African Union

The total population of the African Union, as of 2017, is estimated at more than 1.25 billion, with a growth rate of more than 2.5% p.a.[24]

Map showing the traditional language families represented in Africa (1996)

The official languages of the African Union are Arabic, English, French, Portuguese, Spanish, Swahili, and "any other African language".[25][7] The primary working languages of the African Union are English and French. To a lesser extent Portuguese and Arabic are used. The Constitutive Act, for example, is written in English, French and Arabic, while the protocol amending the Constitutive Act is written in English, French and Portuguese. As of 2020, the AU website is available in its entirety in English, partially in French and minimally in Arabic.[26] Portuguese and Swahili versions were added as "coming soon" (em breve) in April 2019.[27][28]

According to the Constitutive Act of the African Union,[29]

The working languages of the Union and all its institutions shall be, if possible, African languages, Arabic, English, French and Portuguese.

A protocol amending the Constitutive Act was adopted in 2003 and as of April 2020 has been ratified by 30 of the 37 member states needed for a two-thirds majority. It would change the above wording to,[30]

1. The official languages of the Union and all its institutions shall be Arabic, English, French, Portuguese, Spanish, Kiswahili and any other African language.
2. The Executive Council shall determine the process and practical modalities for the use of official languages as working languages.

Founded in 2001 under the auspices of the AU, the African Academy of Languages promotes the usage and perpetuation of African languages among African people. In 2004 Joaquim Chissano of Mozambique addressed the assembly in Swahili, but had to translate his words himself.[31] The AU declared 2006 the Year of African Languages.[32][33] 2006 also marked Ghana's 55th anniversary since it founded the Bureau of Ghana Languages originally known as Gold Coast Vernacular Literature Bureau.

•  Israel[42]
•  Kazakhstan[43]
•  Mexico[44]
•  Turkey[45]
•  United Arab Emirates[46]

The principal topic for debate at the July 2007 AU summit held in Accra, Ghana, was the creation of a Union Government,[51] with the aim of moving towards a United States of Africa. A study on the Union Government was adopted in late 2006,[52] and proposes various options for "completing" the African Union project. There are divisions among African states on the proposals, with some (notably Libya) following a maximalist view leading to a common government with an AU army; and others (especially the southern African states) supporting rather a strengthening of the existing structures, with some reforms to deal with administrative and political challenges in making the AU Commission and other bodies truly effective.[53]

Following a heated debate in Accra, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government agreed in the form of a declaration to review the state of affairs of the AU with a view to determining its readiness towards a Union Government.[54] In particular, the Assembly agreed to:

• Accelerate the economic and political integration of the African continent, including the formation of a Union Government of Africa;
• Conduct an audit of the institutions and organs of the AU; review the relationship between the AU and the RECs; find ways to strengthen the AU and elaborate a timeframe to establish a Union Government of Africa.

The declaration lastly noted the "importance of involving the African peoples, including Africans in the Diaspora, in the processes leading to the formation of the Union Government."

Following this decision, a panel of eminent persons was set up to conduct the "audit review". The review team began its work on 1 September 2007. The review was presented to the Assembly of Heads of State and Government at the January 2008 summit in Addis Ababa. No final decision was taken on the recommendations, however, and a committee of ten heads of state was appointed to consider the review and report back to the July 2008 summit to be held in Egypt.[55] At the July 2008 summit, a decision was once again deferred, for a "final" debate at the January 2009 summit to be held in Addis Ababa.

Euler diagram showing the relationships among various multinational African entities v • t • e

One of the key debates in relation to the achievement of greater continental integration is the relative priority that should be given to integration of the continent as a unit in itself or to integration of the sub-regions. The 1980 Lagos Plan of Action for the Development of Africa and the 1991 treaty to establish the African Economic Community (also referred to as the Abuja Treaty), proposed the creation of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) as the basis for African integration, with a timetable for regional and then continental integration to follow.[56]

Currently, there are eight RECs recognised by the AU, each established under a separate regional treaty. They are:

• the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU)
• the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA)
• the Community of Sahel-Saharan States (CEN-SAD)
• the East African Community (EAC)
• the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS)
• the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
• the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD)
• the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC)

The membership of many of the communities overlaps, and their rationalisation has been under discussion for several years—and formed the theme of the 2006 Banjul summit. At the July 2007 Accra summit the Assembly finally decided to adopt a Protocol on Relations between the African Union and the Regional Economic Communities.[57] This protocol is intended to facilitate the harmonisation of policies and ensure compliance with the Abuja Treaty and Lagos Plan of Action time frames.

