1987 Ming Court Affair

Abdul Rahman Ya'kub was the third Sarawak chief minister, ruling from 1970 to 1981. He left his chief minister post to his nephew Abdul Taib Mahmud in 1981. Abdul Rahman then proceed to assume the ceremonial post of Governor of Sarawak from 1981 to 1985. Abdul Rahman had advocated his nephew for the chief minister post but the relationship soon turned sour after two years. This was because Abdul Rahman wanted Taib to take his advice while running the state government. Rahman's loyalists in Sarawak cabinet also tried to direct the distribution of the state's natural resources and the operation of governmental agencies according to Rahman's wishes. Taib continued Rahman's governing policy and inherited the whole Sarawak cabinet intact from his uncle. However, Taib soon grew frustrated with his uncle's control. Taib slowly replaced Rahman's loyalists with his own men. This has resulted in Rahman's displeasure over Taib.[1]

During the opening ceremony of Tanjung Kidurong port of Bintulu in September 1983, Rahman criticised the federal government for breaking its promise of building a new airport in Bintulu while Taib was trying to deliver his own speech.[2] Taib felt embarrassed by the action of his uncle and left the stage while his uncle was still speaking. Taib later made a public apology on the incident and handed over his resignation letter to Abdul Rahman. Rahman declined the resignation of Taib because Rahman himself also handed over a resignation letter to Yang di-Pertuan Agong to vacate his governor's seat. However, Rahman was persuaded by Yang di-Pertuan Agong to stay until his term expires in April 1985.[1]

On 9 March 1987 (Monday), four Sarawak ministers and 3 assistant ministers suddenly resigned from the Sarawak cabinet. The four ministers were Noor Tahir (PBB), Hafsah Harun (PBB), Daniel Tajem (PBDS), and Edward Jeli (SNAP) and the three assistant ministers were Gramong Juna (PBDS), Michael Ben (SNAP), and Hollis Tini (SUPP).

Edward Jeli's resented Taib for not getting timber concessions, which could service his RM 5 million loans of developing shophouses in Miri.[3] Noor Tahir's was unhappy because Taib was favouring a group of selected crony capitalists especially Foochow Chinese who monopolies contracts given by the state government. Daniel Tajem was the last key player who agreed on a coup on Taib. Tajem was officiating a farmer's organisation function at Mukah on Friday before he went back to Kuching on Saturday. He was then called by Leo Moggie (PBDS president) to meet Abdul Rahman at his home in Kuala Lumpur. During the meeting on Sunday evening, Tajem had an argument with Abdul Rahman on whether to table a formal motion of no confidence in state assembly or just hand over a letter containing state assemblymen signatures to the Governor of Sarawak. After the meeting, Tajem was given an envelope containing RM 300 for his party expenses and he resided at Shangri-La Hotel in Kuala Lumpur at the end of the day.[4] On the Monday morning when Sarawak Tribune (owned by Abdul Rahman) made public the resignation of 7 Sarawak ministers, Tajem decided to check out from Shangri-La Hotel and check in into Ming Court Hotel, where the defectors gathered.[5]

The 7 leaders with another 20 state assemblymen were flown to Ming Court Hotel (present day Corus Hotels)[6] at Jalan Ampang, Kuala Lumpur accompanied by Abdul Rahman and the president of PBDS, Leo Moggie. Leo Moggie called for a party meeting at his residence in Kuala Lumpur to canvass support for the removal of Taib Mahmud. Leo Moggie stated that his party has to support Abdul Rahman or otherwise he himself will quit from the president post. Daniel Tajem supported Leo Moggie's cause. Finally, the PBDS Supreme Council went in favour of Leo Moggie.[7]

The PBDS party has withdrawn from the Sarawak Barisan National (BN) coalition at state government level but remained with the coalition at the federal government level. They announced that they lost confidence in Taib Mahmud because "he could no longer administer the government properly and has failed to look after the interests of Bumiputera in Sarawak." The 27 state assemblymen named their group Kumpulan Maju (Progressive group). They demanded Taib to resign or otherwise Taib would face a no confidence vote in the Sarawak State Legislative Assembly. The Maju group decided to take this course of action because they fear that in an upcoming Sarawak cabinet reshuffle, Daniel Tajem would be sacked as deputy chief minister. Therefore, they have not enough time to wait and table a formal motion of no confidence against Taib in the state assembly. Tajem had criticised Taib for marginalising Dayaks before this at a PBDS Triennial General Assembly in Sibu. Besides, the rise of Dayak nationalism at that time was also ripe to topple Taib Mahmud. The Maju group also tried to lobby the prime minister of Malaysia Mahathir Mohamad into supporting the group but Mahathir was preoccupied with the hotly contested United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) party election which would later worsen into the 1988 Malaysian constitutional crisis. Mahathir would not want to direct support to Rahman's or Taib's group because he would not want to be blamed if another non-Muslim bumiputera chief minister in Sarawak was installed after Stephen Kalong Ningkan and Tawi Sli.[1] Daniel Tajem had a 15 minutes meeting with Mahathir to lobby the prime minister support but Mahathir advised Daniel Tajem to keep the political crisis in Sarawak but not to the federal government level. Mahathir also stated that Maju group would be free to do what it takes to oust Taib as long as it is within the law.[7]

