Latin phonology and orthography

This is a table of the consonant phonemes of Classical Latin. Those in parentheses have a debatable status as phonemes, and those marked with an asterisk are only found in Greek loanwords in educated pronunciation, except for some instances of /kʰ/. See below for further details.

• The labialized velar stops /kʷ/ and /ɡʷ/ may both have been single phonemes rather than clusters like the /kw/ and /ɡw/ in English quick and penguin. /kʷ/ is more likely to have been a phoneme in its own right than /ɡʷ/. /kʷ/ occurs between vowels and counts as a single consonant in Classical Latin poetry, but /ɡʷ/ occurs only after [ŋ], where it cannot be identified as a single or double consonant.[3] /kʷ/ and [ɡʷ] were palatalized before a front vowel, becoming [kᶣ] and [ɡᶣ], as in quī [kᶣiː] listen^ⓘ compared with quod [kʷɔd], and lingua [ˈlɪŋ.ɡʷa] compared with pinguis [ˈpɪŋ.ɡᶣɪs]. This sound change did not apply to /w/ in the same position: uī - vī [wiː].[4]
• /kʷ ɡʷ/ before /u/ may have become [k ɡ] by dissimilation. This is suggested by the fact that equus [ˈɛ.kʷʊs] and unguunt [ˈʊŋ.ɡʷʊnt] (Old Latin equos and unguont) are spelled ecus and ungunt, which may have indicated the pronunciations [ˈɛ.kʊs] and [ˈʊŋ.ɡʊnt]. These spellings may, however, simply indicate that c g before u were labialized like /kʷ ɡʷ/, so that writing a double uu was redundant.[5]
• The voiceless plosives /p t k kʷ/ in Latin were likely less aspirated than voiceless plosives at the beginning of words in English; for example, Latin /k/ was not as strongly aspirated as k in kind but more like k in English sky or look. However, there was no phonemic contrast between voiceless and aspirated plosives in native Latin words, and the voiceless plosives were probably somewhat aspirated at the beginnings of words and near /r/ and /l/.[6][7] Some Greek words beginning with the voiceless plosives /p t k/, when they were borrowed into colloquial Latin, were spelled with the graphemes used to represent voiced plosives b d g /b d ɡ/, e.g., Latin gubernator besides West Greek κυβερνάτας [kʉbernaːtaːs] (cybernatas, helmsman). That suggests that Latin speakers felt the Greek voiceless plosives to sound less aspirated than their own native equivalents.[8]
• The aspirated consonants /pʰ tʰ kʰ/ as distinctive phonemes were originally foreign to Latin, appearing in educated loanwords and names from Greek. In such cases, the aspiration was likely produced only by educated speakers.[6][7]
• /z/ was also not native to Classical Latin. It appeared in Greek loanwords starting around the first century BC, when it was probably pronounced [z] initially and doubled [zz] between vowels, in contrast to Classical Greek [dz] or [zd]. In Classical Latin poetry, the letter ⟨z⟩ between vowels always counts as two consonants for metrical purposes.[9][10]
• In Classical Latin, the coronal sibilant /s/ was likely unvoiced in all positions. In Old Latin, single /s/ between vowels was pronounced as voiced [z] but had changed to /r/ by rhotacism by the time of Classical Latin, as in gerō /ˈɡe.roː/ as compared with gestus /ˈɡes.tus/. Single intervocalic /s/ in Classical Latin usually derives from an earlier double /ss/ after a long vowel or diphthong, as in causa, cāsus from earlier caussa, cāssus;[11] or is found in loanwords, such as pausa from Greek παῦσις (pausis).
• In Old Latin, final /s/ after a short vowel was often lost, probably after first changing to [h] (debuccalization), as in the inscriptional form Cornelio for Cornelios (Classical Latin Cornelius). Often in the poetry of Plautus, Ennius, and Lucretius, final /s/ before a word beginning in a consonant did not make the preceding syllable heavy. By the Classical period this was felt to be somewhat of a marker of non-urban speech by Cicero.[11]
• /f/ was labiodental in Classical Latin, but it may have been bilabial [ɸ] in Old Latin,[12] or perhaps [ɸ] in free variation with [f]. Lloyd, Sturtevant, and Kent make this argument based on certain misspellings in inscriptions, the Proto-Indo-European phoneme *bʰ from which many instances of the Latin f descended (others are from *dʰ and *gʷʰ) and the way the sound appears to have behaved in Vulgar Latin, particularly in Spain.[13]