In 2006, the AU decided to create a Committee "to consider the implementation of a rotation system between the regions" in relation to the presidency. Controversy arose at the 2006 summit when Sudan announced its candidacy for the AU's chairmanship, as a representative of the East African region. Several member states refused to support Sudan because of tensions over Darfur (see also below). Sudan ultimately withdrew its candidacy and President Denis Sassou-Nguesso of the Republic of the Congo was elected to a one-year term. At the January 2007 summit, Sassou-Nguesso was replaced by President John Agyekum Kufuor of Ghana, despite another attempt by Sudan to gain the chair. The year 2007 was the 50th anniversary of Ghana's independence, a symbolic moment for the country to hold the chair of the AU—and to host the mid-year summit at which the proposed Union Government was also discussed. In January 2008, President Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania took over as chair, representing the East African region and thus apparently ending Sudan's attempt to become chair—at least till the rotation returned to East Africa.[58] The current chair is Macky Sall, President of Senegal, whose term began on February 5, 2022.[59][60]

The main administrative capital of the African Union is in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, where the African Union Commission is headquartered. A new headquarters complex, the AU Conference Center and Office Complex (AUCC), was inaugurated on 28 January 2012, during the 18th AU summit.[66] The complex was built by China State Construction Engineering Corporation as a gift from the Chinese government, and accommodates, among other facilities, a 2,500-seat plenary hall and a 20-story office tower. The tower is 99.9 meters high to signify the date 9 September 1999, when the Organisation of African Unity voted to become the African Union.[67] The building cost US$200 million to construct.[68]

On 26 January 2018, five years after the completion of the building of the AU Headquarters, the French newspaper Le Monde[69] published an article stating that the Chinese government had heavily bugged the building, installing listening devices in the walls and furniture and setting up the computer system to copy data to servers in Shanghai daily.[68] The Chinese government denied that they bugged the building, stating that the accusations were "utterly groundless and ridiculous."[68] Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn rejected the French media report.[70] Moussa Faki Mahamat, head of the African Union Commission, said the allegations in the Le Monde's report were false. "These are totally false allegations and I believe that we are completely disregarding them."[71] The African Union replaced its Chinese-supplied servers and started encrypting its communications following the event.[72]

Many Caribbean nations have sought to deepen ties with the continent of Africa. The African Union-bloc has referred to the Caribbean as the potential "Sixth Region" of the African Union.[129] Some Caribbean states have already moved to join Africa institutions including Barbados which became a member of the African Export Import Bank.[130] And the Caribbean Development Bank signing a cooperation strategic partnership agreement with the African Development Bank (AfDB)[131]

One of the leading economic partners of the continent has been the People's Republic of China (PRC). The Forum on China–Africa Cooperation is the main multi-lateral coordination mechanism between the African countries and China.[132] Since joining FOCAC in 2012, the African Union has increasingly played a coordinating role, although each African country in FOCAC continues to represent itself individually.[133]

For the European Commission, the European Union's relationship with Africa is a key priority. The future Africa-EU partnership vision of the European Commission and the European External Action Service is outlined in the Joint Communication "Towards a Comprehensive Strategy with Africa". It proposes partnering on:[134][135]

• Green Transition and Energy Access
• Digital Transformation
• Sustainable Growth and Jobs[136][137]
• Peace, Security and Governance[137]
• Migration and Mobility[138]

On 2 December 2020, five Africa-Europe Foundation Strategy Groups were established in the areas of Health, Digital, Agriculture and Sustainable Food Systems, Sustainable energy and Transport and Connectivity. It was done together with a consortium comprising Friends of Europe, Mo Ibrahim Foundation and IPEMED.[139]

In regards to strengthening resilience, peace, security and governance, the African Union and the European Union recognize that resilience, peace, security and governance are all closely linked. Peace and security are important elements for sustainable development, prosperity and resilience of societies.[137] For ensuring peace and security, it had worked out the African Peace Facility.[140] This has been itself replaced in 2021 by the European Peace Facility.[141][142] The AU and EU are also partnering on promoting sustainable resources management, environmental resilience, and climate change mitigation[137] The Africa Adaptation Initiative is also being supported by the European Union.[143]

Russia hosted the first Africa-Russia heads-of-state summit on October 23-24, Representatives from all 54 African states, including 43 heads-of-state or government, attended the summit. The second summit is expected to be held this year, though the date and venue of the summit are not yet determined.[144]

African Union Representational Mission in Washington, D.C.