However, the Sarawak United Peoples' Party (SUPP) and Sarawak National Party (SNAP) directed their support towards Taib. SUPP also started to persuade the federal government to support Taib in the crisis. This was because SUPP would not want Abdul Rahman to be back in power again because Rahman was responsible for the weakening of SUPP in 1978 by allowing Democratic Action Party (DAP) to enter Sarawak and also the policy of Islamisation adopted by Rahman during his tenure in office as chief minister.[1] Meanwhile, for SNAP, James Wong was not in favour for Abdul Rahman because he was detained at Kamunting Detention Centre for 18 months under Internal Security Act when he was the opposition leader against Barisan Nasional in 1974 parliamentary elections. Abdul Rahman was believed to have advocated his arrest by accusing him of seceding the Limbang territory to Brunei. Taib also threatened to cancel SNAP's logging concessions if James Wong were to switched to Rahman's side.[8]

However, Taib Mahmud had a cabinet meeting in the morning of 10 March 1987 and decided to call for a fresh election. At 11:45 am, Taib accompanied by two deputy chief ministers, Tan Sri Datuk Amar Sim Kheng Hong and Alfred Jabu anak Numpang met the Governor at the latter's office inside the state legislative assembly complex. The request to dissolve the state assembly was granted. Meanwhile, Abdul Rahman only sent Noor Tahir back to Kuching on the next day to hand over the petition to Sarawak Governor at The Astana. However, the Governor was already in Kuala Lumpur.[9] Taib Mahmud decided to reject all the demands by Maju group. The Maju group was surprised on course of action taken by Taib because they were confident that Taib would step down. Taib appointed new ministers and assistant ministers to replace those who had defected to Maju group. Adenan Satem was appointed as Minister of Land Development while Abang Johari was appointed as Minister of Agriculture and Community Development. James Wong was also given a portfolio of Minister of Environment and Tourism to acknowledge the latter's support towards Taib.[1]

Just before the 1987 elections, Abdul Rahman registered a new party named Sarawak Malaysian People's Association (PERMAS). It accepted the former PBB members and other members who have defected from Sarawak Barisan Nasional (BN). PERMAS and PBDS contested a total of 42 out of 48 state assembly seats with each one contesting in 21 seats. Maju group presented a manifesto named "A Government for the People" which contains four major points: calling an end to the present Sarawak government, uphold the rule of law and protect Sarawak rights, restore democracy, and to ensure the ministerial power will be exercised according to the law. The Maju group nominated Noor Tahir as the new Sarawak chief minister if the group ever come to power in state elections. However, Abdul Rahman was widely believed to be the next chief minister if the Maju group succeeded in forming a new government. During the election, PERMAS attacked Taib leadership styles and his practice in money politics. Meanwhile, PBDS used Dayak nationalism to woo the votes. Abdul Rahman also revealed a list of timber companies associated to Taib on local newspapers owned by Rahman supporters.[10] Rahman also ran a nine-series story named "Abdul Taib:The Inside Story" and exposed Taib disrespectful attitude towards him.[1]

Taib-led Sarawak BN decided to contest all the seats in the state election. They also released a manifesto named "Continued Stability through Politics of Development". This manifesto promised a government which continues to strive for stability and development in the state, peace and harmony among the people, and to uphold the freedom of worship and cultural practices. In the election, Sarawak BN mainly campaigned on developmental promises for the voters. They also described Abdul Rahman as "power-crazy, anti-Chinese, and practiced timber politics". Sarawak BN also revealed a list of timber concessions that was awarded to Rahman and his supporters during Rahman's reign as chief minister.[11][12] Sarawak BN dished out at least 48 project valued at RM 190.22 million. Most of the projects promise by Sarawak BN was considered minor projects such as building of community halls, bus shades, and village roads. A total of RM 4.21 million worth of financial grants was given to 14 social organisations in Sarawak. Unable to compete with BN style of "Politics of Development", the Maju group was defeated in the election. Taib continued to embrace this strategy throughout his tenure as chief minister after he witnessed the defeat of Maju group during this election.[1]

After the election, Sarawak BN won 28 out of 48 seats in the state assembly. However, Sarawak BN's popularity has declined from 59.17% in 1983 to 55.24% in the current election.[13] Taib Mahmud has won comfortably against Wan Yusof (PERMAS) at Sebandi seat. SNAP was the biggest casualty in the election. It won only 2 out of 11 seats contested. James Wong (SNAP) retained his Limbang seat by a majority of 454 votes. Meanwhile, Maju group won 20 seats (15 seats by PBDS and 5 seats by PERMAS). Abdul Rahman (PERMAS) was easily defeated by Wahab Dolah (PBB) at Matu-Daro seat with a majority of 1,625 votes. Daniel Tajem was defeated at Lingga seat by a narrow majority of 59 votes.[8] During this election, Malaysian federal government has not interfered with the contest between Taib and Rahman and allowed the crisis to be settled through ballot box.[1]