• In most cases /m/ was pronounced as a bilabial nasal. At the end of a word, however, it was generally lost beginning in Old Latin (except when another nasal or a plosive followed it), causing the preceding vowel to be lengthened and nasalized,[14] as in decem [ˈdɛ.kẽː] listen^ⓘ. In Old Latin inscriptions, final m is often omitted, as in viro for virom (virom) (Classical virum). It was frequently elided before a following vowel in Latin poetry, and it was lost without a trace (apart from lengthening, possibly) in the Romance languages,[15] except in monosyllabic words, where it's reflected as /n/ or its further developments.
• /n/ assimilated to /m/ before labial consonants as in impār, inpār [ˈɪm.paːr], to [ɱ] before /f/ (when present at all as opposed to representing nasalisation) and to [ŋ] before velar consonants, as in quīnque [ˈkᶣiːŋ.kᶣɛ] listen^ⓘ.[16] This assimilation, like most other Latin contact processes, occurred regardless of word boundaries, for instance between the preposition in and a following word: in causā [ɪŋ ˈkau̯.saː], in pāce [ɪm ˈpaː.kɛ],[17] as well as between two lexical words: nōmen mātris [ˈnoːmɛmˈmaːtrɪs].
• /ɡ/ assimilated to a velar nasal [ŋ] before /n/.[18] Allen and Greenough say that a vowel before [ŋn] is always long,[19] but W. Sidney Allen says that is based on an interpolation in Priscian, and the vowel was actually long or short depending on the root, as for example rēgnum [ˈreːŋ.nũː] from the root of rēx [reːks], but magnus [ˈmaŋ.nʊs] from the root of magis [ˈma.ɡɪs].[20] /ɡ/ probably did not assimilate to [ŋ] before /m/. The cluster /ɡm/ arose by syncope, as for example tegmen [ˈtɛɡ.mɛn] from tegimen. Original /ɡm/ developed into /mm/ in flamma, from the root of flagrō.[3] At the start of a word, original /gn/ was reduced to [n], and this change was reflected in the orthography in later texts: gnātus [ˈnaː.tʊs] became nātus, gnōscō [ˈnoː.skoː] became nōscō.
• In Classical Latin, the rhotic /r/ was most likely an alveolar trill [r]. Gaius Lucilius likens it to the sound of a dog, and later writers describe it as being produced by vibration. In Old Latin, intervocalic /z/ developed into /r/ (rhotacism), suggesting an approximant like the English [ɹ], and /d/ was sometimes written as /r/, suggesting a tap [ɾ] like Spanish single r.[21]
• /l/ was strongly velarized in syllable coda and probably somewhat palatalized when geminated or followed by /i(ː)/. In intervocalic position, it appears to have been velarized before all vowels except /i(ː)/.[22]
• /j/ generally appeared only at the beginning of words, before a vowel, as in iaceō /ˈja.ke.oː/, except in compound words such as adiaceō /adˈja.ke.oː/ listen^ⓘ. Between vowels, this sound was generally not found as a single consonant, only as doubled /jː/, as in cuius /ˈkuj.jus/ listen^ⓘ, except in compound words such as trāiectus /traːˈjek.tus/. This geminate /j:/ is sometimes marked in modern editions by a circumflex on the preceding vowel, e.g. cûius, êius, mâior, etc. The phoneme /j/ varied with /i/ in the same morpheme in iam /jam/ and etiam /ˈe.ti.am/, and in poetry, one could be replaced with the other for the purposes of meter.[23]
• /w/ was pronounced as an approximant until the first century AD, when /w/ and /b/ began to develop into fricatives. In poetry, /w/ and /u/ could be replaced with each other, as in /ˈsi.lu.a/ for silva /ˈsil.wa/ and /ˈɡen.wa/ for genua /ˈɡe.nu.a/. Unlike /j/, it was not doubled as /wː/ or /ww/ between vowels, except in Greek loanwords: cavē /ˈka.weː/, but Evander /ewˈwan.der/ from Εὔανδρος.[24]
• /h/ was apparently still pronounced in Classical Latin, but was probably voiced to [ɦ] between vowels and prone to loss in this environment already at an early stage (compare especially diribeō with rhotacism from *disibeō and earlier *dishibeō).[25]