Turkey–Africa relations have gained substantial momentum since the declaration of Turkey as a strategic partner of the continent by the African Union in January 2008. Since 2008, various major summits and meetings have been taking place between Turkey and AU. The first summit was The Turkey–Africa Cooperation summit, Istanbul in August 2008.[145]

As of 2020, Turkey has embassies in 42 countries and commercial counselors in 26 countries on the Africa continent. Turkey's national flag carrier Turkish Airlines also flies to 35 destinations on the continent.

In 2017, Donald Trump, President of the United States, issued an executive order to ban citizens from seven countries with suspected links to terrorism from entering the United States. Three of these are African countries, and members of the AU. During the 28th African Union Summit in Ethiopia, African leaders criticised the ban[146] as they expressed their growing concerns for the future of the African economy under President Trump's leadership and subsequent policies.

The following table shows various data for AU member states, including area, population, economic output and income inequality, as well as various indices, including human development, viability of the state, perception of corruption, economic freedom, state of peace, freedom of the press and democratic level.

Country	Land Area (km2) 2015[149]	Population 2021[150][151]	GDP (PPP) (Intl. $) 2015[149]	GDP (PPP) per capita (Intl. $) 2015[149]	HDI 2014[152]	FSI 2016[153]	CPI 2016[154]	IEF 2016[155]	GPI 2016[156]	WPFI 2016[157]	DI 2016[158]
Algeria	2,381,741	44,177,969	548,293,085,686	13,823	0.736	78.3	34	50.06	2.21	41.69	3.56
Angola	1,246,700	34,503,774	173,593,223,667	6,938	0.532	90.5	18	48.94	2.14	39.89	3.40
Benin	112,760	12,996,895	21,016,184,357	1,932	0.48	78.9	36	59.31	2.00	28.97	5.67
Botswana	566,730	2,588,423	33,657,545,969	14,876	0.698	63.5	60	71.07	1.64	22.91	7.87
Burkina Faso	273,600	22,100,683	28,840,666,622	1,593	0.402	89.4	42	59.09	2.06	22.66	4.70
Burundi	25,680	12,551,213	7,634,578,343	300	0.4	100.7	20	53.91	2.50	54.10	2.40
Cape Verde	4,030	587,925	3,205,197,585	6,158	0.646	71.5	59	66.46	N/A	19.82	7.94
Cameroon	472,710	27,198,628	68,302,439,597	2,926	0.512	97.8	26	54.18	2.36	40.53	3.46
Central African Republic	622,980	5,457,154	2,847,726,468	581	0.35	112.1	20	45.23	3.35	33.60	1.61
Chad	1,259,200	17,179,740	28,686,194,920	2,044	0.392	110.1	20	46.33	2.46	40.59	1.50
Comoros	1,861	821,625	1,098,546,195	1,393	0.503	83.8	24	52.35	N/A	24.33	3.71
Congo, Democratic Republic of the	2,267,050	95,894,118	56,920,935,460	300	0.433		21	46.38	3.11	50.97	1.93
Congo, Republic of the	341,500	5,835,806	27,690,345,067	5,993	0.591	92.2	20	42.80	2.25	35.84	2.91
Djibouti	23,180	1,105,557	2,911,406,226	3,279	0.47	89.7	30	55.96	2.29	70.90	2.83
Egypt	1,010,407	109,262,178	1,173,000,000,000	10,250	0.69	90.2	34	55.96	2.57	54.45	3.31
Equatorial Guinea	28,050	1,634,466	32,317,928,931	38,243	0.587	85.2	N/A	43.67	1.94	66.47	1.70
Eritrea[159]	101,000	3,620,312	8,845,000,000b	600b	0.391	98.6	18	42.7	2.46	83.92	2.37
Eswatini	17,204	1,192,271	10,452,834,007	8,122	0.531	87.6	N/A	59.65	2.07	52.37	3.03
Ethiopia	1,104,300	120,283,026	152,057,290,468	1,530	0.442	97.2	34	51.52	2.28	45.13	3.60
Gabon	257,670	2,341,179	32,539,376,597	18,860	0.684	72	35	58.96	2.03	32.20	3.74
