost Cuba in 1959 not only because of Castro but also because we failed to understand the needs of the farmer in the back country of Cuba from 1920 onward. ... The common man is on the march, but it is up to the uncommon men of education and insight to lead that march constructively".[164]

Wallace continued to co-own and take an interest in the company he had established, Pioneer Hi-Bred (formerly the Hi-Bred Corn Company), and he established an experimental farm at his New York estate. He focused much of his efforts on the study of chickens, and Pioneer Hi-Bred's chickens at one point produced three-quarters of all commercially sold eggs worldwide. He also wrote or co-wrote several works on agriculture, including a book on the history of corn.[165]

In 1913, Wallace met Ilo Browne, the daughter of a successful businessman from Indianola, Iowa.[170] Wallace and Browne married on May 20, 1914, and had three children.[167] Henry Browne was born in 1915, Robert Browne was born in 1918, and Jean Browne was born in 1920.[171] Wallace and his family lived in Des Moines until Wallace accepted appointment as secretary of agriculture, at which point they began living in an apartment at Wardman Park in Washington, D.C.[172] In 1945, Wallace and his wife purchased a 115-acre farm near South Salem, New York known as Farvue.[173] Ilo was supportive of her husband's career and enjoyed serving as Second Lady of the United States from 1941 to 1945, though she was uncomfortable with many of Wallace's Progressive supporters during his 1948 presidential campaign.[174] Wallace and Ilo remained married until his death in 1965; she lived until 1981. In 1999, Wallace's three children sold their shares in Pioneer Hi-Bred to DuPont for well over $1 billion.[171] Wallace's grandson, Scott Wallace, won the Democratic nomination for Pennsylvania's 1st congressional district in the 2018 elections. Despite his family's legacy, he was defeated by Republican incumbent, Brian Fitzpatrick, in the general election.[175]

Wallace associated with controversial émigré Russian Theosophist Nicholas Roerich

Wallace was raised a Calvinist but showed an interest in other religious teachings during his life.[68] He was deeply interested in religion from a young age, reading works by authors like Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ralph Waldo Trine, and William James, whose The Varieties of Religious Experience had a particularly strong impact on Wallace.[176] After his grandfather's death in 1916, he left the Presbyterian Church and became increasingly interested in mysticism. He later said, "I know I am often called a mystic, and in the years following my leaving the United Presbyterian Church I was probably a practical mystic… I'd say I was a mystic in the sense that George Washington Carver was – who believed God was in everything and therefore, if you went to God, you could find the answers". Wallace began regularly attending meetings of the pantheistic Theosophical Society, and, in 1925, he helped organize the Des Moines parish of the Liberal Catholic Church.[177] Wallace left the Liberal Catholic Church in 1930 and joined the Episcopal Church, but he continued to be interested in various mystic groups and individuals.[178]

Among those who Wallace corresponded with were author George William Russell,[179] astrologer L. Edward Johndro, and Edward Roos, who took on the persona of a Native American medicine man.[180] In the early 1930s, Wallace began corresponding with Nicholas Roerich, a prominent Russian émigré, artist, peace activist, and Theosophist.[181] With Wallace's support, Roerich was appointed to lead a federal expedition to the Gobi Desert to collect drought-resistant grasses.[182] Roerich's expedition ended in a public fiasco, and Roerich fled to India after the Internal Revenue Service launched a tax investigation.[183]

The letters that Wallace wrote to Roerich from 1933 to 1934 were eventually acquired by Republican newspaper publisher Paul Block.[184] The Republicans threatened to reveal to the public what they characterized as Wallace's bizarre religious beliefs before the November 1940 elections but were deterred when the Democrats countered by threatening to release information about Republican candidate Wendell Willkie's rumored extramarital affair with the writer Irita Van Doren.[185] The contents of the letters did become public seven years later, in the winter of 1947, when right-wing columnist Westbrook Pegler published what were purported to be extracts from them as evidence that Wallace was a "messianic fumbler", and "off-center mentally". During the 1948 campaign Pegler and other hostile reporters, including H. L. Mencken, aggressively confronted Wallace on the subject at a public meeting in Philadelphia in July. Wallace declined to comment, accusing the reporters of being Pegler's stooges.[186] Many press outlets were critical of Wallace's association with Roerich; one newspaper mockingly wrote that if Wallace became president "we shall get in tune with the Infinite, vibrate in the correct plane, outstare the Evil Eye, reform the witches, overcome all malicious spells and ascend the high road to health and happiness".[187]

Henry Wallace reportedly dabbled in Zoroastrianism and Buddhism.[188][189][190][191]

During his time in the Roosevelt administration, Wallace became a controversial figure, attracting a mix of praise and criticism for various actions.[192][68] He remains a controversial figure today.[193][194][195] Historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. pronounced Wallace to be both "an incorrigibly naive politician" and "the best secretary of agriculture the country has ever had".[196] Journalist Peter Beinart writes that Wallace's "naive faith in U.S.-Soviet cooperation" damaged his legacy. Historian Andrew Seal lauds Wallace for his focus on combating both economic and racial inequality.[194] Wallace's vision of the "Century of the Common Man," which denied American exceptionalism in foreign policy, continues to influence the foreign policy of individuals like Bernie Sanders.[197] In 2013, historian Thomas W. Devine wrote that "newly available Soviet sources do confirm Wallace's position that Moscow's behavior was not as relentlessly aggressive as many believed at the time". Yet Devine also writes that "enough new information has come to light to cast serious doubt both on Wallace's benign attitude toward Stalin's intentions and on his dark, conspiratorial view of the Truman administration".[198]