• Doubled consonant letters, such as cc, ss, represented geminated (doubled or long) consonants: /kː sː/. In Old Latin, geminate consonants were written singly like single consonants, until the middle of the 2nd century BC, when they began to be doubled in writing.[note 3] Grammarians mention the marking of double consonants with the sicilicus, a diacritic in the shape of a sickle. This mark appears in a few inscriptions of the Augustan era.[26]
• c and k both represent the velar stop /k/; qu represents the labialized velar stop /kʷ/. The letters c and q distinguish minimal pairs between /ku/ and /kʷ/, such as cui /kui̯/ and quī /kʷiː/.[27] In Classical Latin, k appeared in only a few words, such as kalendae or Karthagō (but can also be spelled calendae and Carthagō respectively).[28]
• x represented the consonant cluster /ks/. In Old Latin, this sequence was also spelled as ks, cs, and xs. X was borrowed from the Western Greek alphabet, in which the letterform of chi (Χ) was pronounced as /ks/. In the standard Ionic alphabet, used for modern editions of Ancient Greek, on the other hand, Χ represented /kʰ/, and the letter xi (Ξ) represented /ks/.[29]
• In Old Latin inscriptions, /k/ and /ɡ/ were not distinguished. They were both represented by c before e and i, q before o and u, and k before consonants and a.[2] The letterform of c derives from Greek gamma Γ, which represented /ɡ/, but its use for /k/ may come from Etruscan, which did not distinguish voiced and voiceless plosives. In Classical Latin, c represented /ɡ/ only in c and cn, the abbreviations of the praenomina (first names) Gaius and Gnaeus.[28][30]
• The letter g was created in the third century BC to distinguish the voiced /ɡ/ from voiceless /k/.[31] Its letterform derived from c by the addition of a diacritic or stroke. Plutarch attributes this innovation to Spurius Carvilius Ruga around 230 BC,[2] but it may have originated with Appius Claudius Caecus in the fourth century BC.[32]
• The combination gn probably represented the consonant cluster [ŋn], at least between vowels, as in agnus [ˈaŋ.nʊs] listen^ⓘ.[14][33] Vowels before this cluster were sometimes long and sometimes short.[20]
• The digraphs ph, th, and ch represented the aspirated plosives /pʰ/, /tʰ/ and /kʰ/. They began to be used in writing around 150 BC,[31] primarily as a transcription of Greek phi Φ, theta Θ, and chi Χ, as in Philippus, cithara, and achāia. Some native words were later also written with these digraphs, such as pulcher, lachrima, gracchus, triumphus, probably representing aspirated allophones of the voiceless plosives near /r/ and /l/. Aspirated plosives and the glottal fricative /h/ were also used hypercorrectively, an affectation satirized in Catullus 84.[6][7]
• In Old Latin, Koine Greek initial /z/ and /zz/ between vowels were represented by s and ss, as in sona from ζώνη and massa from μᾶζα. Around the second and first centuries B.C., the Greek letter zeta Ζ was adopted to represent /z/ and /zz/.[10] However, the Vulgar Latin spellings z or zi for earlier di and d before e, and the spellings di and dz for earlier z, suggest the pronunciation /dz/, as for example ziomedis for diomedis, and diaeta for zeta.[34]
• In ancient times u and i represented the approximant consonants /w/ and /j/, as well as the close vowels /u(ː)/ and /i(ː)/.
• i representing the consonant /j/ was usually not doubled in writing, so a single i represented double /jː/ or /jj/ and the sequences /ji/ and /jːi/, as in cuius for *cuiius /ˈkuj.jus/, conicit for *coniicit /ˈkon.ji.kit/, and rēicit for *reiiicit /ˈrej.ji.kit/. Both the consonantal and vocalic pronunciations of i could occur in some of the same environments: compare māius /ˈmaj.jus/ with Gāius /ˈɡaː.i.us/, and Iūlius /ˈjuː.li.us/ with Iūlus /iˈuː.lus/. The vowel before a doubled /jː/ is sometimes marked with a macron, as in cūius. It indicates not that the vowel is long but that the first syllable is heavy from the double consonant.[23]
• v between vowels represented single /w/ in native Latin words but double /ww/ in Greek loanwords. Both the consonantal and vocalic pronunciations of v sometimes occurred in similar environments, as in genua [ˈɡɛ.nʊ.a] and silva [ˈsɪl.wa].[24][35]

The Latin vowel-space per Allen 1978, p. 47

Classical Latin had ten native phonemic monophthongs, five short /i e a o u/ and five long /iː eː aː oː uː/. Both sets were generally spelt the same, as ⟨i e a o u⟩. The long vowels /iː eː oː uː/ likely had qualities different from those of the corresponding short vowels[note 4] (see following section). Some loanwords from Greek had ⟨y⟩, which would have been pronounced as /y(ː)/ by educated speakers but approximated with the native vowels /i(ː)/ or /u(ː)/ by the less-educated.