Gambia, The	10,120	2,639,916	3,140,820,062	1,578	0.441	86.8	26	57.14	2.09	46.53	2.91
Ghana	227,540	32,833,031	108,393,071,924	3,955	0.579	71.2	43	63.00	1.81	17.95	6.75
Guinea	245,720	13,531,906	14,316,884,358	1,135	0.411	103.8	27	53.33	2.15	33.08	3.14
Guinea-Bissau	28,120	2,060,721	2,521,743,682	1,367	0.42	99.8	16	51.81	2.26	29.03	1.98
Ivory Coast	318,000	27,478,249	74,916,780,423	3,300	0.462	97.9	34	60.01	2.28	30.17	3.81
Kenya	569,140	53,005,614	133,592,522,053	2,901	0.548	98.3	26	57.51	2.38	31.16	5.33
Lesotho	30,360	2,281,454	5,914,437,068	2,770	0.497	80.9	39	50.62	1.94	28.78	6.59
Liberia	96,320	5,193,416	3,533,313,381	500	0.43	95.5	37	52.19	2.00	30.71	5.31
Libya[160]	1,759,540	6,735,277	94,010,000,000b	14,900b	0.724	96.4	14	N/A	3.20	57.89	2.25
Madagascar	581,800	28,915,653	33,354,200,458	1,376	0.51	84.2	26	61.06	1.76	27.04	5.07
Malawi	94,280	19,889,742	19,137,290,349	1,112	0.445	87.6	31	51.8	1.82	28.12	5.55
Mali	1,220,190	21,904,983	33,524,899,739	1,905	0.419	95.2	32	56.54	2.49	39.83	5.70
Mauritania[161]	1,030,700	4,614,974	16,190,000,000b	4,400b	0.506	95.4	27	54.8	2.30	24.03	3.96
Mauritius	2,030	1,298,915	23,817,914,134	18,864	0.777	43.2	54	74.73	1.56	27.69	8.28
Morocco	446,300	37,076,584	257,398,957,178	7,365	0.628	74.2	37	61.27	2.09	42.64	4.77
Mozambique	786,380	32,077,072	31,326,751,237	1,120	0.416	87.8	27	53.19	1.96	30.25	4.02
Namibia	823,290	2,530,151	24,043,436,006	9,778	0.628	71.1	52	61.85	1.87	15.15	6.31
Niger	1,266,700	25,252,722	17,857,377,171	897	0.348	98.4	35	54.26	2.24	24.62	3.96
Nigeria	910,770	213,401,323	1,168,000,000,000	5,639	0.514	103.5	28	57.46	2.88	35.90	4.50
Rwanda	24,670	13,461,888	19,216,033,048	1,655	0.483	91.3	54	63.07	2.32	54.61	3.07
São Tomé and Príncipe	960	223,107	575,391,345	3,023	0.555	72.9	46	56.71	N/A	N/A	N/A
Senegal	192,530	16,876,720	34,398,281,018	2,274	0.466	83.6	45	58.09	1.98	27.99	6.21
Seychelles	460	106,471	2,384,515,771	25,525	0.772	60.2	N/A	62.2	N/A	30.60	N/A
Sierra Leone	72,180	8,420,641	9,511,431,824	1,474	0.413	91	30	52.31	1.81	29.94	4.55
Somalia[162]	627,340	17,065,581	5,900,000,000c	600c	N/A	114	10	N/A	3.41	65.35	N/A
South Africa	1,213,090	59,392,255	742,461,000,000	12,393	0.666	69.9	45	61.9	2.32	21.92	7.41
South Sudan	619,745	10,748,272	21,484,823,398	1,741	0.467	113.8	11	N/A	3.59	44.87	N/A
Sudan	1,886,086	45,657,202	165,813,461,495	4,121	0.479	111.5	14	N/A	3.27	72.53	2.37
Tanzania	885,800	63,588,334	130,297,806,032	2,510	0.521	81.8	32	58.46	1.90	28.65	5.76
Togo	54,390	8,644,829	10,018,697,437	1,372	0.484	85.8	32	53.64	1.95	30.31	3.32
Tunisia	155,360	12,262,946	121,200,025,401	10,770	0.721	74.6	41	57.55	1.95	31.60	6.40
Uganda	200,520	45,853,778	67,856,334,117	1,738	0.483	97.7	25	59.26	2.15	32.58	5.26
Western Sahara[163]	266,000	565,581	906,500,000d	2,500d	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A	N/A
Zambia	743,390	19,473,125	58,400,082,027	3,602	0.586	86.3	38	58.79	1.78	35.08	5.99
Zimbabwe	386,850	15,993,524	26,180,942,292	500	0.509	100.5	22	38.23	2.32	40.41	3.05
African Union	30,370,000	1,393,676,444	5,457,724,064,668	4,602	0.524d	88.99d	31.51d	55.55d	2.27	37.89	4.30
Country	Land Area (km2) 2015	Population 2021	GDP (PPP) (Intl. $) 2015	GDP (PPP) per capita (Intl. $) 2015	HDI 2014	FSI 2016	CPI 2016	IEF 2016	GPI 2016	WPFI 2016	DI 2016