Alex Ross of The New Yorker writes, "with the exception of Al Gore, Wallace remains the most famous almost-president in American history".[67] Journalist Jeff Greenfield writes that the 1944 Democratic National Convention was one of the most important political events of the twentieth century, since the leading contenders for the nomination might have governed in vastly different ways.[90] In The Untold History of the United States, Oliver Stone argues that, had Wallace become president in 1945, "there might have been no atomic bombings, no nuclear arms race, and no Cold War".[199][200] By contrast, Ron Capshaw of the conservative National Review argues that a President Wallace would have practiced a policy of appeasement that would have allowed the spread of Communism into countries like Iran, Greece, and Italy.[201]

The Henry A. Wallace Beltsville Agricultural Research Center in Beltsville, Maryland, the largest agricultural research complex in the world, is named for him. Wallace founded the Wallace Genetic Foundation to support agricultural research. His son, Robert, founded the Wallace Global Fund to support sustainable development.[193] A speech Wallace delivered in 1942 inspired Aaron Copland to compose Fanfare for the Common Man.[67]

• Agricultural Prices (1920)
• Corn and Corn-Growing with E. N. Bressman (1923)
• When to feed corn, when to sell it (1923)
• Correlation and machine calculation with George W. Snedecor (1925)
• New administration and farm relief (1933)
• America must choose (1934)
• Charted course toward stable prosperity (1934)
• New frontiers (1934)
• Research and adjustment march together (1934)
• Statesmanship and religion (1934)
• Working together in the corn-hog program (1934)
• Cooperation: the dominant economic idea of the future (1936)
• Whose Constitution? An inquiry into the general welfare (1936)
• Technology, corporations, and the general welfare (1937)
• Paths to plenty (1938)
• American choice (1940)
• Price of freedom (1940)
  • Preço da liberdade (1942)
• Pan American friendship (1941)
• ¿Que hara Norteamérica? (1941)
• Después de la guerra debe comenzar el siglo del hombre del pueblo (1942)
• Price of free world victory (1942)
  • Precio de la victoria (1942)
• Why did God make America? (1942)
• America's part in world reconstruction (1943)
• Century of the Common Man (1943)[202][203]
  • Century of the common man (UK) (1944)
• Christian bases of world order (1943)
• Discursos pronunciados en Lima (1943)
• Ideales comunes (1943)
• New world theme: The price of free world victory (1943)
• Democracy first: What we fight for (1944)
• Our job in the Pacific (1944)
• Sixty million jobs (1945)
  • Arbeit für sechzig Millionen Menschen (1946)
  • Ocupación para sesenta millones (1946)
  • Lavoro per tutti (1946)
  • Hua-lai-shih ti hu shêng (1947)
• Era del popolo (1946)
• Fight for peace (1946)
• Soviet Asia mission Andrew J. Steiger (1946)
  • Ma mission en Asie soviétique (1947)
  • Sondermission in Sowjet-Asien und China (1947)
  • Misii︠a︡ v Sŭvetska Azii︠a︡ (1948)
• Toward world peace (1948)
  • Naar wereldvrede (1948)
  • Vers la paix (1948)

• History of left-wing politics in the United States
• Honeydew (melon), apparently first introduced to China by H. A. Wallace and still known there as the "Wallace melon"[204][205]
• Bailan melon, one of the most famous Chinese melon cultivars, bred from the "Wallace melon"

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Henry Wallace.

Wikiquote has quotations related to Henry A. Wallace.

• United States Congress. "Henry A. Wallace (id: W000077)". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress.
• The Wallace Global Fund
• Works by Henry A. Wallace at The Online Books Page
• Selected works by Henry A. Wallace at The New Deal Network
• As delivered transcript and complete audio of Wallace's 1942 "The Century of the Common Man" Address
• Henry A. Wallace Collection (digitized) at University of Iowa Library
• Searchable index of Wallace papers at the Library of Congress, Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, and the University of Iowa
• "Henry A. Wallace – Agricultural Pioneer, Visionary and Leader", Iowa Pathways, education site of Iowa Public Television
• "The Life of Henry A. Wallace: 1888–1965", on website of The Wallace Center for Agricultural and Environmental Policy at Winrock International
• A film clip "Longines Chronoscope with Henry A. Wallace (December 28, 1951)" is available at the Internet Archive
• A film clip "Longines Chronoscope with Henry Agard Wallace (October 17, 1952)" is available at the Internet Archive
• "Is There Any 'Wallace' Left in the Democratic Party?" Archived September 12, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, The Real News (TRNN). Scott Wallace, grandson of Henry A. Wallace, interviewed by Paul Jay (video).
• FBI file on Henry Wallace
• The Country Life Center location of The Wallace Centers of Iowa: birthplace farm of Henry A. Wallace. Museum and gardens.