The short mid and close vowels /i e o u/ were pronounced with a more open quality than their long counterparts: [ɛ], [ɔ], [ɪ], [ʊ]. This made /i u/ similar in quality to /eː oː/ (see illustration on the top right). Latin inscriptions often show graphic confusions of /i/ with /eː/ and /u/ with /oː/, as in:[36]

• ⟨trebibos⟩ for tribibus [ˈtrɪ.bɪ.bʊs]
• ⟨minsis⟩ for mensis [ˈmẽː.sɪs]
• ⟨sob⟩ for sub [sʊb]
• ⟨punere⟩ for pōnere [ˈpoː.næ.rɛ]

/e/ most likely had a more open allophone before /r/.[37]

/e/ and /i/ were probably pronounced closer when they occurred before another vowel, with e.g. mea written as ⟨mia⟩ in some inscriptions. Short /i/ before another vowel is often written with the so-called i longa, as in ⟨dꟾes⟩ for diēs, indicating that its quality was similar to that of long /iː/; it was almost never confused with e in this position.[38]

y was used in Greek loanwords with upsilon Υ. This letter represented the close front rounded vowel, both short and long: /y yː/.[39] Latin did not have this sound as a native phoneme, and speakers tended to pronounce such loanwords with /u uː/ in Old Latin and /i iː/ in Classical and Late Latin if they were unable to produce /y yː/.

An intermediate vowel sound (likely a close central vowel [ɨ] or possibly its rounded counterpart [ʉ]), called sonus medius, can be reconstructed for the classical period.[40] Such a vowel is found in documentum, optimus, lacrima (also spelled docimentum, optumus, lacruma) and other words. It developed out of a historical short /u/, later fronted by vowel reduction. In the vicinity of labial consonants, this sound was not as fronted and may have retained some rounding, thus being more similar if not identical to the unreduced short /u/ [ʊ].[41] The Claudian letter Ⱶ ⱶ was possibly invented to represent this sound, but is never actually found used this way in the epigraphic record (it usually served as a replacement for the upsilon).

Vowels followed by a nasal consonant were allophonically realised as long nasal vowels in two environments:[42]

• Before word-final m:[15]
  • monstrum /ˈmon.strum/ > [ˈmõː.strũː]
  • dentem /ˈden.tem/ > [ˈdɛn.tẽː]
• Before nasal consonants followed by a fricative:[17]
  • censor /ˈken.sor/ > [ˈkẽː.sɔr] (in early inscriptions, often written as cesor)
  • consul /ˈkon.sul/ > [ˈkõː.sʊɫ̪] (often written as cosol and abbreviated as cos)
  • inferōs /ˈin.fe.roːs/ > [ˈĩː.fæ.roːs] (written as iferos)

Those long nasal vowels had the same quality as ordinary long vowels. In Vulgar Latin, the vowels lost their nasalisation, and they merged with the long vowels (which were themselves shortened by that time). This is shown by many forms in the Romance languages, such as Spanish costar from Vulgar Latin cōstāre (originally constāre) and Italian mese from Vulgar Latin mēse (Classical Latin mensem). On the other hand, the short vowel and /n/ were restored, for example, in French enseigne and enfant from insignia and infantem (e is the normal development of Latin short i), likely by analogy with other forms beginning in the prefix in-.[43]

When a final -m occurred before a plosive or nasal in the next word, however, it was pronounced as a nasal at the place of articulation of the following consonant. For instance, tan dūrum [tan ˈduː.rũː] was written for tam dūrum in inscriptions, and cum nōbīs [kʊn ˈnoː.biːs] was a double entendre,[15] presumably for cunnō bis [ˈkʊnnoː bɪs].

ae, oe, au, ei, eu could represent diphthongs: ae represented /ae̯/, oe represented /oe̯/, au represented /au̯/, ei represented /ei̯/, and eu represented /eu̯/. ui sometimes represented the diphthong /ui̯/, as in cui listen^ⓘ and huic.[27] The diphthong ei mostly had changed to ī by the classical epoch; ei remained only in a few words such as the interjection hei.