^a External data from 2016. ^b External data from 2015. ^c External data from 2014. ^d AU total used for indicators 1 through 3; AU weighted average used for indicator 4; AU unweighted average used for indicators 5 through 12.

Emblem of the African Union

The emblem of the African Union consists of a gold ribbon bearing small interlocking red rings, from which palm leaves shoot up around an outer gold circle and an inner green circle, within which is a gold representation of Africa. The red interlinked rings stand for African solidarity and the blood shed for the liberation of Africa; the palm leaves, for peace; the gold, for Africa's wealth and bright future; the green, for African hopes and aspirations. To symbolise African unity, the silhouette of Africa is drawn without internal borders.[164]

The African Union adopted its new flag at its 14th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government taking place in Addis Ababa 2010. During the 8th African Union Summit which took place in Addis Ababa on 29 and 30 January 2007, the Heads of State and Government decided to launch a competition for the selection of a new flag for the Union. They prescribed a green background for the flag symbolising hope of Africa and stars to represent Member States.

Pursuant to this decision, the African Union Commission (AUC) organised a competition for the selection of a new flag for the African Union. The AUC received a total of 106 entries proposed by citizens of 19 African countries and 2 from the Diaspora. The proposals were then examined by a panel of experts put in place by the African Union Commission and selected from the five African regions for short listing according to the main directions given by the Heads of State and Government.[165]

At the 13th Ordinary Session of the Assembly, the Heads of State and Government examined the report of the Panel and selected one among all the proposals. The flag is now part of the paraphernalia of the African Union and replaces the old one.

The old flag of the African Union bears a broad green horizontal stripe, a narrow band of gold, the emblem of the African Union at the centre of a broad white stripe, another narrow gold band and a final broad green stripe. Again, the green and gold symbolise Africa's hopes and aspirations as well as its wealth and bright future, and the white represents the purity of Africa's desire for friends throughout the world. The flag has led to the creation of the "national colours" of Africa of gold and green (sometimes together with white). These colours are visible in one way or another in the flags of many African nations. Together the colours green, gold, and red constitute the Pan-African colours.

The African Union has adopted the anthem "Let Us All Unite and Celebrate Together".

Prevalence of HIV/AIDS in Africa, total (% of population ages 15–49), in 2011 (World Bank)

over 15%   5–15%   2–5%   1–2%   0.5–1%   0.1–0.5%   not available

The AU has been active in addressing the AIDS pandemic in Africa. In 2001, the AU established AIDS Watch Africa to coordinate and mobilise a continent-wide response.[172] Sub-Saharan Africa, especially southern and eastern Africa, is the most affected area in the world. Though this region is home to only 6.2% of the world's population, it is also home to half of the world's population infected with HIV.[173] While the measurement of HIV prevalence rates has proved methodologically challenging, more than 20% of the sexually active population of many countries of southern Africa may be infected, with South Africa, Botswana, Kenya, Namibia, and Zimbabwe all expected to have a decrease in life expectancy by an average of 6.5 years. The pandemic has had massive implications for the economy of the continent, reducing economic growth rates by 2–4% across Africa.[174]