After the election, Taib scrapped the deputy chief minister post which had been allocated to PBDS. He also started to terminate the services of community chiefs who were supportive of Abdul Rahman during the 1987 election and replace them with Taib loyalists. Taib also purged government officers who supported Rahman during the 1987 elections. Taib also amended the Forest Bill so that the power of granting and revoke license permits will lie solely on the Forestry Director and the Minister of Resource Planning. Amendment of the bill has tightened Taib's grip over distribution of timber licenses. Taib also introduced the Party Hopping Bill which forbids BN assemblymen from crossing over to opposition bench.[14] Taib also used Internal Security Act (ISA) to jail critics of his regime. Deputy Home Minister Megat Junid Megat Ayub had accused the Maju group of plotting to assassinate Taib. The government had launched Operation API which detained 11 people under ISA. PERMAS members were among those who were detained under the act.[15][16] Such accusation has tarnished the image of the opposition led by PERMAS and PBDS. Taib Mahmud also lured nine opposition state assemblymen (eight from PBDS and one from PERMAS) into BN's fold by promising material rewards and political appointments, thus securing BN's two-thirds majority in forming a strong government.[1][17]

PERMAS continued its struggle by wresting control of the oldest Muslim-Bumiputera organisation in Sarawak, Malay National Union (MNU) which was formed on 10 October 1939. However, MNU became dormant since the formation of Parti Negara Sarawak (PANAS) and Barisan Rakyat Jati Sarawak (BARJASA) parties in 1962. Although PERMAS was able to dominate MNU eventually, it did not pose any significant threat to Taib Mahmud. PERMAS and PBDS tried to challenge Taib again during 1990 parliamentary elections and 1991 state elections although PERMAS-PBDS alliance was dissolved after 1987 elections. In 1990 parliamentary elections, Sarawak BN won 17 out of 23 parliamentary seats. PBDS remained in BN fold in the parliamentary elections but opposed BN during state elections. On the other hand, PERMAS failed to make any significant impact during the parliamentary elections.[1]

With the waning influence of PERMAS, a new opposition party named Parti Warisan Pribumi Sarawak (WARISAN) was branched out from PERMAS in January 1991. This new party also planned to bring the national party, United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), in to Sarawak. However, Taib dismissed the attempt by WARISAN by stating that "this type of national politics is not well understood in Sarawak". Mahathir also stated there is no reason for UMNO to enter Sarawak. WARISAN subsequently failed to register as an official political party and issue of UMNO in Sarawak gradually subsided.[1] In fact, there were a number of Sarawak Malays who had joined as UMNO members in Peninsular Malaysia. Several UMNO leaders in Sarawak claimed that there were 38,000 UMNO members in Sarawak in 1988.[18] PBDS also tried to co-operate another Dayak party named Parti Negara Rakyat Sarawak (NEGARA) and devised "Sarawak Chief Minister Project 1992" which aimed to install a new Dayak chief minister if the group win the mandate of the voters to form a government in 1991 state elections. PBDS was optimistic in winning 22 state assembly seats during 1991 elections but it won only 7 seats. Meanwhile, PERMAS and NEGARA failed to win any seats during the state elections. On the other hand, Sarawak BN secured 49 out of 56 state assembly seats after the election.[1]

Realising that PERMAS and PBDS no longer mounted a powerful challenge against Taib, Abdul Rahman decided to dissolve PERMAS in 1991. In 1992, PBDS decided to rejoin Sarawak BN and was readmitted into the coalition on 1 June 1994.[19] With the inclusion of PBDS into Sarawak BN, opposition forces in Sarawak were virtually eliminated. Sarawak BN was able to dominate subsequent elections in 1995 (parliamentary) and 1996 (state) with landslide victories.[1]

Abdul Rahman celebrated his 80th birthday in Hilton Hotel, Kuching in 2008. During the ceremony, he hugged his nephew, Pehin Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud, marking the end of the 20-year-old strained relationship between an uncle and a nephew after the Ming Court Affair. He said that he stitched up his relationship with Taib because "blood is thicker than water".[20]

Keruntum Sdn Bhd, a timber company that was linked to Rahman, filed a suit against Taib, Sarawak Forest Department, and the state government in 1987 for revoking 25-year timber license of the company. Keruntum's case was upheld by the High Court of Sarawak and the Malaysian federal court in 1988. However, the company's license was revoked for the second time in the same year. The company then filed another suit against Taib in 1990 and finally, on 15 March 2017, 27 years after the suit was filed, the Malaysian federal court dismissed the company's appeal as it has not justified the case adequately that Taib was "politically motivated" when cancelling the company's timber license.[21]

In 2013, two daughters of Abdul Rahman Ya'kub claimed to have the blessings of the chief minister Abdul Taib Mahmud on the sale of 5,000 hectares of plantation lands, as recorded with a hidden camera by Global Witness. Taib refuted the allegation, stating the strained relationship between Rahman Ya'kub and him after the Ming Court Affair, thus the cousins cannot be his most trusted agent. Taib also mentioned that he never allowed anyone to be his intermediary on the sale of state land and logging license.[22]