If there is a tréma above the second vowel, both vowels are pronounced separately: aë [a.ɛ], aü [a.ʊ], eü [ɛ.ʊ] and oë [ɔ.ɛ]. However, disyllabic eu in morpheme borders is traditionally written without the tréma: meus [ˈmɛ.ʊs] 'my'.

In Old Latin, ae, oe were written as ai, oi and probably pronounced as [ai̯, oi̯], with a fully closed second element, similar to the final syllable in French travail^ⓘ. In the late Old Latin period, the last element of the diphthongs was lowered to [e],[44] so that the diphthongs were pronounced [ae̯] and [oe̯] in Classical Latin. They were then monophthongized to [ɛː] and [eː] respectively, starting in rural areas at the end of the Republican period.[note 5] The process, however, does not seem to have been completed before the 3rd century AD, and some scholars say that it may have been regular by the 5th century.[45]

Vowel and consonant length were more significant and more clearly defined in Latin than in modern English. Length is the duration of time that a particular sound is held before proceeding to the next sound in a word. In the modern spelling of Latin, especially in dictionaries and academic work, macrons are frequently used to mark long vowels: ⟨ā ē ī ō ū ȳ⟩, while the breve is sometimes used to indicate that a vowel is short: ⟨ă ĕ ĭ ŏ ŭ y̆⟩.

Long consonants were usually indicated through doubling, but ancient Latin orthography did not distinguish between the vocalic and consonantal uses of i and v. Vowel length was indicated only intermittently in classical sources and even then through a variety of means. Later medieval and modern usage tended to omit vowel length altogether. A short-lived convention of spelling long vowels by doubling the vowel letter is associated with the poet Lucius Accius. Later spelling conventions marked long vowels with an apex (a diacritic similar to an acute accent) or, in the case of long i, by increasing the height of the letter (long i); in the second century AD, those were given apices as well.[46] The Classical vowel length system faded in later Latin and ceased to be phonemic in Romance, having been replaced by contrasts in vowel quality. Consonant length, however, remains contrastive in much of Italo-Romance, cf. Italian nono "ninth" versus nonno "grandfather".[47]

A minimal set showing both long and short vowels and long and short consonants is ānus /ˈaː.nus/ ('anus'), annus /ˈan.nus/ ('year'), anus /ˈa.nus/ ('old woman').

The letters b, d, f, h, m, n are always pronounced as in English [b], [d], [f], [h], [m], [n] respectively, and they do not usually cause any difficulties. The exceptions are mentioned below:

Although some French and Italian scholars believe that the classical Latin accent was purely a pitch accent, which had no effect on the placing of words in a line of poetry, the view of most scholars is that the accent was a stress accent. One argument for this is that unlike most languages with tonal accents, there are no minimal pairs like ancient Greek φῶς (falling accent) "light" vs. φώς (rising accent) "man" where a change of accent on the same syllable changes the meaning.[53] Among other arguments are the loss of vowels before or after the accent in words such as discip(u)līna and sinist(e)ra; and the shortening of post or pre-accentual syllables in Plautus and Terence by brevis brevians, for example, scansions such as senex and voluptātem with the second syllable short.[54]

In Old Latin, as in Proto-Italic, stress normally fell on the first syllable of a word.[55] During this period, the word-initial stress triggered changes in the vowels of non-initial syllables, the effects of which are still visible in classical Latin. Compare for example:

• faciō 'I do/make', factus 'made'; pronounced /ˈfa.ki.oː/ and /ˈfak.tus/ in later Old Latin and Classical Latin.
• afficiō 'I affect', affectus 'affected'; pronounced /ˈaf.fi.ki.oː/ and /ˈaf.fek.tus/ in Old Latin following vowel reduction, /af.ˈfi.ki.oː/ and /af.ˈfek.tus/ in Classical Latin.

In the earliest Latin writings, the original unreduced vowels are still visible. Study of this vowel reduction, as well as syncopation (dropping of short unaccented syllables) in Greek loan words, indicates that the stress remained word-initial until around the time of Plautus, in the 3rd century BC.[56] The placement of the stress then shifted to become the pattern found in classical Latin.