In July 2007, the AU endorsed two new initiatives to combat the AIDS crisis, including a push to recruit, train and integrate two million community health workers into the continent's healthcare systems.[175]

In January 2012, the African Union Assembly requested that the African Union Commission would work out "a roadmap of shared responsibility to draw on African efforts for a viable health funding with support of traditional and emerging partners to address AIDS dependency response." Once created, the roadmap (as it is officially known) provided a group of solutions that would enhance the shared responsibility and global solidarity for AIDS, TB, and Malaria responses in Africa by 2015. The roadmap was organised into three pillars: diversified financing, access to medicines, and enhanced health governance. The roadmap held stakeholders accountable for the realisation of these solutions between 2012 and 2015.

The first pillar, diversified financing, ensures that countries begin to develop a country specific financial sustainability plans with clear targets, and identify and maximise opportunities to diversify funding sources in order to increase the domestic resource allocation to AIDS and other diseases.

The second pillar, access to affordable and quality-assured medicines, tries to promote and facilitate investing in leading medicine hub manufacturers in Africa, accelerate and strengthen medicine regulatory harmonisation, and create legislation that would help to protect the knowledge of the researchers who develop these life-saving medicines.

The third pillar, enhanced leadership and governance, tries to invest in programs that support people and communities to prevent HIV and ensure that leadership at all levels is mobilised to implement the roadmap. There are several organisations that will ensure the smooth implementation of the roadmap, including NEPAD, UNAIDS, WHO, and several other UN partners.[176]

By February 2021, the COVID-19 pandemic in Africa had resulted in 3.6 million confirmed cases and 89,000 related deaths, and only 25% of African countries have adequate plans for vaccination, according to the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC).[177] The pandemic has also devastated economies around the world, including in Africa.

Daniel Batidam, an anti-corruption advisory board member of the African Union, resigned after stating that the organisation had "multiple irregularities" and that "issues have come up over and over again" regarding corruption. The African Union quickly accepted his resignation, with Batidam saying that it was a sign that mismanagement towards corruption will "continue with business as usual".[178]

In a story published on 12 March 2020, AU staff alleged that Commission chairman Moussa Faki Mahamat was guilty of corruption and cronyism, as well as running of a "mafia-style cartel" that operates with impunity.[179] The allegations were contained in a memo leaked to the South African Mail & Guardian. This followed sexual harassment allegations raised in late 2018.

In 2011, when the conflict in Libya began, the African Union was initially criticised for doing little to prevent the conflict's escalation. Additionally, the AU hesitated to take a side. It was unclear whether the AU supported the Libyan regime or the rebels. This occurred as several human right violations were perpetrated against members of the Libyan regime. It was later realised that the AU's hesitation was due to its lack of capacity and its inability to engage in democratic reform.[180]

The AU attempted to mediate in the early stages of the 2011 Libyan civil war, forming an ad hoc committee of five presidents (Congolese President Denis Sassou Nguesso, Malian President Amadou Toumani Touré, Mauritanian President Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz, South African President Jacob Zuma, and Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni) to broker a truce.[181] However, the beginning of the NATO-led military intervention in March 2011 prevented the committee from traveling to Libya to meet with Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi.[182] As a body, the AU sharply dissented from the United Nations Security Council's decision to create a no-fly zone over Libya,[183] though a few member states, such as Botswana,[184] Gabon,[185] Zambia,[186] and others expressed support for the resolution.

As a result of Gaddafi's defeat at the Battle of Tripoli (the war's deciding battle), in August 2011, the Arab League voted to recognise the anti-Gaddafi National Transitional Council as the legitimate government of the country, pending elections.[187] The council has been recognised by several AU member states, including two Arab League members.[188][189] However, the AU Peace and Security Council voted on 26 August 2011 not to recognise it, insisting on a ceasefire and on the formation of a national unity government by both sides.[190] A number of AU member states led by Ethiopia, Nigeria, and Rwanda requested that the AU recognise the NTC as Libya's interim governing authority,[191][192] and several other AU member states have recognised the NTC regardless of the Peace and Security Council's decision.[193][194] However, AU member states Algeria[195] and Zimbabwe[196] have indicated they will not recognise the NTC, and South Africa has expressed reservations as well.[197]