In Classical Latin, stress changed. It moved from the first syllable to one of the last three syllables, called the antepenult, the penult, and the ultima (short for antepaenultima 'before almost last', paenultima 'almost last', and ultima syllaba 'last syllable'). Its position is determined by the syllable weight of the penult. If the penult is heavy, it is accented; if the penult is light and there are more than two syllables, the antepenult is accented.[57] In a few words originally accented on the penult, accent is on the ultima because the two last syllables have been contracted, or the last syllable has been lost.[58]

To determine stress, syllable weight of the penult must be determined. To determine syllable weight, words must be broken up into syllables.[59] In the following examples, syllable structure is represented using these symbols: C (a consonant), K (a stop), R (a liquid), and V (a short vowel), VV (a long vowel or diphthong).

Every short vowel, long vowel, or diphthong belongs to a single syllable. This vowel forms the syllable nucleus. Thus magistrārum has four syllables, one for every vowel (a i ā u: V V VV V), aereus has three (ae e u: VV V V), tuō has two (u ō: V VV), and cui has one (ui: VV).[60]

A consonant before a vowel or a consonant cluster at the beginning of a word is placed in the same syllable as the following vowel. This consonant or consonant cluster forms the syllable onset.[60]

• fēminae /feː.mi.nae̯/ (CVV.CV.CVV)
• uidēre /wi.deː.re/ (CV.CVV.CV)
• puerō /pu.e.roː/ (CV.V.CVV)
• beātae /be.aː.tae̯/ (CV.VV.CVV)
• grauiter /ɡra.wi.ter/ (CCV.CV.CVC)
• strātum /straː.tum/ (CCCVV.CVC)

After this, if there is an additional consonant inside the word, it is placed at the end of the syllable. This consonant is the syllable coda. Thus if a consonant cluster of two consonants occurs between vowels, they are broken up between syllables: one goes with the syllable before, the other with the syllable after.[61]

• puella /pu.el.la/ (CV.VC.CV)
• supersum /su.per.sum/ (CV.CVC.CVC)
• coāctus /ko.aːk.tus/ (CV.VVC.CVC)
• intellēxit /in.tel.leːk.sit/ (VC.CVC.CVVC.CVC)

There are two exceptions. A consonant cluster of a stop p t c b d g followed by a liquid l r between vowels usually goes to the syllable after it, although it is also sometimes broken up like other consonant clusters.[61]

• volucris /wo.lu.kris/ or /wo.luk.ris/ (CV.CV.KRVC or CV.CVK.RVC)

As shown in the examples above, Latin syllables have a variety of possible structures. Here are some of them. The first four examples are light syllables, and the last six are heavy. All syllables have at least one V (vowel). A syllable is heavy if it has another V or C (or both) after the first V. In the table below, the extra V or VC is bolded, indicating that it makes the syllable heavy.

Thus, a syllable is heavy if it ends in a long vowel or diphthong, a short vowel and a consonant, a long vowel and a consonant, or a diphthong and a consonant. Syllables ending in a diphthong and consonant are rare in Classical Latin.

The syllable onset has no relationship to syllable weight; both heavy and light syllables can have no onset or an onset of one, two, or three consonants.

In Latin a syllable that is heavy because it ends in a long vowel or diphthong is traditionally called syllaba nātūrā longa ('syllable long by nature'), and a syllable that is heavy because it ends in a consonant is called positiōne longa ('long by position'). These terms are translations of Greek συλλαβὴ μακρά φύσει (syllabḕ makrá phýsei = 'syllable long by nature') and μακρὰ θέσει (makrà thései = 'long by proposition'), respectively; therefore positiōne should not be mistaken for implying a syllable "is long because of its position/place in a word" but rather "is treated as 'long' by convention". This article uses the words heavy and light for syllables, and long and short for vowels since the two are not the same.[61]

In a word of three or more syllables, the weight of the penult determines where the accent is placed. If the penult is light, accent is placed on the antepenult; if it is heavy, accent is placed on the penult.[61] Below, stress is marked by placing the stress mark ⟨ˈ⟩ before the stressed syllable.

Iambic shortening or brevis brevians is vowel shortening that occurs in words of the type light–heavy, where the light syllable is stressed. By this sound change, words like egō, modō, benē, amā with long final vowel change to ego, modo, bene, ama with short final vowel.[62]

The term also refers to shortening of closed syllables following a short syllable, for example quid ĕst, volŭptātem, apŭd iudicem and so on. This type of shortening is found in early Latin, for example in the comedies of Plautus and Terence, but not in poetry of the classical period.

Modern usage, even for classical Latin texts, varies in respect of I and V. During the Renaissance, the printing convention was to use I (upper case) and i (lower case) for both vocalic /i/ and consonantal /j/, to use V in the upper case and in the lower case to use v at the start of words and u subsequently within the word regardless of whether /u/ and /w/ was represented.[64]

Many publishers (such as Oxford University Press) have adopted the convention of using I (upper case) and i (lower case) for both /i/ and /j/, and V (upper case) and u (lower case) for both /u/ and /w/.

An alternative approach, less common today, is to use i and u only for the vowels and j and v for the approximants.

Most modern editions, however, adopt an intermediate position, distinguishing between u and v but not between i and j. Usually, the non-vocalic v after q or g is still printed as u rather than v, probably because in this position it did not change from /w/ to /v/ in post-classical times.[note 6]

Textbooks and dictionaries usually indicate the length of vowels by putting a macron or horizontal bar above the long vowel, but it is not generally done in regular texts. Occasionally, mainly in early printed texts up to the 18th century, one may see a circumflex used to indicate a long vowel where this makes a difference to the sense, for instance, Româ /ˈroːmaː/ ('from Rome' ablative) compared to Roma /ˈroːma/ ('Rome' nominative).[65]

Sometimes, for instance in Roman Catholic service books, an acute accent over a vowel is used to indicate the stressed syllable. It would be redundant for one who knew the classical rules of accentuation and made the correct distinction between long and short vowels, but most Latin speakers since the 3rd century have not made any distinction between long and short vowels, but they have kept the accents in the same places; thus, the use of accent marks allows speakers to read a word aloud correctly even if they have never heard it spoken aloud.

Since around the beginning of the Renaissance period onwards, with the language being used as an international language among intellectuals, pronunciation of Latin in Europe came to be dominated by the phonology of local languages, resulting in a variety of different pronunciation systems. See the article Latin regional pronunciation for more details on those (with the exception of the Italian one, which is described in the section on Ecclesiastical pronunciation below).

When Latin words are used as loanwords in a modern language, there is ordinarily little or no attempt to pronounce them as the Romans did; in most cases, a pronunciation suiting the phonology of the receiving language is employed.

Latin words in common use in English are generally fully assimilated into the English sound system, with little to mark them as foreign, for example, cranium, saliva. Other words have a stronger Latin feel to them, usually because of spelling features such as the digraphs ae and oe (occasionally written as ligatures: æ and œ, respectively), which both denote /iː/ in English. The digraph ae or ligature æ in some words tend to be given an /aɪ/ pronunciation, for example, curriculum vitae.

However, using loan words in the context of the language borrowing them is a markedly different situation from the study of Latin itself. In this classroom setting, instructors and students attempt to recreate at least some sense of the original pronunciation. What is taught to native anglophones is suggested by the sounds of today's Romance languages, the direct descendants of Latin. Instructors who take this approach rationalize that Romance vowels probably come closer to the original pronunciation than those of any other modern language (see also the section below on "Derivative languages").

However, other languages—including Romance family members—all have their own interpretations of the Latin phonological system, applied both to loan words and formal study of Latin. But English, Romance, or other teachers do not always point out that the particular accent their students learn is not actually the way ancient Romans spoke.

Since the late 19th and early 20th centuries, an Italianate pronunciation of Latin has grown to be accepted as a universal standard in the Catholic Church. Before then, the pronunciation of Latin in church was the same as the pronunciation of Latin in other fields and tended to reflect the sound values associated with the nationality and native language of the speaker.[66] Other ecclesiastical pronunciations are still in use, especially outside the Catholic Church.

A guide to this Italianate pronunciation is provided below. Since the letters or letter-combinations b, d, f, m, n, ph, and v are pronounced as they are in English, they are not included in the table.

• Vowel length is not phonemic. As a result, the automatic stress accent of Classical Latin, which was dependent on vowel length, becomes a phonemic one in Ecclesiastical Latin. (Some Ecclesiastical texts mark the stress with an acute accent in words of three or more syllables.)
• Word-final m and n are pronounced fully, with no nasalization of the preceding vowel.