On 20 September 2011, the African Union officially recognised the National Transitional Council as the legitimate representative of Libya.[198]

In post-Gaddafi Libya, the African Union believes it still has an important responsibility to the country despite its failure to contribute to the conflict when it originated. Although the African Union is there to keep peace, it is not a long-term solution. The goal, as stated by the AU, is to establish a Libyan government that is sustainable to ensuring peace in Libya. To achieve some level of peace in Libya, the AU has to moderate peace talks which are aimed at achieving compromises and power sharing accommodations as well.[180]

In response to the death of Gnassingbé Eyadéma, President of Togo, on 5 February 2005, AU leaders described the appointment of his son, Faure Gnassingbé, to the presidency to have been a military coup.[199] Togo's constitution calls for the speaker of parliament to succeed the president in the event of his death. By law, the parliament speaker must call national elections to choose a new president within sixty days. The AU's protest forced Gnassingbé to hold elections. Under heavy allegations of election fraud, he was officially elected president on 4 May 2005.

On 3 August 2005, a coup in Mauritania led the African Union to suspend the country from all organisational activities. The Military Council that took control of Mauritania promised to hold elections within two years.[200] These were held in early 2007, the first time that the country had held elections that were generally agreed to be of an acceptable standard. Following the elections, Mauritania's membership of the AU was restored. However, on 6 August 2008, a fresh coup overthrew the government elected in 2007. The AU once again suspended Mauritania from the continental body.[201] The suspension was once again lifted in 2009 after the military junta agreed with the opposition to organise elections.[202]

Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (formerly GSPC) area of operations

In March 2012, a military coup was staged in Mali, when an alliance of Touareg and Islamist forces conquered the north, resulting in a coming to power of the Islamists. This resulted in the deaths of hundreds of Malian soldiers and the loss of control over their camps and positions.[203] After a military intervention with help from French troops, the region was in control of the Malian army. To reinstall local authorities, the AU helped to form a caretaker government, supporting it and holding presidential elections in Mali in July 2013.[204]

In 2013, a summit for the African Union was held and it was decided that the African Union was going to enlarge their military presence in Mali. The AU decided to do this because of increasing tensions between al-Qaeda forces and the Mali army. There have been several rebel groups that are vying for control of parts of Mali. These rebel groups include the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), the National Front for the Liberation of Azawad (FLNA), Ganda Koy, Ganda Izo, Ansar ad-Din, and Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). AU forces have been tasked with counterinsurgency missions in Mali as well as governing presidential elections to ensure as smooth a transition of power as possible.[205]

A disputed election in December 2020 has led to intensification of the Central African Republic Civil War, displacing 200,000 people. United Nations peacekeepers, including soldiers from Russia and Rwanda, have kept the rebels out of Bangui, but rebels control much of the rest of the country. The AU has not sent peacekeepers to the areas because of a lack of agreement on how to handle the situation: Chad and Congo-Brazzaville support the rebels and France, Congo-Kinshasa has links to Russia; Rwanda and Angola support the government.[177]

The Tigray War in Ethiopia has left millions in need of humanitarian aid. Eritrean troops are said to be supporting the Ethiopian government, and there have been border conflicts with Sudan. The relationship between Sudan and Ethiopia is further complicated by the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam project, which also directly affects Egypt.[177]

South Sudanese independence referendum, 2011

In response to the ongoing Darfur conflict in Sudan, the AU has deployed 7,000 peacekeepers, many from Rwanda and Nigeria, to Darfur. While a donor's conference in Addis Ababa in 2005 helped raise funds to sustain the peacekeepers through that year and into 2006, in July 2006 the AU said it would pull out at the end of September when its mandate expires.[208] Critics of the AU peacekeepers, including Dr. Eric Reeves, have said these forces are largely ineffective due to lack of funds, personnel, and expertise. Monitoring an area roughly the size of France has made it even more difficult to sustain an effective mission. In June 2006, the United States Congress appropriated US$173 million for the AU force. Some, such as the Genocide Intervention Network, have called for UN or NATO intervention to augment and/or replace the AU peacekeepers. The UN has considered deploying a force, though it would not likely enter the country until at least October 2007.[209] The under-funded and badly equipped AU mission was set to expire on 31 December 2006 but was extended to 30 June 2007 and merged with the United Nations African Union Mission in Darfur in October 2007. In July 2009 the African Union ceased cooperation with the International Criminal Court, refusing to recognise the international arrest warrant it had issued against Sudan's leader, Omar al-Bashir, who was indicted in 2008 for war crimes.[210]