In his Vox Latina: A guide to the Pronunciation of Classical Latin, William Sidney Allen remarked that this pronunciation, used by the Catholic Church in Rome and elsewhere, and whose adoption Pope Pius X recommended in a 1912 letter to the Archbishop of Bourges, "is probably less far removed from classical Latin than any other 'national' pronunciation"; but, as can be seen from the table above, there are, nevertheless, very significant differences.[67] The introduction to the Liber Usualis indicates that Ecclesiastical Latin pronunciation should be used at Church liturgies.[68] The Pontifical Academy for Latin is the pontifical academy in the Vatican that is charged with the dissemination and education of Catholics in the Latin language.

Outside of Austria, Germany, Czechia and Slovakia, it is the most widely used standard in choral singing which, with a few exceptions like Stravinsky's Oedipus rex, is concerned with liturgical texts. Anglican choirs adopted it when classicists abandoned traditional English pronunciation after World War II. The rise of historically informed performance and the availability of guides such as Copeman's Singing in Latin has led to the recent revival of regional pronunciations.

Virgil's Aeneid, Book 1, verses 1–4. Quantitative metre (dactylic hexameter). Translation: "I sing of arms and the man, who, driven by fate, came first from the borders of Troy to Italy and the Lavinian shores; he [was] much afflicted both on lands and on the deep by the power of the gods, because of fierce Juno's vindictive wrath."

1. Traditional (19th century) English orthography

   Arma virúmque cano, Trojæ qui primus ab oris

   Italiam, fato profugus, Lavíniaque venit

   Litora; multùm ille et terris jactatus et alto

   Vi superum, sævæ memorem Junonis ob iram.

2. Modern orthography with macrons

   Arma virumque canō, Trōiae quī prīmus ab ōrīs

   Ītaliam, fātō profugus, Lāvīniaque vēnit

   Lītora; multum ille et terrīs iactātus et altō

   Vī superum, saevae memorem Iūnōnis ob īram.

3. Modern orthography without macrons

   Arma virumque cano, Troiae qui primus ab oris

   Italiam, fato profugus, Laviniaque venit

   Litora; multum ille et terris iactatus et alto

   Vi superum, saevae memorem Iunonis ob iram.

4. [Reconstructed] Classical Roman pronunciation

   [ˈar.ma wɪ|ˈrũː.kᶣɛ ˈka|noː ˈtroː|jae̯ kᶣiː |ˈpriː.mʊs‿a‖ˈb‿oː.riːs

   iː.ˈta.li|ãː ˈfaː|toː ˈprɔ.fʊ|ɡʊs laː|ˈwiː.nja.kᶣɛ ‖ˈweː.nɪt

   ˈliː.tɔ.ra | ˈmʊɫ.t(ᶣ)‿ɪl|l‿ɛt ˈtɛr|riːs jak|ˈtaː.tʊ.s‿ɛ‖ˈt.aɫ.toː

   wiː ˈsʊ.pæ|rũː ˈsae̯|wae̯ ˈmɛ.mɔ|rẽː juː|ˈnoː.nɪ.s‿ɔ‖ˈb‿iː.rãː]

Note the elisions in mult(um) and ill(e) in the third line. For a fuller discussion of the prosodic features of this passage, see Dactylic hexameter.

Some manuscripts have "Lāvīna" rather than "Lāvīnia" in the second line.

Beginning of Pange Lingua Gloriosi Corporis Mysterium by Thomas Aquinas (13th century). Rhymed accentual metre. Translation: "Extol, [my] tongue, the mystery of the glorious body and the precious blood, which the fruit of a noble womb, the king of nations, poured out as the price of the world."

1. Traditional orthography as in Roman Catholic service books (stressed syllable marked with an acute accent on words of three syllables or more).

   Pange lingua gloriósi

   Córporis mystérium,

   Sanguinísque pretiósi,

   quem in mundi prétium

   fructus ventris generósi

   Rex effúdit géntium.

2. Italianate ecclesiastical pronunciation (broadly transcribed):

   [ˈpand͡ʒe ˈliŋɡwa ɡlori'osi

   ˈkorporis misˈterium

   saŋɡwiˈniskwe pret͡si'osi

   kwem in ˈmundi ˈpret͡sium

   ˈfruktus ˈventris d͡ʒeneˈrosi

   reks efˈfudit ˈd͡ʒent͡sium]