The AU struggled to have a strategic role in the independence talks and the reconciliation process of South Sudan, due to overwhelming interests of African and non-African powers, its influence is still limited and not consistent.[211]

Kenyan soldiers and fighters of the Ras Kamboni Brigades, a Somali government-allied militia, near Kismayo, Somalia, 2012

From the early 1990s up until 2000, Somalia was without a functioning central government. A peace agreement aimed at ending the civil war that broke out following the collapse of the Siad Barre regime was signed in 2006 after many years of peace talks. However, the new government was almost immediately threatened by further violence. In February 2007, the African Union (AU) and European Union (EU) worked together to establish the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). The purpose of AMISOM was to create a foundation that would hopefully provide aid to some of Somalia's most vulnerable and keep the peace in the region. They are tasked with everything from protecting federal institutions to facilitating humanitarian relief operations. Much of the AU's opposition comes from an Islamic extremist group named al-Shabaab.[212] To temporarily shore up the government's military base, starting in March 2007, AU soldiers began arriving in Mogadishu as part of a peacekeeping force that was intended by the AU to eventually be 8,000 strong.[213] Eritrea recalled its ambassadors to the African Union on 20 November 2009[214] after the African Union called on the United Nations Security Council to impose sanctions on them due to their alleged support of Somali Islamists attempting to topple the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, the internationally recognised government of Somalia which holds Somalia's seat on the African Union.[215] On 22 December 2009, the United Nations Security Council passed UNSCR 1907, which imposed an arms embargo on Eritrea, travel bans on Eritrean leaders, and asset freezes on Eritrean officials. Eritrea strongly criticised the resolution. In January 2011, Eritrea reestablished their mission to the AU in Addis Ababa.[216]

In the fall of 2011, AMISOM forces, along with Kenyan and Ethiopian forces, launched a set of offensive attacks on the al-Shabaab. In these attacks, AMISOM forces were able to reclaim key cities including the Somali capital of Mogadishu. In September 2013, political scientist Ethan Bueno de Mesquita argued that with the help of AMISOM forces, they had made it "nearly impossible for al-Shabaab to hold territory even in its former strongholds in southern Somalia". Although much progress has been made towards peace in the region, it should still be noted that African Union forces' still get attacked regularly. Despite AMISOM being effective, it is vastly underfunded and many forces lack the resources required. Funding for humanitarian relief and the formation of armies tends to be vastly undercut.[212]

A successful 2008 invasion of Anjouan by AU and Comoros forces to stop self-declared president Mohamed Bacar, whose 2007 re-election was declared illegal.[217] Prior to the invasion, France helped transport Tanzanian troops but their position in the disagreement was questioned when a French police helicopter was suspected of attempting to sneak Bacar into French exile.[218] The first wave of troops landed on Anjouan Bay on 25 March and soon took over the airfield in Ouani, ultimately aiming to locate and remove Bacar from office.[217] On the same day, the airport, capital, and second city were overrun and the presidential palace was deserted.[219] Bacar escaped and sought asylum in France. The Comoros government demanded his return, in order to determine his fate.[220] Many of Bacar's main supporters were arrested by the end of March, including Caabi El-Yachroutu Mohamed and Ibrahim Halidi. Bacar's asylum request was rejected on 15 May, as France agreed to cooperate with the Comoran government's demand.[221] At the 29 June elections, Moussa Toybou won the presidency.[222]

The sovereignty of the Chagos Archipelago in the Indian Ocean is disputed between the United Kingdom and Mauritius.[223] In February 2019, the International Court of Justice in The Hague issued an advisory opinion stating that the UK must transfer the Chagos Archipelago to Mauritius.[224] On 22 May 2019, the United Nations General Assembly debated and adopted a resolution that affirmed that the Chagos archipelago "forms an integral part of the territory of Mauritius."[225] The African Union urged the United Kingdom to comply with a UN resolution calling for it to withdraw from the Chagos Islands.[226] The UK does not recognise Mauritius' sovereignty claim over the Chagos Archipelago.[227]